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@article{Hargrave2021b,
author = {Hargrave, Lotte},
journal = {British Journal of Political Science},
number = {Forthcoming},
title = {{A Double Standard? Gender Bias in Voters' Perceptions of Political Arguments}},
year = {2022}
}
@article{Aries1983,
abstract = {101 college students were observed in small-group discussions to determine the degree to which a previously administered personality measure (the Dominance scale of the California Personality Inventory) would predict overt verbal and nonverbal behaviors. Results indicate that within all-male and all-female groups, scores on the Dominance scale exhibited only modest power to predict the frequency of any single behavior but were highly correlated with the overall pattern of dominance-related behaviors displayed by the Ss. In addition, situational influence was indicated by the negligible personality–behavior correlations obtained for both males and females in the mixed-sex discussion groups.},
author = {Aries, Elizabeth J. and Gold, Conrad and Weigel, Russell H.},
doi = {10.1037/0022-3514.44.4.779},
journal = {Journal of Personality and Social Psychology},
number = {4},
pages = {779--786},
title = {{Dispositional and situational influences on dominance behavior in small groups.}},
url = {http://content.apa.org/journals/psp/44/4/779},
volume = {44},
year = {1983}
}
@article{Shackelford1996,
abstract = {Social stereotypes of women as less instrumentally competent than men may lead to the expectation that women are unlikely to excel in task-performing groups. Because other group members do not perceive them as especially competent, their ideas are not judged credible and little attention is paid to their contributions. Two experiments examined ways in which women can surmount these barriers to influence in male-dominated task-performing groups: an initial demonstration of their specific skill at the task, a behavioral style that conveys a cooperative motivation, and a style that attracts others' attention to their high-quality solutions.},
author = {Shackelford, Susan and Wood, Wendy and Worchel, Stephen},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Shackelford, Wood, Worchel - 1996 - Behavioral Styles and the Influence of Women in Mixed-Sex Groups.pdf:pdf},
journal = {Social Psychology Quarterly},
number = {3},
pages = {284--293},
publisher = {Gender and Social Interaction},
title = {{Behavioral Styles and the Influence of Women in Mixed-Sex Groups}},
url = {https://www.jstor.org/stable/pdf/2787024.pdf?refreqid=excelsior{\%}3A1d11e0357d4cbac72ce57aee9ddbeda0},
volume = {59},
year = {1996}
}
@article{Jansen2011,
abstract = {By applying readability statistics to the Humphrey-Hawkins testimonies given by the Federal Reserve Chairman, it is tested whether the clarity of central bank communication affects volatility in financial markets. There are three results. First, when clarity matters, it has a diminishing effect on volatility. Second, clarity of communication matters mostly for volatility of medium-term interest rates. Third, the effects of clarity vary over time. Clarity mattered especially, but not exclusively during Alan Greenspan's Chairmanship. Overall, the analysis illustrates the importance of transparent communication on monetary policy. {\textcopyright} 2010 Western Economic Association International.},
author = {Jansen, David-Jan},
doi = {10.1111/j.1465-7287.2010.00238.x},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Jansen - 2011 - Does the clarity of central bank communication affect volatility in financial markets Evidence from Humphrey-Hawkins tes.pdf:pdf},
issn = {10743529},
journal = {Contemporary Economic Policy},
number = {4},
pages = {494--509},
title = {{Does the clarity of central bank communication affect volatility in financial markets? Evidence from Humphrey-Hawkins testimonies}},
volume = {29},
year = {2011}
}
@article{Annesley2015,
abstract = {This article investigates the factors that drive governments to pay attention to gender equality issues and place them upon executive agendas. In line with studies of the dynamics of issue attention, which demonstrate the importance of investigating variability in the attention policy makers give to issue demands across policy domains, this article argues that policy issues related to gender equality are multidimensional and patterns in executive attention vary across the different types of gender issues. Multidimensionality of gender equality issues reflects different dynamics in agenda-setting as different issues invoke contrasting constellations of political representation, institutional friction and veto points. To investigate this variation, this article proposes a twofold distinction between class-based and status-based gender equality issues and assesses the validity of three sets of explanations for when gender issues succeed in reaching executive agendas: women in politics, party ideology and economic performance. Drawing on governmental attention datasets from the Comparative Agendas Project, a systematic comparative quantitative analysis of the determinants of gender equality issue attention in five Western European countries is conducted. The main findings confirm that the mechanisms through which different types of gender equality issues gain executive attention differ according to the kind of the gender equality demand. Costly class-based gender equality issues are more likely to receive executive attention when the economy is performing well, when there is a strong presence of Social Democrats and when there is a high proportion of female MPs. In contrast, economic performance, party politics and women's parliamentary presence do not seem to exert any impact on status-based issues. Instead, critical actors in the government seem to be the strongest driver for attention over this second type of gender equality issue. This study contributes a gendered dimension to the policy agendas scholarship, adding theoretical and empirical depth to the understanding of how non-core issues secure their place on full governmental agendas. By focusing on how to secure governmental attention for gender equality issues, the article makes a major contribution to understanding the initial genesis of gender equality policies.},
author = {Annesley, Claire and Engeli, Isabelle and Gains, Francesca},
doi = {10.1111/1475-6765.12095},
file = {:Users/lotte/Dropbox/PhD/topic{\_}project/lit/European J Political Res - 2015 - Annesley - The profile of gender equality issue attention in Western Europe.pdf:pdf},
issn = {14756765},
journal = {European Journal of Political Research},
keywords = {Agendas,Gender equality,Representation},
number = {3},
pages = {525--542},
title = {{The Profile of Gender Equality Issue Attention in Western Europe}},
volume = {54},
year = {2015}
}
@article{Weinberg2020,
abstract = {Public faith in politicians and associated systems of governance is desperately low. At the same time, public opinion of politicians is characterized by a vernacular of psychological accusations pertaining to greed, self-interest and careerism. This article tests the verity of these claims by comparing quantitative data on the Basic Human Values (Schwartz 1992) of 106 UK Members of Parliament (MPs) and 134 unsuccessful parliamentary candidates with data collected from the British public in the seventh wave of the European Social Survey. It explores (a) how politicians differ psychologically from those they govern and (b) how personality characteristics such as basic values inform candidate emergence. The study finds that politics is a profession few 'ordinary' people care to enter. MPs attribute significantly more importance to Self-Transcendence values than the comparatively conservative population they govern, but the relative importance they ascribe to Power values seems to have an equally strong predictive effect on candidate emergence.},
author = {Weinberg, James},
doi = {10.1017/S0007123419000814},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Weinberg - 2020 - Who Wants To Be a Politician Basic Human Values and Candidate Emergence in the United Kingdom.pdf:pdf},
journal = {British Journal of Political Science},
keywords = {basic values,candidate emergence,political ambition,politicians},
number = {4},
pages = {1565--1581},
title = {{Who Wants To Be a Politician? Basic Human Values and Candidate Emergence in the United Kingdom}},
volume = {51},
year = {2021}
}
@unpublished{Burgess2016,
abstract = {State legislatures introduce at least 45,000 bills each year. However, we lack a clear understanding of who is actually writing those bills. As legislators often lack the time and staff to draft each bill, they frequently copy text written by other states or interest groups. However, existing approaches to detect text reuse are slow, biased, and incomplete. Journalists or researchers who want to know where a particular bill originated must perform a largely manual search. Watchdog organizations even hire armies of volunteers to monitor legislation for matches. Given the time-consuming nature of the analysis, journalists and researchers tend to limit their analysis to a subset of topics (e.g. abortion or gun control) or a few interest groups. This paper presents the Legislative Influence Detector (LID). LID uses the Smith-Waterman local alignment algorithm to detect sequences of text that occur in model legislation and state bills. As it is computationally too expensive to run this algorithm on a large corpus of data, we use a search engine built using Elasticsearch to limit the number of comparisons. We show how LID has found 45,405 instances of bill-to-bill text reuse and 14,137 instances of model-legislation-to-bill text reuse. LID reduces the time it takes to manually find text reuse from days to seconds.},
author = {Burgess, Matthew and Giraudy, Eugenia and Katz-Samuels, Julian and Walsh, Joe and Propublica, Derek Willis and Haynes, Lauren and Ghani, Rayid},
doi = {10.1145/2939672.2939697},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Burgess et al. - 2016 - The Legislative Influence Detector Finding Text Reuse in State Legislation.pdf:pdf},
isbn = {9781450342322},
keywords = {Government Transparency,Ma-chine Learning,Social Good,Text Reuse},
title = {{The Legislative Influence Detector: Finding Text Reuse in State Legislation}},
url = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1145/2939672.2939697},
year = {2016}
}
@misc{Rea2019,
author = {Rea, Ailbhe},
booktitle = {New Statesman},
title = {{Nicky Morgan's resignation shows the real reason so many MPs are stepping down}},
url = {https://tinyurl.com/y46aaun2},
year = {2019}
}
@article{Smith2021,
author = {Smith, Jessica C.},
journal = {British Politics},
pages = {1--22},
title = {{Masculinity and Femininity in Media Representations of Party Leadership Candidates: Men “Play the Gender Card” Too}},
year = {2021}
}
@article{Hall2016,
abstract = {Models of behavior on the U.S. Supreme Court almost universally assume that the justices' behavior depends on the characteristics of the individual justices. However, few prior studies have attempted to measure the justices' individual characteristics beyond their ideological preferences. In contrast, we apply recent advances in machine learning to measure the "Big Five" personality traits of U.S. Supreme Court justices serving during the 1946 through 2015 terms based on the language in their written opinions. We then conduct an empirical application to demonstrate the importance of these Supreme Court Individual Personality Estimates (SCIPEs) in predicting the justices' behaviors. Word Count (including text, notes, and references): 2,988},
author = {Hall, Matthew E K. and Hollibaugh, Gary E. and Klingler, Jonathan D. and Ramey, Adam J.},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Hall et al. - 2016 - Attributes Beyond Attitudes Measuring Personality Traits on the U.S. Supreme Court.pdf:pdf},
title = {{Attributes Beyond Attitudes Measuring Personality Traits on the U.S. Supreme Court}},
year = {2016}
}
@incollection{Inglehart2007,
address = {Oxford},
author = {Inglehart, Ronald},
booktitle = {The Oxford Handbook of Political Behavior},
editor = {Dalton, Russell J. and Klingemann, Hans-Dieter},
pages = {223--239},
publisher = {Oxford University Press},
title = {{Postmaterialist Values and the Shift from Survival to Self-Expression Values}},
year = {2007}
}
@article{Rheault2016,
abstract = {An impressive breadth of interdisciplinary research suggests that emotions have an influence on human behavior. Nonetheless, we still know very little about the emotional states of those actors whose daily decisions have a lasting impact on our societies: politicians in parliament. We address this question by making use of methods of natural language processing and a digitized corpus of text data spanning a century of parliamentary debates in the United Kingdom. We use this approach to examine changes in aggregate levels of emotional polarity in the British parliament, and to test a hypothesis about the emotional response of politicians to economic recessions. Our findings suggest that, contrary to popular belief, the mood of politicians has become more positive during the past decades, and that variations in emotional polarity can be predicted by the state of the national economy.},
annote = {Methods
- Methods of natural language processing and a digitised corpus of text data spanning a century of parliamentary debates in the UK
- Use this approach to examine changes in aggregate levels of emotional polarity in the British parliament 

Findings
- The mood of politicians has become more positive during the past decades

Not particularly useful},
author = {Rheault, Ludovic and Beelen, Kaspar and Cochrane, Christopher and Hirst, Graeme},
doi = {10.1371/journal.pone.0168843},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Rheault et al. - 2016 - Measuring Emotion in Parliamentary Debates with Automated Textual Analysis(2).pdf:pdf},
isbn = {1111111111},
journal = {PLoS ONE},
number = {12},
pages = {1--18},
title = {{Measuring Emotion in Parliamentary Debates with Automated Textual Analysis}},
url = {https://github.com/lrheault/emotion},
volume = {11},
year = {2016}
}
@article{vanAtteveldt2008,
abstract = {Analysis of political communication is an important aspect of political research. Thematic content analysis has yielded considerable success both with manual and automatic coding, but Semantic Network Analysis has proven more difficult, both for humans and for the computer. This article presents a system for an automated Semantic Network Analysis of Dutch texts. The system automatically extracts relations between political actors based on the output of syntactic analysis of Dutch newspaper articles. Specifically, the system uses pattern matching to find source constructions and determine the semantic agent and patient of relations, and name matching and anaphora resolution to identify political actors. The performance of the system is judged by comparing the extracted relations to manual codings of the same material. Results on the level of measurement indicate acceptable performance. We also estimate performance at the levels of analysis by using a case study of media authority, resulting in good correlations between the theoretical variables derived from the automatic and manual analysis. Finally, we test a number of substantive hypotheses with regression models using the automatic and manual output, resulting in highly similar models in each case. This suggests that our method has sufficient performance to be used to answer relevant political questions in a valid way.},
author = {{Van Atteveldt}, Wouter and Kleinnijenhuis, Jan and Ruigrok, Nel},
doi = {10.1093/pan/mpn006},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Van Atteveldt, Kleinnijenhuis, Ruigrok - 2008 - Parsing, Semantic Networks, and Political Authority Using Syntactic Analysis to Extract.pdf:pdf},
journal = {Political Analysis},
pages = {428--446},
title = {{Parsing, Semantic Networks, and Political Authority Using Syntactic Analysis to Extract Semantic Relations from Dutch Newspaper Articles}},
url = {https://doi.org/10.1093/pan/mpn006},
volume = {16},
year = {2008}
}
@article{Jacobi2017,
abstract = {Oral arguments at the Supreme Court are important — they affect case outcomes and constitute the only opportunity for outsiders to directly witness the behavior of the justices of the highest court. This Article studies how the justices compete to have influence at oral argument, by examining the extent to which the Justices interrupt each other; it also scrutinizes how advocates interrupt the Justices, contrary to the rules of the Court. We find that judicial interactions at oral argument are highly gendered, with women being interrupted at disproportionate rates by their male colleagues, as well as by male advocates. Oral argument interruptions are also highly ideological, not only because ideological foes interrupt each other far more than ideological allies do, but we show that conservatives interrupt liberals more frequently than vice versa. Seniority also has some influence on oral arguments, but primarily through the female justices learning over time how to behave more like male justices, avoiding traditionally female linguistic framing in order to reduce the extent to which they are dominated by the men. We use two separate databases to examine how robust these findings are: a publicly available database of Roberts Court oral arguments, and another that we created, providing in-depth analysis of the 1990, 2002, and 2015 Terms. This latter data allows us to see whether the same patterns held when there were one, two, and three female justices on the Court, respectively. These two sets of analyses allow us to show that the effects of gender, ideology, and seniority on interruptions have occurred fairly consistently over time. It also reveals that the increase in interruptions over time is not a product of Justice Scalia's particularly disruptive style, as some have theorized, nor of the political polarization in the country generally arising from the 1994 Republican Revolution. We also find some evidence that judicial divisions based on legal methodology, as well as ideology, lead to greater interruptions.},
annote = {- Find that female justices are interrupted considerably more than male justices 
- But seniority interacts interestingly with this: over time on the bench women 'learn' to be more like men in their conversational style 

Empirical analysis:
- regression analysis of the Roberts Court yields strong evidence for all three of our hypotheses - i.e. that interruptions are gendered, ideological, and affected, albeit to a lesser extent, by seniority 
- Data for 2004-2015 derived from algorithmic analysis, which was validated by hand-coding. Ran a computer algorithm that searches for '--' which indicates an 'interuptee', then examined who was speaking next as the 'interupter'
- (p. 1437) Women were speaking in numbers proportional to their numbers; the same cannot be said for interruptions 
- "But the fact that Ginsburg and O'Connor are interrupted far less than Kagan and Sotomayor, as seen in both Table 4 and Table 5, suggests that seniority may in fact mitigate some of the effect of gender."
- (p. 1439) "That means that, from 2011 onward, effectively the women are being interrupted at approximately two times the rate of the men."
- (p. 1440) Over time women have become increasingly more interrupted than men 
- (p. 1442) So, there is some difference in how quickly the Justices are interrupted, with women being interrupted somewhat more quickly. But significantly, most interruptions for all Justices happen early in a person's speech. That means that being slow to get to the substance of a question would make it particularly easy to interrupt a speaker. Thus, common use of the ‘female register'—saying “sorry,” “excuse me,” “may I ask,” “could I ask,” or beginning with the name of the advocate before asking a question —could be very significant in the rate at which speakers are interrupted.
- (p. 1443) "Three of the four women who have served on the Court show clear downward trends in their use of polite prefatory phrasing. Justices O'Connor, Ginsburg, and Kagan have each approximately halved their uses of polite language. Very few of the men show similar patterns—the male Justices' usage rates overwhelmingly have flat slopes that indicate little change in behavior."
- "Furthermore, as women adapt their behavior,
their rates of polite language usage approach those of men—thus women really are learning to behave more like men."
- (p. 1443) "Reducing use of polite prefatory phrasing does not completely prevent interruptions nor does it reduce the disparity between the interruptions of male and female Justices. Women continue to be interrupted more than men, and Justice Sotomayor is interrupted despite her rapid minimal use of this language. Nonetheless, this adaptive response may reduce interruptions, and the graph shows the women are definitely learning. Both Justices O'Connor and Ginsburg were interrupted less over time, even as interruptions increased. This suggests Justice Kagan would be wise to continue learning the lesson that her more senior female colleagues have learned."
- (p. 1448) "Overall, our descriptive analysis: (1) provides strong confirmation of a gender effect; (2) indicates a very weak seniority effect, albeit in the direction predicted and suggesting that seniority may nonetheless be relevant by giving women time to learn techniques to overcome a large gender effect; and (3) lends support for an ideological effect."
- (p. 1451) "In all of the regression models, gender is statistically significant. Being a woman makes it more likely that, any time a Justice speaks, she will be interrupted."
- (p. 1458) "As Figure 14 demonstrates, the effect is stark: even without controlling for the fact that women have made up for between only 11{\%} and 33{\%} of the justices on the Court, they are interrupted more often than their male counterparts. On average women constituted 22{\%} of the Court, yet 54{\%} of interruptions were directed at them."

Conclusion:
- (p. 1483) Findings clearly show women are interrupted at a markedly higher rate during oral arugments than men 
- Both male justices and advocates interrupt women more frequently than they interrupt other men 
- Women are more likely to be the interruptee, while men are more likely to be the interrupter. 
},
author = {Jacobi, Tonja and Schweers, Dylan},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Jacobi, Schweers - 2017 - Justice, Interrupted The Effect of Gender, Ideology, and Seniority at Supreme Court Oral Arguments.pdf:pdf},
journal = {Virginia Law Review},
title = {{Justice, Interrupted: The Effect of Gender, Ideology, and Seniority at Supreme Court Oral Arguments}},
year = {2017}
}
@article{Prentice2002,
abstract = {This article presents a four-category framework to characterize the contents of prescriptive gender stereotypes. The framework distinguishes between prescriptions and proscriptions that are intensified by virtue of one's gender, and those that are relaxed by virtue of one's gender. Two studies examined the utility of this framework for characterizing prescriptive gender stereotypes in American society (Study 1) and in the highly masculine context of Princeton University (Study 2). The results demonstrated the persistence of traditional gender prescriptions in both contexts, but also revealed distinct areas of societal vigilance and leeway for each gender. In addition, they showed that women are seen more positively, relative to societal standards, than are men. We consider the implications of this framework for research on reactions to gender stereotype deviants and sex discrimination.},
author = {Prentice, Deborah A. and Carranza, Erica},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Prentice, Carranza - 2002 - What Women and Men Should Be, Shouldn't Be, Are Allowed To Be, and Don't Have To Be The Contents of Prescrip.pdf:pdf},
journal = {Psychology of Women Quarterly},
pages = {269--281},
title = {{What Women and Men Should Be, Shouldn't Be, Are Allowed To Be, and Don't Have To Be: The Contents of Prescriptive Gender Stereotypes}},
volume = {26},
year = {2002}
}
@article{Fox1998,
author = {Fox, Richard L. and Smith, Eric R. A. N.},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Fox, Smith - 1998 - The Role of Candidate Sex in Voter Decision-Making.pdf:pdf},
journal = {Political Psychology},
number = {2},
pages = {405--419},
title = {{The Role of Candidate Sex in Voter Decision-Making}},
volume = {19},
year = {1998}
}
@book{Dietrich2017,
abstract = {Significant attention has been devoted to understanding gender dynamics across a variety of contexts, including in boardrooms and in academia. We examine one place where unstructured conversation among elite male and female political actors takes place-the U.S. Supreme Court. We do so by investigating both verbal and non-verbal cues. Non-verbal cues, such as changing the tone of one's voice, not only structure interactions by signaling substantive content such as dominance, but also largely occur below conscious awareness. Looking at 33 years of Supreme Court oral arguments, we find, consistent with other studies on gender dynamics, that male Justices are more likely to talk over and to interrupt female Justices and female lawyers. Specifically, male Supreme Court Justices increase their vocal pitch when questioning, or being questioned by, female Justices and lawyers, a signal consistent with an unwillingness to yield the floor. We further present evidence that these emotionally unbalanced interactions have downstream consequences. Specifically, when female Justices and lawyers are talked over in this fashion, they then become more reticent to participate. * Comments and suggestions welcome. We are grateful to Lee Epstein and Joseph Smith, and conference participants at MPSA for helpful feedback. Authors' names listed in alphabetical order.},
annote = {The methods in the rhetoric of parliamentary speech paper are more interesting I think. Not sure that vocal pitch necessarily means what they imply it means

Annoying that they don't look at participation decline afterwards, that would be more interesting},
author = {Dietrich, Bryce J. and Enos, Ryan D. and Sen, Maya},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Dietrich, Enos, Sen - 2017 - Gender Dynamics in Elite Political Contexts Evidence from Supreme Court Oral Arguments.pdf:pdf},
publisher = {Working Paper},
title = {{Gender Dynamics in Elite Political Contexts: Evidence from Supreme Court Oral Arguments}},
year = {2017}
}
@article{Immerzeel2015,
abstract = {It is common wisdom in radical right research that men are over-represented among the radical right electorate. We explore whether a radical right gender gap exists across 12 Western European countries and examine how this gap may be explained. Using the European Values Study (2010), we find a radical right gender gap that remains substantial after controlling for socioeconomic and political characteristics. However, our results indicate strong cross-national variation in the size of the gap. Explanations for these differences are explored by looking at the outsider image and the populist discourse style of the radical right parties, which are hypothesised to keep women from voting for the radical right. Our results do not confirm this expectation: differences in party characteristics do not account for cross-national differences in the gender gap. Implications of these findings and suggestions for further research are discussed.},
author = {Immerzeel, Tim and Coff{\'{e}}, Hilde and {Van Der Lippe}, Tanja},
doi = {10.1057/cep.2013.20},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Immerzeel, Coff{\'{e}}, Van Der Lippe - 2015 - Explaining the gender gap in radical right voting A cross-national investigation in 12 Western.pdf:pdf},
issn = {1740388X},
journal = {Comparative European Politics},
keywords = {cross-national,gender,party characteristics,radical right},
number = {2},
pages = {263--286},
title = {{Explaining the gender gap in radical right voting: A cross-national investigation in 12 Western European countries}},
volume = {13},
year = {2015}
}
@article{Hohmann2021a,
abstract = {What are the political conditions affecting male MPs' willingness to represent women's interests in parliament? This paper explores the role of electoral vulnerability in this regard and analyzes whether male MPs' re-election prospects affect their likelihood of paying attention to women's concerns. Theoretically, we expect that male MPs are not blamed if they do not represent women's interests but can gain additional credit for doing so. Thus, male MPs should be more likely to speak on behalf of women if their electoral vulnerability is high and if they need to win additional votes to be re-elected. Empirically, the paper analyzes the representation of women's issues in the British House of Commons, by using Early Day Motions tabled preceding the General Elections in 2001, 2005, 2010 and 2015. The results show that male MPs are more likely to represent women's interests when their re-election is at risk.},
author = {H{\"{o}}hmann, Daniel and Nugent, Mary},
doi = {10.1111/1475-6765.12472},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/H{\"{o}}hmann, Nugent - 2021 - Male MPs, electoral vulnerability and the substantive representation of women's interests(2).pdf:pdf},
issn = {14756765},
journal = {European Journal of Political Research},
keywords = {Representation,electoral vulnerability,gender,male MPs,women's interests},
number = {Forthcoming},
publisher = {Blackwell Publishing Ltd},
title = {{Male MPs, electoral vulnerability and the substantive representation of women's interests}},
year = {2021}
}
@article{Beyer1997,
author = {Beyer, Sylvia and Bowden, Edward M.},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Beyer, Bowden - 1997 - Gender Differences in Self-Perceptions Convergent Evidence From Three Measures of Accuracy and Bias.pdf:pdf},
journal = {Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin},
number = {2},
pages = {157--172},
title = {{Gender Differences in Self-Perceptions: Convergent Evidence From Three Measures of Accuracy and Bias}},
volume = {23},
year = {1997}
}
@article{Bauer2021,
author = {Bauer, Nichole M. and Kalmoe, Nathan P. and Russell, Erica B.},
doi = {10.1111/pops.12737},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Bauer, Kalmoe, Russell - 2021 - Candidate Aggression and Gendered Voter Evaluations.pdf:pdf},
journal = {Political Psychology},
keywords = {aggression,and republican montana congressional,at president obama,campaign strategy,candidate,common in political cam-,female candidates,gender stereotypes,in the american context,incivility,incivility and aggression among,joe wilson gained no-,paigns,political candidates are increasingly,south carolina republican representative,toriety for yelling,you lie},
number = {1},
pages = {23--43},
title = {{Candidate Aggression and Gendered Voter Evaluations}},
volume = {43},
year = {2022}
}
@article{Schneider2014c,
abstract = {A candidate's gender affects vote choice, but the manner in which candidates can influence the effects of their gender is not well understood. I address candidates' strategies based on gender stereotypes, that is, how voters are influenced by rhetoric that is either consistent (gender-reinforcing) or inconsistent (gender-bending) with gender stereotypes. These strategic choices are particularly important because of women's underrepresentation in American politics. Employing an experimental design, I found that male and female candidates who used gender-bending rhetoric were able to overturn stereotypes by persuading and priming voters. Male candidates were particularly successful. This was contrary to prior findings that consistency-at least in terms of party-is a superior strategy. These results have important implications for understanding how gender stereotypes evolve throughout a campaign to influence voters. {\textcopyright} 2014 Copyright Taylor and Francis Group, LLC.},
author = {Schneider, Monica C.},
doi = {10.1080/1554477X.2014.863697},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Schneider - 2014 - The Effects of Gender-Bending on Candidate Evaluations(2).pdf:pdf},
issn = {1554477X},
journal = {Journal of Women, Politics and Policy},
keywords = {campaign strategy,candidate Web sites,candidate sex,gender stereotypes,women candidates},
number = {1},
pages = {55--77},
title = {{The Effects of Gender-Bending on Candidate Evaluations}},
volume = {35},
year = {2014}
}
@book{Eagly2007,
address = {Boston},
author = {Eagly, Alice and Carli, Linda L.},
publisher = {Harvard Business Review},
title = {{Through the Labyrinth: The Truth about How Women Become Leaders}},
year = {2007}
}
@article{Johnson1989,
author = {Johnson, Richard A. and Schulman, Gary I.},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Johnson, Schulman - 1989 - Gender-Role Composition and Role Entrapment in Decision-Making Groups.pdf:pdf},
journal = {Gender {\&} Society},
number = {3},
pages = {355--372},
title = {{Gender-Role Composition and Role Entrapment in Decision-Making Groups}},
volume = {3},
year = {1989}
}
@article{Godbout2015,
abstract = {What explains the development of legislative party voting unity? Evidence from the United States and Britain indicate that partisan sorting, cohort replacement effects, electoral incentives, and agenda control contributed to enhancing party cohesion during the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. Here, these mechanisms are evaluated by analysing a dataset containing all the recorded votes from the Canadian House of Commons, 1867-2011. Overall, we find that partisan sorting and the government's ability to control the agenda are central to the consolidation of parties over time. Our results underscore the need to integrate institutional rules and legislative agendas into models of parliamentary voting behaviour and suggest that strict party discipline can lead to the development of a multi-party system in the legislative arena. The emergence of permanently organized and disciplined political parties represents one of the most important developments in the history of modern parliaments. 1 While there is a vast literature on the influence of parties in the legislative arena today, we lack a clear understanding of how party org1anizations transform over time. Scholars generally agree that as the influence of representative assemblies increased during the nineteenth century, a number of countries began experiencing major political changes that prompted lawmakers to modify their behaviour in the legislature. As a result, parties became increasingly unified, primarily in response to the extension of suffrage and the modernization of the legislative process. 2 Although previous research appears to suggest a direct relationship between parliamentary organization and electoral politics, we find a wide range of competing theories to explain the emergence of party cohesion in the legislative arena. 3 Thus far, scholars have claimed that several different factors, such as the centralization of the leadership structure or the changing ideological preferences of members (either through replacement or socialization), have contributed to an increased number of partisan votes in the British Parliament and American Congress throughout the nineteenth century. 4 And while this trend has been observed in many other established democracies since then, empirical studies of these older cases are scarce and},
author = {Godbout, Jean-Fran{\c{c}}ois and H{\o}yland, Bj{\o}rn},
doi = {10.1017/S0007123415000368},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Godbout, H{\o}yland - 2015 - Unity in Diversity The Development of Political Parties in the Parliament of Canada, 1867-2011.pdf:pdf},
journal = {British Journal of Political Science},
pages = {545--569},
publisher = {Scarrow},
title = {{Unity in Diversity? The Development of Political Parties in the Parliament of Canada, 1867-2011}},
url = {http://journals.cambridge.org/action/displayJournal?jid=JPS.Datareplicationsetsareavailableathttp://dataverse.harvard.edu/dataverse/BJPolS.Onlineappendicesareavailableathttp://dx.doi.org/},
volume = {47},
year = {2015}
}
@article{Bauer2022,
abstract = {We draw on research from gender stereotypes and mass communication to develop and test an innovative theoretical framework of implicit and explicit gender framing. This framework delineates how and when coverage in newspapers will report on female candidates differently than male candidates. Implicit gender frames subtly draw on masculine stereotypes to reinforce patriarchal power structures through their coverage of political candidates. Explicit gender frames are the overtly sexist “hair, hemlines, and husband” coverage women receive more frequently relative to men. We argue that the print news media will be more likely to rely on implicit gender frames to elucidate differences between women and men running for political office. Using an exhaustive content analysis of Senate campaign news coverage, we find important differences in the coverage of women and men running against one another. We also find the use of explicit gender frames to be especially common in all-female races. These differences in coverage, especially in all-women contests, can perpetuate stereotypic beliefs that women lack the qualifications needed for political office among voters, and stymie women's progress toward parity in representation.},
author = {Bauer, Nichole M. and Taylor, Tatum},
doi = {10.1177/10659129221086024},
file = {:Users/lotte/Dropbox/projects/productivity{\_}experiment/lit/10659129221086024.pdf:pdf},
isbn = {1065912922108},
issn = {1065-9129},
journal = {Political Research Quarterly},
keywords = {campaigns,candidacy for the 2020,democratic,elizabeth warren became the,female candidates,gender bias,gender stereotypes,in january 2019,media bias,news coverage,person to declare her,political communication,very fi rst},
number = {Forthcoming},
pages = {1--15},
title = {{Selling them Short? Differences in News Coverage of Female and Male Candidate Qualifications}},
year = {2022}
}
@article{Mchugh1997,
author = {Mchugh, Maureen C. and Frieze, Irene Hanson},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Mchugh, Frieze - 1997 - The Measurement of Gender-Role Attitudes A Review and Commentary.pdf:pdf},
journal = {Psychology of Women Quurterly},
pages = {1--16},
title = {{The Measurement of Gender-Role Attitudes: A Review and Commentary }},
volume = {21},
year = {1997}
}
@article{Lowande2019,
author = {Lowande, Kenneth and Ritchie, Melinda and Lauterbach, Erinn},
doi = {10.1111/ajps.12443},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Lowande, Ritchie, Lauterbach - 2019 - Descriptive and Substantive Representation in Congress Evidence from 80,000 Congressional Inquirie.pdf:pdf},
number = {00},
pages = {1--16},
title = {{Descriptive and Substantive Representation in Congress: Evidence from 80,000 Congressional Inquiries}},
volume = {00},
year = {2019}
}
@article{Krupnikov2016b,
abstract = {A good deal of scholarship examines the effects of prejudice against blacks on public opinion and vote choice in the United States. Despite producing valuable insights, this research largely ignores the attitudes of Latinos-a critical omission, since Latinos constitute a rapidly growing share of the population. Using two nationally representative survey data sets, we find that the level of racial prejudice is comparable for Latinos and non-Hispanic whites. Equally comparable are associations between prejudice and political preferences: policy opinion and support for Obama in the 2008 presidential election. Our findings suggest that despite demographic changes, efforts to enact policies intended to assist blacks and elect black candidates will continue to be undermined by prejudice. That said, Latinos are more likely than non-Hispanic whites to support policies intended to assist blacks, because Latinos are more Democratic than non-Hispanic whites, more egalitarian, and less committed to the value of limited government.},
author = {Krupnikov, Yanna and Piston, Spencer},
doi = {10.1093/poq/nfw013},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Krupnikov, Piston - 2016 - The Political Consequences of Latino Prejudice Against Blacks.pdf:pdf},
journal = {Public Opinion Quarterly},
number = {2},
pages = {480--509},
title = {{The Political Consequences of Latino Prejudice Against Blacks}},
url = {https://academic.oup.com/poq/article-abstract/80/2/480/2588828},
volume = {80},
year = {2016}
}
@article{McDermott1997,
author = {McDermott, Monika L.},
file = {:Users/lotte/Dropbox/PhD/style{\_}experiment/lit/2111716.pdf:pdf},
journal = {American Journal of Political Science},
number = {1},
pages = {270--283},
title = {{Voting Cues in Low-Information Elections: Candidate Gender as a Social Information Variable in Contemporary United States Elections}},
volume = {41},
year = {1997}
}
@article{Collignon2021,
abstract = {Recently, the issue of harassment and intimidation of women in politics in long-established democracies has become a source of concern. Current research emphasizes that while women may be more frequently attacked, not all incidents of abuse against women in politics are of a gendered nature. This finding prompts further questions such as are women more frequently targeted because they are women and does such targeting inhibit women from fully participating in political campaigning? Using data from the Representative Audit of Britain's survey of candidates contesting the 2019 General Election, this study shows that harassment has a negative electoral effect for women, even while controlling for the visibility of the candidate. This article argues that the harassment of women candidates in the UK is gendered, both in its motives and outcomes as it forces women to modify their campaign activities in ways that diminish their chances of gaining office. Our findings contribute to the theoretical and empirical understanding of violence towards women in politics and gendered political violence.},
author = {Collignon, Sofia and R{\"{u}}dig, Wolfgang},
doi = {10.1080/17457289.2021.1968413},
file = {:Users/lotte/Dropbox/PhD/topic{\_}project/lit/Increasing the cost of female representation The gendered effects of harassment abuse and intimidation towards Parliamentary candidates in the UK.pdf:pdf},
issn = {17457297},
journal = {Journal of Elections, Public Opinion and Parties},
number = {4},
pages = {429--449},
title = {{Increasing the Cost of Female Representation? The Gendered Effects of Harassment, Abuse and Intimidation Towards Parliamentary Candidates in the UK}},
volume = {31},
year = {2021}
}
@book{OKeefe1990,
address = {Newbury Park, CA},
author = {O'Keefe, D. J.},
publisher = {SAGE},
title = {{Persuasion: Theory and Research}},
year = {1990}
}
@article{Bird2005,
abstract = {This article explores MPs' use of parliamentary questions to address gender-related concerns. Thediscussion is based upon a sample of oral and written questions asked during the 1997/1998 parliamentary session. All questions including the terms ‘women', ‘men' and/or ‘gender' wereselected. Using quantitative analysis, the first part of the article examines which MPs asked thesequestions. The second part uses qualitative approaches to explore the content of such oral parlia-mentary questions. The article finds that women MPs were more likely than their male colleaguesto refer to ‘women' and ‘gender' in both written and oral questions. Male members were moreinclined to refer to ‘men' than their female colleagues. Whilst the questions address a wide rangeof concerns, MPs shared a common understanding of which issues should be linked to ‘women'.Representations of wo/manhood, however, upheld conservative gender roles and risked essential-ising sexual categories. The discussion has relevance for questions of women's political represen-tation that have become increasingly topical and significant since the increase of female MPs in 1997.},
annote = {{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 353) Coded for questions including the terms ‘women', ‘men', and/or ‘gender' – used quantitative analysis 
{\textperiodcentered}      Also used qualitative techniques to explore the content of such oral questions 
{\textperiodcentered}      “The article finds that women MPs were more likely than their male colleagues to refer to ‘women' and ‘gender' in both written and oral questions. Male members were more inclined to refer to ‘men' than their female colleagues.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “Empirical research has confirmed expectations that women would act to represent women: in interviews, female MPs identified a set of issues that they regard as ‘women's issues' (Bochel and Briggs 2000; Childs 2000) and expressed a readiness to ‘act for' women (Childs 2002 and 2004). Survey analysis has shown that female MPs, in comparison to their male colleagues, share a greater concern for women's interests (Norris 2000; Lovenduski and Norris 2003).” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 354) “Anne Philips (1998), for example, maintains that women occupy a district position in society with specific needs and interests. Men cannot adequately represent these and so the election of women is needed to ensure their representation.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “‘Gendering' parliamentary questions refers to members' use of written and oral questions to identify and explore political issues in relation to women and/or men (on the concept of gender see Squires 1999).” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “This study is based upon 85 oral and 562 written questions asked during the 1997/1998 parliamentary session.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “Based upon content analysis (see Holsti 1969), this method provides a way to examine members' use of these terms (Silverman 2001). This allows us to consider discursive constructions of sexual categories and members' representations of wo/manhood.”
{\textperiodcentered}      “Men were responsible for asking 69 per cent of all written questions in the sample. This is not surprising given that 82 per cent of MPs in the 1997-2001 House were male, but it means that women asked a higher proportion of questions in relation to the number of seats they occupied.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 358) “In keeping with the findings from this data set, just under a third of all female parliamentarians asked an oral question featuring at least one of these terms (see Table 1). Women MPs asked the vast majority of such questions (75 per cent). Only 4 per cent of male MPs asked an oral question including ‘women', ‘men' and/or ‘gender', amounting to 25 per cent of the sample.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 359) “Men seldom mentioned the term ‘women' in questions asked in the chamber and made no references to ‘gender'. This differed from written questions where male and female MPs asked similar proportions of questions referring to ‘gender' and men contributed 65 per cent of all questions including ‘women'.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “A significantly higher proportion of female members, in all parties, asked an oral question referring to the term ‘women' compared with their male counterparts.”
{\textperiodcentered}      “Female members did not only associate ‘women' with traditionally ‘feminine' departments but also addressed their questions to policy areas conventionally identified as ‘masculine'.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “Male questioners, it seems, located ‘women' and ‘men' within traditional political areas, reflecting the stereotypical separation of men's and women's spheres in society at large.”
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 366) “Due to the small size of the sample, the findings offer necessarily provisional conclusions but are nonetheless significant.”},
author = {Bird, Karen},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Bird - 2005 - Gendering Parliamentary Questions.pdf:pdf},
journal = {British Journal of Politics and International Relations},
number = {1},
pages = {353--370},
title = {{Gendering Parliamentary Questions}},
volume = {7},
year = {2005}
}
@article{Ashe2017,
abstract = {No established liberal democracy has achieved sex balance in its national legislature. Scholars agree skewed candidate pools put forward by parties during elections cause sex-disproportionate seat distribution, but disagree as to whether disproportionality is caused by too few women aspirant candidates coming forward (supply) or party selectors preferring men (demand). This paper uses a multistage method to explore supply and demand during the British Labour party's candidate selection process. Rare data from three elections and 4622 aspirants allow for an unobstructed look inside the secret garden of politics and reveal the party is not fully feminized insofar that women aspirants are disproportionally filtered out of its selection process and are disproportionally underrepresented in its candidate pool. Testing reveals a lack of selector demand for women aspirants has a greater impact on women's underrepresentation than an undersupply of women aspirants, a finding which supports using sex quotas to level imbalanced candidate slates.},
author = {Ashe, Jeanette},
doi = {10.1017/S0008423917000300},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Ashe - 2017 - Women's Legislative Underrepresentation Enough Come Forward, (Still) Too Few Chosen.pdf:pdf},
issn = {17449324},
journal = {Canadian Journal of Political Science},
number = {2},
pages = {597--613},
title = {{Women's Legislative Underrepresentation: Enough Come Forward, (Still) Too Few Chosen}},
volume = {50},
year = {2017}
}
@book{Best1990,
address = {Beverly Hills, LA},
author = {Best, Deborah L. and Williams, John E.},
publisher = {Sage},
title = {{Measuring Sex Stereotypes: A Thirty-Nation Study}},
year = {1990}
}
@unpublished{Barbera2016,
abstract = {Machine learning methods have made possible the classification of large corpora of text by measures such as topic, tone, and ideology. However, even when using dictionary-based methods that require few inputs by the analyst beyond the text itself, many decisions must be made before a measure of any kind is produced from the text. When coding media the analyst must decide on the universe of media sources to sample from, as well as the criteria for selecting articles for coding from within that universe. If utilizing a supervised learning method, the method of generating training data presents many decisions: the unit of analysis to code, choice of coders, number of articles or units to code, number of coders per unit, and method of dealing with multiple codings of a single object. In this paper we consider the many decisions made by the analyst in using machine learning to classify media texts-using as a running example efforts to measure the tone (positive, negative, neutral) of newspaper coverage of the economy-and highlight our key findings throughout. In particular, we show that the decision of how to choose the corpus matters a great deal. We also introduce coder variance as a simple but novel measure of coder quality, and we demonstrate that this concept can be used to illustrate the varying returns to using multiple coders versus larger sample sizes in construction of a training dataset optimized for best classifier production. Finally, we introduce Classifer Training Using Multiple Codings, an improved method of utilizing multiple codings of individual objects, and demonstrate through simulation that it outperforms alternatives.},
author = {Barber{\'{a}}, Pablo and Linn, Suzanna and Mcmahon, Ryan and Nagler, Jonathan},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Barber{\'{a}} et al. - 2016 - Methodological Challenges in Estimating Tone Application to News Coverage of the U.S. Economy.pdf:pdf},
title = {{Methodological Challenges in Estimating Tone: Application to News Coverage of the U.S. Economy}},
url = {https://pdfs.semanticscholar.org/8b52/9b50b6bad5d3e3e59e1ab187c6de26dec86b.pdf},
year = {2016}
}
@article{Lovenduski2012a,
abstract = {This article contends that Prime Minister's Questions (PMQs) are a political ritual that supports a gender regime in the House of Commons. After a brief description of PMQs their context and nature are discussed from the standpoints of participants and observers. Then new evidence of the attitudes of MPs and the public is presented in which differences between women and men are analysed and discussed. These findings challenge the notion that PMQs are off-putting to the public, especially women, but show that many MPs are ambivalent, women more than men. The conclusions discuss these unexpected findings and assess their significance to the political representation of women and the nature of parliamentary politics.},
annote = {{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 314) “This article contends that Prime Minister's Questions (PMQs) are a political ritual that supports a gender regime in the House of Commons.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      Journalism on PMQs outnumbers academic accounts and “is responsible for a body of largely unchallenged received wisdom” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 315) “Journalists' views are shared by women MPs and feminist observers of parliament, who contend that the occasion is particularly off-putting to women, so much so that they explain women's relatively lower levels of interests in politics and also their reluctance to become parliamentarians” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “PMQs have a crucial political representation dimension because they underpin a widely accepted socially exclusive definition of what politics is, and of who and what it takes to become a politician” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 316) “While there are many parliamentary rituals, PMQs is especially interesting for several reasons. PMQs are both a high profile party competition and a well-known accountability instrument, the highlight of the oral questions to ministers that are a daily centre point of parliamentary life” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 317) “Rituals are a means of control, part of the mechanisms that may privilege certain kinds of masculinity, thereby sending a strong symbolic message to women that politicians are men who have repertoires of behaviour that are not available to women (and some men).” 
{\textperiodcentered}      PMQs “are symbolic, emblematic of the Westminster model of politics” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 318) “It is one of the rituals that socialises MPs (Rush and Giddings, 2011) and helps to maintain the status quo, an observation that resonates with Luke's concerns about the uncritical understanding of political rituals” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “Parliamentary questions are a game of party politics, of conflict played between government and opposition, but the opening moves are low key.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 319) “PMQs tend to be gladiatorial, having reportedly acquired a ‘Punch and Judy' character in the 1970s as a result of the confrontations between Harold Wilson and Edward Heath, who disliked each other” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 320) “PMQs is one of the best attended sessions in the House, which will be full for the occasion and the galleries are crammed. 
{\textperiodcentered}      “Newspapers and the new media cover the occasion closely, often using the language of sporting events and recording goals scored.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “The noise levels are notoriously high.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 321) “There are frequent reports of sexism and aggression toward women MPs on these occasions, especially widely reported in the first parliament after 1997 (Sones et al. 2005)” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “It has long been argued that the ritual diminishes rather than enhances the representative function of the House of Commons, and is said to go down badly with the public who are ever more disengaged with politics” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 322) Political rituals have always been gendered, “today's parliamentary rituals were devised by men and reflect the particular masculinities that were politically successful in the parliaments of the nineteenth century” 
{\textperiodcentered}      Rituals “support a high valuation of aggressive, confrontational behaviour” and a rudeness “that is culturally coded as masculine and is not well accepted for women” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “they take place in a setting from which women MPs were once routinely excluded, in which they are still a relatively small minority, and where they may be subjected to sexism in the form of taunts and even harassment” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 323) “Gender regimes are established and maintained through constantly repeated processes of exclusion that underpin inequalities between women and men.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “For example, in the United Kingdom and elsewhere, political leadership is often discussed in terms of military discourses in which war, battle, strength and victory are invoked” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 324) “Women MPs are subject to conflicting pressures. They are expected both to conform to institutional norms and to display acceptable feminine characteristics (Puwar 2004). However, they must not be too feminine. Women are required to perform a finely tuned and difficult act that balances masculinity and femininity.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “Puwar's work describes the effects that the entry of women has in a political institution set up and ritualised by men.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 325) “Other examples are the press discussion of Jacqui Smith's cleavage (this referring to its appearance in question time itself) and Theresa May's ‘kitten heels'.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “Such sexism is damaging because it trivialises women and underlines their outsider status.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 326) “Deliberate sexism is not the only obstacle to women. Arguably, the everyday expectations of parliamentary performance disadvantage women MPs.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 328) “Even when not apparently sexist the rules may still be classified as traditionally masculine. The standard repertoires of adversarial politics are characteristic of behaviour that is more acceptable for men than women.”  
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 329) Karen Bird (2005) examined parliamentary questions during 1997-1998, and identified 647 oral and written questions that mentioned the term ‘women', ‘men' or ‘gender' – supports findings that “women MPs ‘feminise' politics” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 330) “Some MPs (both women and men) are ambivalent about PMQs.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “Most understand that both men and women are daunted (if not terrified) by the procedure but reckon that the performance requirements are better suited to men.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 331) “Similarly, when asked about her widely publicised conventionally adversarial performance opposite William Hague when taking PMQs on 8 July 2009, Harriet Harman stated that she had no choice but to follow the conventions when she took PMQs because she knew that was what her party wanted. ‘I had to do it that way', she said (28 October 2011)” http://www2.warwick.ac.uk/fac/soc/pais/research/researchcentres/cpd/gcrp 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 332) “In aggregate, the 158 responses indicated that MPs had a positive view of PMQs.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      31{\%} thought PMQs were an old fashioned ritual that gives the public a poor impression of parliament 
{\textperiodcentered}      “Women MPs were more negative than men.”
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 335) “Among the public women were significantly more likely than men to hold positive evaluations of PMQs.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “The research so far shows that the gender regime in the House of Commons is very evident at PMQs.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “Women MPs say they would prefer substantive political discussions to confrontational argument, a view that may well be shared by their male colleagues.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 336) There is plenty of evidence that sexist practices continue. For example, Cameron's ‘calm down dear' and ‘frustrated' remarks to Nadine Dorries (for which the PM later apologised), the Kenneth Clarke rape comment controversy, the recent row about efforts to cancel the international women's day debate (disapproved of by some commentators as a ritual debate) and the fall in the numbers of women in government and cabinet positions may be an indicator of recidivism. The press are unrepentantly sexist. As recently as April 2011, The Telegraph ran a ‘whose boobs are these?' item using photos of a woman MP sitting behind Ed Miliband during PMQs.},
author = {Lovenduski, Joni},
doi = {10.1057/9781137361912_7},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Lovenduski - 2012 - Prime Minister's Questions as Political Ritual.pdf:pdf},
isbn = {9781137361912},
issn = {1746918X},
journal = {British Politics},
keywords = {gender,parliament,political ritual,prime minister,s questions,women},
number = {4},
pages = {314--340},
title = {{Prime Minister's Questions as Political Ritual}},
volume = {7},
year = {2012}
}
@book{Rosenthal1998,
abstract = {This is a study of the different leadership styles of men and women in American politics.},
author = {Rosenthal, Cindy Simon},
edition = {Oxford},
isbn = {9780195115413},
publisher = {Oxford University Press},
title = {{When Women Lead: Integrative Leadership in State Legislatures}},
year = {1998}
}
@article{Russell2016,
abstract = {Drawing on several large research projects, and using both quantitative and qualitative evidence, this article assesses the policy influence of the Westminster parliament. Fre- quently dismissed as powerless in both academic and more popular accounts, we instead show evidence of an institution with significant policy influence, at successive stages of the policy process. Conventional accounts have focused too much on the decision-making stage, to the exclusion of parliament's role at earlier and later policy stages. Critics have also focused disproportionately on visible influence, overlooking behind-the-scenes nego- tiations and the role of anticipated reactions. Based on analysis of over 6,000 parliamen- tary votes, 4,000 legislative amendments, 1,000 committee recommendations, and 500 interviews, we conclude that Westminster's influence is both substantial and probably rising.},
author = {Russell, Meg and Cowley, Philip},
doi = {10.1111/gove.12149},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Russell, Cowley - 2016 - The Policy Power of the Westminster Parliament The Parliamentary State and the Empirical Evidence.pdf:pdf},
issn = {14680491},
journal = {Governance},
number = {1},
pages = {121--137},
title = {{The Policy Power of the Westminster Parliament: The "Parliamentary State" and the Empirical Evidence}},
volume = {29},
year = {2016}
}
@incollection{Karpowitz2014a,
abstract = {Do women participate in and influence meetings equally with men? Does gender shape how a meeting is run and whose voices are heard?The Silent Sexshows how the gender composition and rules of a deliberative body dramatically affect who speaks, how the group interacts, the kinds of issues the group takes up, whose voices prevail, and what the group ultimately decides. It argues that efforts to improve the representation of women will fall short unless they address institutional rules that impede women's voices. Using groundbreaking experimental research supplemented with analysis of school boards, Christopher Karpowitz and Tali Mendelberg demonstrate how the effects of rules depend on women's numbers, so that small numbers are not fatal with a consensus process, but consensus is not always beneficial when there are large numbers of women. Men and women enter deliberative settings facing different expectations about their influence and authority. Karpowitz and Mendelberg reveal how the wrong institutional rules can exacerbate women's deficit of authority while the right rules can close it, and, in the process, establish more cooperative norms of group behavior and more generous policies for the disadvantaged. Rules and numbers have far-reaching implications for the representation of women and their interests. Bringing clarity and insight to one of today's most contentious debates,The Silent Sexprovides important new findings on ways to bring women's voices into the conversation on matters of common concern.},
annote = {Key finding: (p. 143) Group level factors can profoundly alter the way men and women participate in deliberating groups and the influence they amass from their participation

Key finding: (p. 156-157) Confidence is much more important for women when women's status is low and their Proportion Talk lags behind that of men. 

Key finding: (p. 159) Confidence matters for women's participation, but size of effect varies substantially across the different conditions 

Key finding: (p. 162) "The key to increased participation for women in groups where they are most disadvantaged is a combination of confidence and the ab- sence of negative signals about their competence. The most talkative women are highly confident and received positive reassurance during the quiz. And these women not only achieved equality of participation but also asserted themselves at levels well beyond the standard of equality"},
author = {Karpowitz, Christopher F and Mendelberg, Tali},
booktitle = {The Silent Sex: Gender, Deliberation and Institutions},
chapter = {6},
edition = {First},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Karpowitz, Mendelberg - 2014 - 6. What Makes Women the Silent Sex When Their Status Is Low.pdf:pdf},
pages = {143--166},
publisher = {Princeton University Press},
title = {{6. What Makes Women the "Silent Sex" When Their Status Is Low?}},
url = {https://www.jstor.org/stable/pdf/j.ctt7zvffd.12.pdf?refreqid=excelsior{\%}3A3cab719e534d890f4c58b03cea7b3751},
year = {2014}
}
@book{Phillips2018,
address = {London},
author = {Phillips, Daniel and Curtice, John and Phillips, Miranda and Perry, Jane},
title = {{British Social Attitudes: The 35th Report}},
year = {2018}
}
@article{Denner2022,
author = {Denner, Nora and Sch{\"{a}}fer, Svenja and Schemer, Christian},
file = {:Users/lotte/Dropbox/PhD/style{\_}experiment/lit/17924-63094-1-PB.pdf:pdf},
journal = {International Journal of Communication},
pages = {1778--1803},
title = {{Passionate Hiking Fan or Loving Parent? How Personalized Self-Presentation in the Media Affects the Perception of Female and Male Politicians}},
volume = {16},
year = {2022}
}
@article{Nixon1999,
author = {Nixon, Lucia A. and Robinson, Michael D.},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Nixon, Robinson - 1999 - The Educational Attainment of Young Women Role Model Effects of Female High School.pdf:pdf},
journal = {Demography},
number = {2},
pages = {185--194},
title = {{The Educational Attainment of Young Women: Role Model Effects of Female High School}},
volume = {36},
year = {1999}
}
@article{CatalanoWeeks2022,
abstract = {Radical right populist (RRP) parties are often described as M{\"{a}}nnerparteien, predominantly led by, represented by and supported by men. Yet recently, these parties have elected more women. Under what conditions do we see this increase in women MPs? This paper presents a novel argument of strategic descriptive representation: electorally struggling RRP parties with large gender gaps in voter support increase their proportion of women MPs to attract previously untapped women voters. To test this argument, we develop the most comprehensive dataset to date on women MPs and gender differences in voter support across Europe and over time, covering 187 parties in 30 countries from 1985 to 2018. Our analyses confirm that RRP parties engage in strategic descriptive representation when they are both struggling electorally and suffering from a gender gap in support. Additional models reveal that this tactic is largely unique to RRP parties},
author = {Weeks, Ana Catalano and Meguid, Bonnie M. and Kittilson, Miki Caul and Coffe, Hilde},
doi = {10.1017/S0003055422000107},
file = {:Users/lotte/Dropbox/My Mac (MacBook-Pro)/Downloads/when-do-mannerparteien-elect-women-radical-right-populist-parties-and-strategic-descriptive-representation.pdf:pdf},
journal = {American Political Science Review},
number = {Forthcoming},
pages = {1--18},
title = {{When Do M{\"{a}}nnerparteien Elect Women? Radical Right Populist Parties and Strategic Descriptive Representation}},
year = {2022}
}
@article{Weinberg2021a,
abstract = {Like many public service workers, politicians must manage the emotions of others as well as themselves in order to facilitate cooperation or goal accomplishment. Coined by Arlie Hochschild, this type of work is known as emotional labour. This article analyses a unique data set on the emotional labour and occupational wellbeing of over 500 elected politicians in the United Kingdom to understand how this important feature of public service plays out in political office. On one hand, all three facets of emotional labour (emotion work, personal efficacy, and false-face acting) are found to be prevalent among elected politicians, with self-reported levels of emotional labour differing among men and women. On the other hand, emotion work and personal efficacy appear to improve job satisfaction and occupational pride among politicians, but false-face acting increases symptoms of occupational burnout. These findings raise important questions about the nature of political institutions and the sustainability of political work.},
author = {Weinberg, James},
doi = {10.1177/1369148120959044},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Weinberg - 2021 - Emotional labour and occupational wellbeing in political office.pdf:pdf},
issn = {1467856X},
journal = {British Journal of Politics and International Relations},
keywords = {emotional labour,gender,occupational wellbeing,parliament,political work,politicians},
number = {3},
pages = {430--450},
title = {{Emotional Labour and Occupational Wellbeing in Political Office}},
volume = {23},
year = {2021}
}
@article{Hohmann2019,
abstract = {Research on women's political representation has repeatedly shown that female legislators represent women's interest more strongly than their male colleagues. However, a growing body of literature shows that the parliamentary behavior of female members of parliament (MPs) and the relationship between descriptive and substantive representation of women is affected by a number of institutional variables. This paper contributes to this debate by analyzing the effect of the electoral incentive structure on the substantive representation of women. Drawing on the Competing Principals Theory, it is expected that female legislators more frequently act on behalf of women if their re-election does not depend on the representation of local interests in electoral districts. The empirical analysis uses the German mixed electoral system and analyzes the representation of women's issues in oral and written parliamentary questions tabled in the German Bundestag between 2005 and 2013. The results of a hurdle regression model show that female MPs are more likely to concentrate on the representation of women's interests if their re-election is secured and if they do not have to fight for additional local votes from their district.},
author = {H{\"{o}}hmann, Daniel},
doi = {10.1177/1065912919859437},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/H{\"{o}}hmann - 2019 - When Do Female MPs Represent Women's Interests Electoral Systems and the Legislative Behavior of Women.pdf:pdf},
isbn = {1065912919},
issn = {10659129},
journal = {Political Research Quarterly},
keywords = {electoral systems,gender,parliamentary questions,substantive representation,women's interests},
title = {{When Do Female MPs Represent Women's Interests? Electoral Systems and the Legislative Behavior of Women}},
year = {2019}
}
@article{Bischof2018,
abstract = {Which parties use simple language in their campaign messages, and do simple campaign messages resonate with voters' information about parties? This study introduces a novel link between the language applied during election campaigns and citizens' ability to position parties in the ideological space. To this end, how complexity of campaign messages varies across parties as well as how it affects voters' knowledge about party positions is investigated. Theoretically, it is suggested that populist parties are more likely to simplify their campaign messages to demarcate themselves from mainstream competitors. In turn, voters should perceive and process simpler campaign messages better and, therefore, have more knowledge about the position of parties that communicate simpler campaign messages. The article presents and validates a measure of complexity and uses it to assess the language of manifestos in Austria and Germany in the period 1945-2013. It shows that political parties, in general, use barely comprehensible language to communicate their policy positions. However, differences between parties exist and support is found for the conjecture about populist parties as they employ significantly less complex language in their manifestos. Second, evidence is found that individuals are better able to place parties in the ideological space if parties use less complex campaign messages. The findings lead to greater understanding of mass-elite linkages during election campaigns and have important consequences for the future analysis of manifesto data.},
author = {Bischof, Daniel and Senninger, Roman},
doi = {10.1111/1475-6765.12235},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Bischof, Senninger - 2018 - Simple politics for the people Complexity in campaign messages and political knowledge.pdf:pdf},
journal = {European Journal of Political Research},
pages = {473--495},
title = {{Simple politics for the people? Complexity in campaign messages and political knowledge}},
volume = {57},
year = {2018}
}
@article{Celis2014,
abstract = {A recent wave of gender and politics research revisits the concept of women's interests, opening up new ways of thinking about who can articulate these interests and how to avoid essentialism in empirical analysis on women's substantive representation. This article seeks to advance these debates by integrating them with new work on political theory noting that speaking for a group also entails speaking about a group. Resolving some of the tensions presenting in existing work, the revised approach expands the range of actors engaged in making claims on behalf of women and draws a conceptual distinction between issues, broad policy categories, and interests, the content given to a particular issue. The contours of this new approach are illustrated via a comparative study of claims-making on behalf of women in three countries, revealing some overlaps but also important differences in the issues raised and arguments made regarding the nature of women's interests. This inductive method avoids problems of essentialism by arguing that women and women's interests are constructed through, and not simply reflected in, political advocacy on their behalf. {\textcopyright} 2014 Women and Politics Research Section of American Political Science Association.},
author = {Celis, Karen and Childs, Sarah and Kantola, Johanna and Krook, Mona Lena},
doi = {10.1017/S1743923X14000026},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Celis et al. - 2014 - Constituting Women's Interests Through Representative Claims.pdf:pdf},
issn = {17439248},
journal = {Politics and Gender},
number = {2},
pages = {149--174},
title = {{Constituting Women's Interests Through Representative Claims}},
volume = {10},
year = {2014}
}
@article{Erikson2020,
abstract = {This introduction to the Special Section 'Parliaments as workplaces: gendered approaches to the study of legislatures' makes the case for revisiting the conditions under which male and female Members of Parliament (MPs) and staff carry out their parliamentary duties, thereby furthering the understanding of parlia-ments' inner workings. It shows that adopting a workplace perspective grounded on feminist institutionalist analyses and gender organisational studies opens up new avenues for studying parliaments and the outcomes of political representation. The article then outlines how contributors to this Special Section deal with various aspects of the parliamentary workplace and concludes by highlighting the wider implications of this perspective for examining crucial questions of the parliamentary studies research agenda.},
author = {Erikson, Josefina and Verge, T{\`{a}}nia},
doi = {10.1093/pa/gsaa048},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Erikson, Verge - 2022 - Gender, Power and Privilege in the Parliamentary Workplace.pdf:pdf},
journal = {Parliamentary Affairs},
keywords = {Feminist Institutionalism,Gender,Informal Rules,Parliaments,Power,Workplace perspective},
number = {1},
pages = {1--19},
title = {{Gender, Power and Privilege in the Parliamentary Workplace}},
volume = {75},
year = {2022}
}
@article{Bullock2015,
abstract = {Partisanship seems to affect factual beliefs about politics. For example, Republicans are more likely than Democrats to say that the deficit rose during the Clinton administration; Democrats are more likely to say that inflation rose under Reagan. What remains unclear is whether such patterns reflect differing beliefs among partisans or instead reflect a desire to praise one party or criticize another. To shed light on this question, we present a model of survey response in the presence of partisan cheerleading and payments for correct and "don't know" responses. We design two experiments based on the model's implications. The experiments show that small payments for correct and "don't know" answers sharply diminish the gap between Democrats and Republicans in responses to "partisan" factual questions. Our conclusion is that the apparent gulf in factual beliefs between members of different parties may be more illusory than real. The experiments also bolster and extend a major finding about political knowledge in America: We show (as others have) that Americans know little about politics, but we also show that they often recognize their own lack of knowledge.},
author = {Bullock, John G. and Gerber, Alan S. and Hill, Seth J. and Huber, Gregory},
doi = {10.1561/100.00014074},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Bullock et al. - 2015 - Partisan Bias in Factual Beliefs about Politics.pdf:pdf},
issn = {15540634},
journal = {Quarterly Journal of Political Science},
keywords = {"don't know",confidence. don't know,disinformation,experiments,factual beliefs,false beliefs,incentives,misinformation,partisan bias,partisan polarization,polarization,political ignorance,political information,political knowledge,political science,political sophistication,voting},
number = {4},
pages = {519--578},
title = {{Partisan Bias in Factual Beliefs about Politics}},
volume = {10},
year = {2015}
}
@book{Gallagher2005,
address = {Oxford},
author = {Gallagher, Michael and Mithcell, Paul},
publisher = {Oxford University Press},
title = {{The Politics of Electoral Systems}},
year = {2005}
}
@article{Jones2009,
abstract = {In the devolved legislative assemblies of Scotland and Wales the proportion of women representatives is approaching parity. This is in marked contrast to Westminster where one in five MPs are women. In this paper we explore the extent to which the masculinist political cultures characterising established political institutions are being reproduced in the National Assembly for Wales or whether its different gendering, both in the numbers of women representatives and in terms of its institutional framework, is associated with a more feminised political and organisational culture. Drawing on interviews with half the Assembly Members, women and men, we show that the political style of the Assembly differs from that of Westminster and that Assembly Members perceive it as being more consensual and as embodying a less aggressive and macho way of doing politics. AMs relate this difference to the gender parity amongst Assembly Members, to the institutional arrangements which have an 'absolute duty' to promote equality embedded in them, and to the desire to develop a different way of doing politics. We suggest that the ability to do politics in a more feminised and consensual way relates not only to the presence of a significant proportion of women representatives, but also to the nature of the institution and the way in which differently gendered processes and practices are embedded within it. Differently gendered political institutions can develop a more feminised political culture which provides an alternative to the masculinist political culture characterising the political domain.},
annote = {{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 1) “In this paper we explore the extent to which the masculinist political cultures characterising established political institutions are being reproduced in the National Assembly for Wales or whether its different gendering, both in the numbers of women representatives and in terms of its institutional framework, is associated with more feminised political and organisational culture.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      Uses interviews as the methods with half the Assembly members (women and men) 
{\textperiodcentered}      “We show that the political style of the Assembly differs from that of Westminster and that Assembly Members perceive it as being more consensual and as embodying a less aggressive and macho way of doing politics.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “AMs relate this difference to the gender parity amongst Assembly Members, to the institutional arrangements which have an ‘absolute duty' to promote equality embedded in them, and to the desire to develop a different way of doing politics.” “We suggest that the ability to do politics in a more feminised and consensual way related not only to the presence of a significant proportion of women representatives, but also the nature of the institution and the way in which differently gendered processes and practices are embedded within it.”
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 2) “These difference are, however, mediated by political party, by the constraints imposed by the institutional framework within which women are working, by generation and by political culture (Stokes, 2005).” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “Political parties and legislative assemblies are, along with other bureaucratic organisations, gendered, with state hierarchies being structures in such a way that men predominate at higher levels where they can wield positional power (Acker 1990; Witz and Savage 1992; Halford and Lonard 2001).” 
{\textperiodcentered}      Lovenduski 2005: 46 – ‘British political institutions are characterised by a culture of traditional masculinity that is a major obstacle to women' 
{\textperiodcentered}      “Some attention has been paid to the ways in which the cultures of political parties are masculinist and the formal and informal means by which women are discriminated against in selection procedures (Lovenduski 2005; Liddle and Michielsens 2000, 2007).” 
LIDDLE J and Michielsens, E (2007) '"NQOC" Social identity and representation in British politics' in British 
Journal of Politics and International Relations , 9(4): 1369-1481 
  
LIDDLE J and Michielsens, E (2000) 'Gender, class and political power in Britain' in S M Rai (ed) 
International perspectives on gender and democratisation  , Macmillan: Basingstoke 
{\textperiodcentered}      “Indeed Puwar argues that political power is embodied and that ‘the white, male body is taken to be the somatic norm within positions of leadership and the imagination of authority' (Puwar 2004: 67). If women aspire to powerful positions they are subject to questions about not only their femininity but also their sexuality (Cockburn 1991).” {\textless}{\textless} google for this 
{\textperiodcentered}      “Legislative assemblies are similarly marked by a masculinist culture and have been characterised as ‘institutionally sexist' (Lovenduski 2005).” 
{\textperiodcentered}      Lovenduski 2005: 54 – ‘the declamatory, adversarial style of Westminster debate{\ldots} favours rhetoric, speechifying, posturing and arcane practice in the House of Commons rather then cooperation, consensus-seeking and real discussion of alternatives. Political practices involving demagoguery, ruthlessness and aggression require qualities that are culturally accepted in men but not women' 
{\textperiodcentered}      “Women who have had to contend with this culture have adapted by adopting a masculine style themselves (Childs 2004: 8).” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 3) “In addition, as in Scotland and Northern Ireland, feminist and women's organisations were centrally involved in developing the new institutional arrangements; they were influential in ensuring a more equal representation of women and that equality issues were taken seriously by a new body (Brown et al 2002; Chaney et al 2007).” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “During the first Assembly, elected in 1999, 40{\%} of the seats were held by women, this rose to 50{\%} after the second election in 2003 and fell slightly to 47{\%} after the third election in 2007.” (p. 4) “We interviewed 31 AMs from all four political parties, as well as two independents, aiming for a representative mix both of the four political parties and of men and women.”
{\textperiodcentered}      “In order to explore the question of political culture, we asked AMs to describe the working environment in the NAW and also to talk about whether they would characterise its political style as consensual or adversarial. We then asked whether they thought that the gender balance of the NAW contributed to the way politics was done and the working environment.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 5) “There was also some indication that party affiliation made a difference to political style. In particular one woman Plaid Cymru AM felt that Conservatives, the majority of whom were men, had more of a Westminster style than the other parties.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “Numerically and culturally then the Conservative AMs would seem to have a more masculine style of politics than AMs from the other political parties (see also Chaney et al 2007: 201-2).” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “Given the emphasis of the Assembly, particularly in its first session, on consensual politics, and the conscious effort not to adopt the adversarial style which was seen as characterising Westminster, and also in view of the fact that a more consensual political style is often understood as a more feminine way of doing politics, we asked AMs whether they would characterise the political style of the Assembly as consensual or adversarial.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 6) Men found adversarial preferable to women? 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 7) “For some an adversarial style was associated with macho and aggressive forms of masculinity.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “Here it is acknowledged that while there may be a cultural association of more consensual ways of working with femininity, not all women adopt this mode of behaviour.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “Despite the recognition that some women AMs adopted masculine modes of behaviour, there was a widespread view that the gender balance of the NAW affected its political culture and debating style.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 8) “In this case she mentions the media's lack of interest in consensual debates which ties in with an earlier comment on the need for an adversarial style in order to make political debate interesting.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “there are party differences in style with the Conservatives being more adversarial, something that is reflected in their comments about the difference between adversarial and consensual politics which imply that consensual politics is ineffectual.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 12) “There was a view that women tended to do politics differently from men, a difference that was sometimes described as more consensual than adversarial.”},
author = {Jones, Stephanie and Charles, Nickie and Davies, Charlotte Aull},
doi = {10.5153/sro.1863},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Jones, Charles, Davies - 2009 - Transforming masculinist political cultures Doing politics in new political institutions.pdf:pdf},
issn = {13607804},
journal = {Sociological Research Online},
keywords = {Consensus Politics,Gender,National assembly for Wales,New political institutions,Political culture,Political style},
number = {2-3},
title = {{Transforming masculinist political cultures? Doing politics in new political institutions}},
volume = {14},
year = {2009}
}
@incollection{Carroll2002,
address = {Norman, Oklahoma, US},
author = {Carroll, Susan J.},
booktitle = {Women Transforming Congress},
editor = {Rosenthal, Cindy Simon},
publisher = {University of Oklahoma Press},
title = {{Representing Women: Congresswomen's Perceptions of their Representational Roles}},
year = {2002}
}
@article{Haleta1996,
author = {Haleta, Laurie L.},
doi = {10.1080/03634529609379029},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Haleta - 1996 - Student perceptions of teachers' use of language The effects of powerful and powerless language on impression formation.pdf:pdf},
issn = {1479-5795},
journal = {Communication Education},
number = {1},
pages = {16--28},
title = {{Student perceptions of teachers' use of language: The effects of powerful and powerless language on impression formation and uncertainty}},
url = {https://www.tandfonline.com/action/journalInformation?journalCode=rced20},
volume = {45},
year = {1996}
}
@article{Beutel1995,
author = {Beutel, Ann M. and Marinin, Margaret Mooney},
journal = {American Sociological Review},
number = {3},
pages = {436--448},
title = {{Gender and Values}},
volume = {60},
year = {1995}
}
@article{Hargrave2021,
author = {Hargrave, Lotte and Smith, Jessica C.},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Hargrave, Smith - 2022 - Working Hard or Hardly Working Gender and Voter Evaluations of Legislator Productivity.pdf:pdf},
journal = {Working Paper},
pages = {1--33},
title = {{Working Hard or Hardly Working? Gender and Voter Evaluations of Legislator Productivity}},
year = {2022}
}
@misc{Graham2019,
author = {Graham, James},
booktitle = {The Observer},
title = {{30 years of televised parliament: how Westminster became mainstream entertainment}},
url = {https://tinyurl.com/yzdg7kud},
year = {2019}
}
@book{Norton1993,
address = {Lexington, Kentucky},
author = {Norton, Philip and Wood, David M.},
publisher = {University Press of Kentucky},
title = {{Back from Westminster: British Members of Parliament and Their Constituents}},
year = {1993}
}
@article{Ade2014,
abstract = {Do district incumbents in an election have an advantage, and if so, do these advantages depend on which party is in government? We estimate the incumbency effect for the direct district candidates in German federal and state elections using a regression discontinuity design (RDD). When studying the heterogeneity in these effects, we find that incumbents from both large parties, the center-right CDU and the center-left SPD, have an advantage only if the SPD is in government. This effect is robust and shows even in state elections that are unrelated to federal elections. {\textcopyright} 2013 .},
author = {Ade, Florian and Freier, Ronny and Odendahl, Christian},
doi = {10.1016/j.ejpoleco.2014.07.008},
file = {:Users/lotte/Dropbox/PhD/topic{\_}project/lit/1-s2.0-S017626801400072X-main.pdf:pdf},
issn = {01762680},
journal = {European Journal of Political Economy},
keywords = {Federal elections,Incumbency advantage,Regression discontinuity design,State elections},
pages = {117--134},
publisher = {Elsevier B.V.},
title = {{Incumbency effects in government and opposition: Evidence from Germany}},
url = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.ejpoleco.2014.07.008},
volume = {36},
year = {2014}
}
@unpublished{.2554,
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Unknown - Unknown - Working paper (Cognitive Complexity).pdf:pdf},
keywords = {cognitive complexity,deliberation,deliberative democracy,methodology,political sophistication,valida-},
title = {{Working paper (Cognitive Complexity)}}
}
@book{Searing1994,
address = {Massachusetts, US},
author = {Searing, Donald D.},
publisher = {Harvard University Press},
title = {{Westminster's World: Understanding Political Roles}},
year = {1994}
}
@article{Takayanagi2008,
abstract = {The year 2008 marks the 50th anniversary of the Life Peerages Act 1958. The first life peer to obtain his letters patent was Lord Fraser of Lonsdale (Sir William Jocelyn Ian Fraser) on 1 August 1958.The first life peer to be introduced in the Lords was Lord Parker of Waddington (Sir Hubert Lister Parker) on 21 October 1958. The first woman peer to receive her letters patent dated 8 August 1958 was Baroness Wootton of Abinger (Barbara Frances Wootton), and the first woman peer to take her seat in the Lords was Baroness Swanborough (Dame Stella Isaacs, marchioness of Reading), ahead of Baroness Wootton on 21 October 1958.This article gives an overview of the background to life peerages and women peers before 1958, including the importance of two peerage cases, the Wensleydale case 1856 and the Rhondda case 1922. It does so with particular reference to women and the house of lords. It also considers the passage of the act itself; the initial life peers created in 1958; final equality between men and women peers achieved by the Peerage Act 1963; and the impact of life peers on the House since 1958.},
annote = {{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 380) A quote by the Earl of Glasgow: “Women . . . are not suited to politics, for the following reasons. They are often moved by their hearts more than they are by their heads, and the emotional urge which exists in a woman's make-up does not help towards good judgment. . . Many of us do not want women in this House. We do not want to sit beside them on these Benches, nor do we want to meet them in the Library. This is a House of men, a House of Lords. We do not wish it to become a House of Lords and Ladies.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      The Life Peerages Act 1958 created life peers and the allowance of women in the House for the first time 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 382) “If we allow women into this House where will this emancipation end? Shall we in a few years time be referring to ‘the noble and learned Lady, the Lady Chancellor?' I find that a horrifying thought. But why should we not? Shall we follow the rather vulgar example set by Americans of having female ambassadors? Will our judges, for whom we have so rich and well-deserved respect, be drawn from the ranks of the ladies?” – another quote   
{\textperiodcentered}      “Although no woman sat in the house of lords before the Life Peerages Act 1958, and final equality for women peers was not obtained until the Peerage Act 1963, there were attempts to enable women to sit in the Lords before that date, and women exercised influence on the Lords despite not being able to sit there.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “Plenty of ladies were involved in high politics well before the 20th century – reigning as queens, playing crucial behind-the-scenes roles as political hostesses, and with major public roles in electioneering and other political campaigning.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 383) “Aside from attending parliament, some ladies exercised enormous behind-the-scenes influence on politics as political hostesses, for example, Lady Derby in the late 19th century. Others played practical roles as election campaigners – the role that Georgiana, duchess of Devonshire, played in the election of Charles James Fox in 1784 is particularly famous. In the late 19th century, the Primrose League was formed, providing a platform in which Conservative and Unionist women could campaign for their party. Aristocratic women also played important roles in public life, more generally in philanthropy, charity, poor law, education and in local government.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 384) “Although the number of woman MPs remained small up to 1945, they contributed to the work of parliament in many ways and their presence was symbolically very important. In particular, the early 1920s saw a wealth of legislation passed which affected the lives of women and gender equality.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “There were no concerted efforts to get women into the house of lords until the battle to get them into the Commons had been won.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 385) A quote: “I am no more in favour of ladies being Members of the House of Lords than men, because I do not believe in the House of Lords.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 388) “Four women peers were created in 1958.The first woman peer to take her seat in the Lords was Baroness Swanborough (Dame Stella Isaacs, marchioness of Reading), founder of the Women's Royal Voluntary Service, on 21 October 1958. However the first woman peer to be created, by letters patent dated 8 August 1958, was Baroness Wootton of Abinger (Barbara Frances Wootton). She was acknowledged as an expert on sociology, criminology and penal reform after a distinguished career in academic and public life, including achievements that were, in the view prevalent at the time, not to be expected from a woman. During her time in the house of lords she was a contributor to committees and debates, and is remembered for successfully sponsoring Sydney Silver- man's bill to abolish capital punishment in 1965 in the house of lords. She was the first woman to chair proceedings of the house of lords, as deputy Speaker.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 391) “Once the Life Peerages Act was passed, women enjoyed a much warmer reception to the house of lords than the first women had found entering the house of commons 40 years before.52 Various adaptations were required to accommodate women members. A hat was specially designed for women peers to wear at their introductions.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 392) “Drewry and Brock's study of the impact of women on the house of lords in the late 1970s, published in 1983, found that despite their small numbers, women peers had made a ‘considerable mark' upon the work of the Lords in various ways, quantitatively and qualitatively, including as office-holders and with regard to attendance and contribution to debates.” 
SOURCE: G. Drewry and J. Brock, The Impact of Women on the House of Lords (Glasgow, 1983). 
{\textperiodcentered}      “No women peers were given government posts in the first decade after the act, but then successive governments gradually began to appoint them to ministerial posts. These have included Baroness Phillips, the first woman whip; Baroness Llewelyn- Davies of Hastoe, the first woman chief whip; Baroness Serota, the first woman minister; and Baroness Hylton-Foster, the first woman convenor of crossbench peers.Three of the last four leaders of the house of lords have been women, the first being Baroness Young, the first woman cabinet minister. Recent appointments have included Baroness Hale of Richmond, the first woman law lord; and Baroness Scotland of Asthal, the first woman attorney-general.”},
author = {Takayanagi, Mari},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Takayanagi - 2008 - A Changing House The Life Peerages Act 1958.pdf:pdf},
journal = {Parliamentary History},
number = {3},
pages = {380--392},
title = {{A Changing House: The Life Peerages Act 1958}},
url = {http://www.parliament.uk/},
volume = {27},
year = {2008}
}
@article{Sobolewska2018a,
abstract = {Empirical studies show a link between substantive and descriptive representation of racial and ethnic minorities. However, our understanding of the mechanisms through which this association operates comes almost exclusively from normative arguments. This article examines three of these proposed mechanisms: two intrinsic mechanisms operationalised as perceptions of shared experience and a motivation to represent, and an extrinsic mechanism of electoral incentives. By doing so it moves on from documenting the link between descriptive and substantive representation to explaining it. Clear evidence is found that prospective minority representatives are influenced by all three motivations, to different extents, with a difference between minority candidates of different parties. Also, while the ethnic minority population of a constituency is usually associated with extrinsic motivation, it is found that it increases intrinsic motivation for representation among prospective minority representatives, suggesting these may be less distinct than is assumed in the normative literature.},
author = {Sobolewska, Maria and McKee, Rebecca and Campbell, Rosie},
doi = {10.1080/01402382.2018.1455408},
issn = {17439655},
journal = {West European Politics},
keywords = {Descriptive representation,ethnic minorities,parliamentary candidates,racial minorities,substantive representation},
number = {6},
pages = {1237--1261},
publisher = {Routledge},
title = {{Explaining Motivation to Represent: How Does Descriptive Representation Lead to Substantive Representation of Racial and Ethnic Minorities?}},
volume = {41},
year = {2018}
}
@article{Bongiorno2014,
abstract = {Role congruity theory predicts prejudice towards women who meet the agentic requirements of the leader role. In line with recent findings indicating greater acceptance of agentic behaviour from women, we find evidence for a more subtle form of prejudice towards women who fail to display agency in leader roles. Using a classic methodology, the agency of male and female leaders was manipulated using assertive or tentative speech, presented through written (Study 1, N = 167) or verbal (Study 2, N = 66) communi-cations. Consistent with predictions, assertive women were as likeable and influential as assertive men, while being tentative in leadership reduced the likeability and influence of women, but not of men. Although approval of agentic behaviour from women in leadership reflects progress, evidence that women are quickly singled out for disapproval if they fail to show agency is important for understanding how they continue to be at a distinct disadvantage to men in leader roles.},
author = {Bongiorno, Renata and Bain, Paul G. and David, Barbara},
doi = {10.1111/bjso.12032},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Bongiorno, Bain, David - 2014 - If you're going to be a leader, at least act like it! Prejudice towards women who are tentative in leade.pdf:pdf},
isbn = {2044-8309 (Electronic)$\backslash$r0144-6665 (Linking)},
issn = {20448309},
journal = {British Journal of Social Psychology},
number = {2},
pages = {217--234},
pmid = {23509967},
title = {{If You're Going To Be A Leader, At Least Act Like It! Prejudice Towards Women Who Are Tentative in Leader Roles}},
volume = {53},
year = {2014}
}
@article{Weikart2006,
abstract = {Few have studied differences between how women and men lead, particularly at the local level. This article addresses this gap by reporting the results of a unique study of 192 female mayors and 192 male mayors in cities with populations of over 30,000 to consider whether the female mayors emphasized different policy issues and whether the women in local leadership created alternative decision-making processes in allocating resources. Overall, the results show similarities on policy issues, the use of power, and budget issues. However, some key gender differences emerge. Female mayors were far more willing to change the budget process, be more inclusive, and seek broader participation. Finally, more women mayors than men were willing to admit fiscal problems and discuss changes in their goals. Women mayors were also more likely than their male counterparts to believe that women face gender-based obstacles in the exercise of leadership.},
author = {Weikart, Lynne A and Chen, Greg and Williams, Daniel W and Hromic, Haris},
doi = {10.1300/J501v28n01_06},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Weikart et al. - 2006 - The Democratic Sex Gender Differences and the Exercise of Power.pdf:pdf},
journal = {Journal of Women, Politics {\&} Policy},
number = {1},
pages = {119--140},
title = {{The Democratic Sex: Gender Differences and the Exercise of Power}},
url = {http://www.tandfonline.com/action/journalInformation?journalCode=wwap20},
volume = {28},
year = {2006}
}
@article{Bratton2007,
abstract = {As the study of entrepreneurship and the study of business ethics become increasingly established, the intersection of entrepreneurship and ethics is receiving increasing scholarly attention. In this paper, we review the research connecting ethics and entrepreneurship, classifying the literature into three broad themes; we also identify and integrate the key themes that emerge, and we offer suggestions for future research. We conclude by introducing the articles in this special issue.},
archivePrefix = {arXiv},
arxivId = {2794335},
author = {Bratton, Kathleen A. and Rouse, Stella M.},
doi = {http://dx.doi.org/10.2139/},
eprint = {2794335},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Bratton, Rouse - 2007 - Networks in the Legislative Arena How Group Dynamics Affect Cosponsorship.pdf:pdf},
isbn = {9780983648703},
issn = {1556-5068},
journal = {Cognitive Linguistics},
keywords = {accounting conservatism,contracting,earnings quality,market returns},
pages = {1--27},
title = {{Networks in the Legislative Arena: How Group Dynamics Affect Cosponsorship}},
volume = {44},
year = {2007}
}
@article{Feldman,
abstract = {Supreme Court oral arguments are the only publicly scheduled opportunities for the Justices and advocates to directly engage in discussions about a case. There are few rules to regulate these conversations. Within this unique setting and due to the lack of argument structure combined with the limited time allotted to each argument, the Justices vie for chances to speak, sometimes at the expense of utterances from other Justices. In this Article we examine how the Justices' genders dictate much of the Justices' interactions and ultimately the power structure of oral argument. This Article shows how gender is an embedded characteristic of the oral arguments and how the Justices' appropriations and perceptions of gender roles create disparities in the balance of authority on the Court. The Article's analysis shows a major gap between male Justices' interruptions of female Justices and female Justices' interruptions of male Justices during oral arguments. After discussing why this is problematic, the Article offers suggestions for how the Court can reduce these interruptions through institutional reforms. The Article's analyses corroborate conversational and power dynamics previously elucidated by sociolinguists, but also extend those findings to the insular environment of the United States Supreme Court.},
annote = {UNPUBLISHED

But the article adds in a section on how institutional reforms may be achieved to help balance out gendered interruptions on the Supreme Court.},
author = {Feldman, Adam and Gill, Rebecca},
doi = {10.2139/ssrn.2906136},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Feldman, Gill - Unknown - Echoes from a Gendered Court Examining the Justices' Interactions During Supreme Court Oral Arguments.pdf:pdf},
issn = {0022-3670},
keywords = {Supreme Court,communication,gender,interruptions,justices,oral argument,overlap,sociolinguistics,speech},
mendeley-tags = {Supreme Court,communication,gender,interruptions,justices,oral argument,overlap,sociolinguistics,speech},
pages = {1--66},
title = {{Echoes from a Gendered Court: Examining the Justices' Interactions During Supreme Court Oral Arguments}},
url = {http://journals.ametsoc.org/doi/10.1175/JPO-D-14-0086.1}
}
@book{Proksch2015,
address = {Cambridge},
author = {Proksch, Sven-Oliver and Slapin, Jonathan B.},
publisher = {Cambridge University Press},
title = {{The Politics of Parliamentary Debate: Parties, Rebels, and Representation}},
year = {2015}
}
@article{Bratton2002,
abstract = {Descriptive representation within legislatures is often held to be impor? tant because of its assumed effects on public policy. The research to date on the descriptive representation of women has generally focused on elite attitudes rather than on policy out? comes, and there is little agreement on the relationship between the in? creased representation of women and improved policy outcomes. We inves? tigate the form of this relationship and whether the scope for a translation of descriptive representation into sub? stantive representation is greatest during periods of policy innovation. We use a statistical analysis of child- care coverage in Norwegian munici? palities in 1975, 1979. 1983, 1987, and 1991 to model the relationship between female representation and the provision of child care. We find that descriptive representation does affect policy outcome and that this relationship varies both according to the level of female representation and over time.},
author = {Bratton, Kathleen A. and Ray, Leonard P.},
doi = {10.2307/3088386},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Bratton, Ray - 2002 - Descriptive Representation, Policy Outcomes, and Municipal Day-Care Coverage in Norway.pdf:pdf},
issn = {00925853},
journal = {American Journal of Political Science},
number = {2},
pages = {428},
title = {{Descriptive Representation, Policy Outcomes, and Municipal Day-Care Coverage in Norway}},
volume = {46},
year = {2002}
}
@article{Jones2016,
author = {Jones, Jennifer J},
doi = {10.1017/S1537592716001092},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Jones - 2016 - Talk Like a Man The Linguistic Styles of Hillary Clinton, 1992-2013.pdf:pdf},
journal = {Perspectives on Politics},
number = {3},
pages = {625--642},
title = {{Talk "Like a Man": The Linguistic Styles of Hillary Clinton, 1992-2013}},
volume = {14},
year = {2016}
}
@techreport{Fourdeux2013,
abstract = {Executive summary The research encompassed all aspects of biogas production from food waste using the anaerobic digestion process. The main aim has been to achieve a stable digestion process with optimised systems for the collection of food waste and the beneficial use of process residues, set in the context of maximising the net energy gains from the system as a whole. The results are reported in the context of the project objectives and the parameters used for verification of performance, both of which are presented in the introduction. The main scientific and technical results are summarised in 13 sections in which information from different work packages has been assembled to provide a cohesive and integrated interpretation of the results. Compositional physical and chemical analysis of source segregated municipal food waste showed a remarkable similarity across Europe although there were regional differences in the major food types, particularly those supplying carbohydrate, and in beverage preferences. The results confirmed that the high protein content was likely to lead to high ammonia concentrations in the digestion process. Different levels of contamination were also found and these could be related to the collection schemes employed. Information about these across Europe was obtained in a unique web-based survey and the results used to assess current food waste collection activity in each country. Optimisation of food waste collection systems was done using a mechanistic model which was further developed to give a powerful software tool that can be used for both scheme development and performance assessment. This has been fully validated and is now publically available. The potential for AD was assessed at different scales and particular attention paid in the smaller size range to public and private communities. Issues of digester stability as a result of ammonia toxicity were approached in a number of ways and solutions were found in each of the directions taken. Understanding of process microbiology and reaction pathways allowed manipulation of these through supplementation with Co and Se, allowing a more ammonia-tolerant hydrogenotrophic methanogenic population to dominate the system. The shifts in population were successfully monitored using Fluorescent in-situ hybridisation (FISH), advanced gene sequencing techniques, and 14 C radiolabelling. Using this approach we were able to demonstrate process stability in a full-scale digestion plant. To operate at thermophilic temperatures it was necessary to remove ammonia from the digester, and both sidestream stripping columns and vacuum evaporation proved successful. This opened the possibility of developing a 2-phase process for hythane production which was successfully demonstrated. Once problems of digester instability were overcome, the readily biodegradable nature of food waste with its high specific methane potential gave excellent volumetric methane productivity especially when applied at high loading. Because of the ease of degradation the pre-treatment technologies tested (cellruptor and autoclaving) could not improve the process, but unexpected results using the autoclave opened up interesting potential niche markets for this technology. Mass and energy balances determined at two full-scale digestion plants, in England and Portugal, both gave positive energy balances with the differences accounted for by design aspects to meet local requirements for by-product reuse. Data from these and other AD plants, together with a wealth of published information on digestion systems was used to develop the ADtool for comprehensive assessment of the energy and carbon balance of a digestion scheme: this is now publically available in a spreadsheet version, and will be released as a software package once beta testing is complete. Upgrading of biogas to vehicle fuel-grade biomethane was carried out in the EU and in India, with both teams successfully developing appropriate small-scale upgrading and vehicle fuelling technologies. These were fully tested and evaluated in terms of efficiency, product quality and compliance to standards. Digestate use and biosecurity was investigated and the material was found to be both nutrient-rich and free from major risks from pathogens or heavy metals. A case study showed how its use could directly replace mineral fertilizer and give economic benefit to the farmer. The project succeeded in meeting all of its objectives: contribution to EU targets and more specific impacts of the research are given in the final section.},
author = {Isernia, Pierangelo},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Isernia - 2010 - EuroPolis A deliberative policy-making project.pdf:pdf},
pages = {1--43},
title = {{EuroPolis: A deliberative policy-making project}},
year = {2010}
}
@article{Beltran2020,
abstract = {Databases rely on indexing data structures to efficiently perform many of their core operations. In order to look up all records in a particular range of keys, databases use a BTree-Index. In order to look up the record for a single key, databases use a Hash-Index. In order to check if a key exists, databases use a BitMap-Index (a bloom filter). These data structures have been studied and improved for decades, carefully tuned to best utilize each CPU cycle and cache available. However, they do not focus on leveraging the distribution of data they are indexing. In this paper, we demonstrate that these critical data structures are merely models, and can be replaced with more flexible, faster, and smaller machine learned neural networks. Further, we demonstrate how machine learned indexes can be combined with classic data structures to provide the guarantees expected of database indexes. Our initial results show, that we are able to outperform B-Trees by up to 44{\%} in speed while saving over 2/3 of the memory. More importantly though, we believe that the idea of replacing core components of a data management system through learned models has far reaching implications for future systems designs.},
archivePrefix = {arXiv},
arxivId = {1708.03074},
author = {Beltran, Javier and Gallego, Aina and Huidobro, Alba and Romero, Enrique and Padr{\'{o}}, Llu{\'{i}}s},
doi = {10.3390/s17010018},
eprint = {1708.03074},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Beltran et al. - 2020 - Male and female politicians on Twitter A machine learning approach.pdf:pdf},
isbn = {9781450344661},
issn = {1611-3349},
journal = {European Journal of Political Research},
number = {Forthcoming},
pmid = {20879418},
title = {{Male and female politicians on Twitter: A machine learning approach}},
year = {2020}
}
@article{Aaldering2016,
abstract = {Despite the large amount of research into both media coverage of politics as well as political leadership, surprisingly little research has been devoted to the ways political leaders are discussed in the media. This paper studies whether computer-aided content analysis can be applied in examining political leadership images in Dutch newspaper articles. It, firstly, provides a conceptualization of political leader character traits that integrates different perspectives in the literature. Moreover, this paper measures twelve political leadership images in media coverage, based on a large-scale computer-assisted content analysis of Dutch media coverage (including almost 150.000 newspaper articles), and systematically tests the quality of the employed measurement instrument by assessing the relationship between the images, the variance in the measurement, the overtime development of images for two party leaders and by comparing the computer results with manual coding. We conclude that the computerized content analysis provides a valid measurement for the leadership images in Dutch newspapers. Moreover, we find that the dimensions political craftsmanship, vigorousness, integrity, communicative performances and consistency are regularly applied in discussing party leaders, but that portrayal of party leaders in terms of responsiveness is almost completely absent in Dutch newspapers.},
annote = {This is quite useful for an example of synthesising and categorising a literature.},
author = {Aaldering, Loes and Vliegenthart, Rens},
doi = {10.1007/s11135-015-0242-9},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Aaldering, Vliegenthart - 2016 - Political leaders and the media. Can we measure political leadership images in newspapers using compute.pdf:pdf},
isbn = {1113501502429},
journal = {Quality {\&} Quantity},
pages = {1871--1905},
title = {{Political leaders and the media. Can we measure political leadership images in newspapers using computer-assisted content analysis?}},
volume = {50},
year = {2016}
}
@article{Klebanov2008,
abstract = {This article presents a novel automatic method of text analysis aimed at discovering patterns of lexical cohesion in political speech. The unit of analysis are groups of words with related meanings; the software is based on the results of a multiperson annotation experiment that captures reliably identified connections between words in a text. We illustrate the advantages of such a representation by juxtaposing results of a detailed handmade analysis of Margaret Thatcher's rhetoric with analysis based on the automatically detected groups of words. We both corroborate previous findings regarding Thatcher's rhetorical tools and illuminate additional elements thereof. We suggest that lexical cohesion analysis is a promising technique to bridge the gap between quantitative and qualitative analyses of text as political material, by establishing units that are both robust enough to enable comprehensive coverage and coherent enough to support direct interpretation.},
annote = {This may actually be useful - have another look at this},
author = {Klebanov, Beata Beigman and Diermeier, Daniel and Beigman, Eyal},
doi = {10.1093/pan/mpn007},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Klebanov, Diermeier, Beigman - 2008 - Lexical Cohesion Analysis of Political Speech.pdf:pdf},
journal = {Political Analysis},
pages = {447--463},
title = {{Lexical Cohesion Analysis of Political Speech}},
url = {https://doi.org/10.1093/pan/mpn007},
volume = {24},
year = {2008}
}
@article{Willis2021,
abstract = {There has been praise of how female leaders have handled the Coronavirus pandemic relative to their male counterparts by presenting a more “caring” leadership. Of similar coverage has been the role of public trust for how successful governments have been in containing outbreaks. In this paper, we build on these two literatures to understand different determinants of trust during the pandemic between men and women. Following social role theory, we argue that female citizens' trust judgements are more likely to be driven by the perception that leaders are more caring than are men, whilst men's judgements are more likely to be driven by competence judgements than women's. We test this argument using original survey data from three countries. We find that this relationship holds in the United States, but not the United Kingdom or Italy. This adds to variation in gender gaps in the USA and Europe; at the same time, it also suggests that the propensity for women to be less trusting than men is not down to (perceived) leadership traits.},
author = {Willis, Hannah and Smith, Jessica C. and Devine, Daniel},
doi = {10.1080/17457289.2021.1924737},
file = {:Users/lotte/Dropbox/PhD/style{\_}experiment/lit/Care to trust Gender and trust in leaders during the Coronavirus pandemic.pdf:pdf},
issn = {17457297},
journal = {Journal of Elections, Public Opinion and Parties},
pages = {232--244},
title = {{Care to trust? Gender and trust in leaders during the Coronavirus pandemic}},
volume = {31},
year = {2021}
}
@article{Ennser-Jedenastik2017,
abstract = {Social policy matters have long been considered women's issues. Extant research has documented a strong link between gender and the policies of the welfare state in the legislative, executive and electoral arenas. Yet what determines the strength of this association has largely been left unexplored. Drawing on tokenism theory, this article proposes gender diversity at the group level as a key explanatory factor. It hypothesizes that the gender gap in social policy diminishes as the female representation in a political party increases. To test this argument, it examines almost 8000 press releases issued by over 600 politicians during four election campaigns in Austria between 2002 and 2013. The analysis demonstrates that women talk more about social policy issues during election campaigns than men, but that this emphasis gap disappears for parties with a more equal gender balance. These results have important implications for our understanding of the politics of gender and social policy.},
author = {Ennser-Jedenastik, Laurenz},
doi = {10.1177/0958928716685687},
file = {:Users/lotte/Dropbox/PhD/topic{\_}project/lit/0958928716685687.pdf:pdf},
issn = {14617269},
journal = {Journal of European Social Policy},
keywords = {Election campaigns,gender,gender diversity,social policy},
number = {3},
pages = {215--228},
title = {{Campaigning on the Welfare State: The Impact of Gender and Gender Diversity}},
volume = {27},
year = {2017}
}
@article{Bailer2021,
author = {Bailer, Stefanie and Breunig, Christian and Giger, Nathalie and W{\"{u}}st, Andreas},
doi = {10.1017/S0007123420000642},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Bailer et al. - 2021 - The Diminishing Value of Minority Representation Between Group Representation and Individual Career Paths.pdf:pdf},
journal = {British Journal of Political Science},
keywords = {2012,bartels 2009,carnes 2013,descriptive representation,for example,german bundestag,gilens,growing evidence of unequal,hacker and pierson 2010,how representative democracy,minority representatives,of disadvantaged groups 1,one particular concern is,raises important questions about,representation,substantive representation,that sparse descriptive representation,works},
number = {2},
pages = {535--552},
title = {{The Diminishing Value of Minority Representation: Between Group Representation and Individual Career Paths}},
volume = {52},
year = {2022}
}
@article{Mattei1998,
abstract = {In a modern democracy, all citizens theoretically are guaranteed an equal opportunity at political representation. This paper shows that democratic theory does not always hold in practice in the United States. Discourse analysis is applied to the language used in the 1990 hearings conducted by the U.S. Senate Committee on the Judiciary on the nomination of Judge David H. Souter to be Associate Justice of the Supreme Court Results show that while women are noticeably present as witnesses in hearings, they are not treated on an equal footing with men. Women's access to the political debate is limited, because they are given proportionally less time to speak than male witnesses. Further, empirical measures indicate that the effectiveness of women's testimony is undermined by senators' responses. Although women utilize what is defined as masculine language to compete within a male-dominated institution, gendered expectations can prevent them from being treated as authoritative witnesses.},
annote = {Summary
- (p. 440) Uses discourse analysis to the language used in the 1990 hearings conducted by the U.S. Senate Committee on the Judiciary 
- Findings: women are noticably present as witnesses in hearings, they are not treated on an equal footing with men
- Women's access to the political debate is limited, because they are given proportionally less time to speak than male witnesses 
- Empirical measures indicate that the effectiveness of women's testimony is undermined by senators' responses 
- Women can utilise 'masculine language' to compete within a male-dominated institution, nonetheless gendered expectations can prevent them from being treated as authoritative witnesses

Measures used
- (p. 448) In order to measure authority, question type is examined (e.g. asking difficult, empirical, analytical Qs).},
author = {Mattei, Laura R. Winsky},
doi = {10.2307/2647917},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Mattei - 1998 - Gender and Power in American Legislative Discourse.pdf:pdf},
issn = {0022-3816},
journal = {The Journal of Politics},
number = {2},
pages = {440--461},
title = {{Gender and Power in American Legislative Discourse}},
volume = {60},
year = {1998}
}
@article{Berinsky2012,
abstract = {We examine the trade-offs associated with using Amazon.com's Mechanical Turk (MTurk) interface for subject recruitment. We first describe MTurk and its promise as a vehicle for performing low-cost and easy-to-field experiments. We then assess the internal and external validity of experiments performed using MTurk, employing a framework that can be used to evaluate other subject pools. We first investigate the characteristics of samples drawn from the MTurk population. We show that respondents recruited in this manner are often more representative of the U.S. population than in-person convenience samples-the modal sample in published experimental political science-but less representative than subjects in Internet-based panels or national probability samples. Finally, we replicate important published experimental work using MTurk samples.},
author = {Berinsky, Adam J. and Huber, Gregory A. and Lenz, Gabriel S. and {Michael Alvarez}, R.},
doi = {10.1093/pan/mpr057},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Berinsky et al. - 2012 - Evaluating Online Labor Markets for Experimental Research Amazon.com's Mechanical Turk.pdf:pdf},
journal = {Political Analysis},
pages = {351--368},
title = {{Evaluating Online Labor Markets for Experimental Research: Amazon.com's Mechanical Turk}},
volume = {20},
year = {2012}
}
@article{Waddle2016,
abstract = {A challenging question can prompt a variety of responses from politicians in their attempt to save face. Criticising the interviewer is one such tactic identified in previous research. The focus here was on this form of personalisation: responses directed personally at the interviewer, often used as a substitute for a straight answer (i.e., playing the man, not the ball). Sampling online interview videos, our analysis revealed a broad range of personalisations: many critical, but also non-critical, including flattery, banter, and advice to calm down. These tactics are discussed as effective responses, which can disarm, wrong-foot, neutralise, or beguile interviewers, often shifting control towards the politician. Furthermore, personalised rhetoric appears more widespread than previously suggested-featuring in the communicative style of many mainstream British politicians. A new typology of personalisation is proposed, designed to fit within the existing overall equivocation typology for the benefit of future empirical research. The televised political interview, a regular feature of UK news broadcasting, has become a primary method of communicating with the electorate. Ostensibly, only an interaction between two individuals, in reality, it is dialogue aimed potentially at millions (Heritage, 1985). It has, however, evolved into an entirely different situation since the apparent servility of interviewers in the early years of television. The British Broadcasting Corporation (BBC) was the first and only UK television broadcaster},
author = {Waddle, Maurice and Bull, Peter},
doi = {10.1177/0261927X15592443},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Waddle, Bull - 2016 - Playing the Man, Not the Ball Personalisation in Political Interviews.pdf:pdf},
journal = {Journal of Language and Social Psychology},
number = {4},
pages = {412--434},
title = {{Playing the Man, Not the Ball: Personalisation in Political Interviews}},
volume = {35},
year = {2016}
}
@article{Eggers2013,
abstract = {In Westminster systems, governments enjoy strong agenda-setting powers but are accountable to an inquisitorial opposition. This paper provides insights into the origins of this arrangement from the British House of Commons, drawing primarily on a new dataset of half-a-million parliamentary speeches. We show that, according to a novel measure we develop, government ministers became more responsive to opposition members of parliament in the same period that the government's agenda power was most conclusively strengthened-roughly, the two decades culminating in Balfour's 'railway timetable' of 1902. We argue that this increase in responsiveness helps to explain why opposition MPs acceded * 1 to reductions in their procedural power. We thus highlight a link between government strength and opposition scrutiny in the historical development of the Westminster system. 2},
annote = {Revisit this paper if I do text analysis - not gender relevant but is fun},
author = {Eggers, Andrew and Spirling, Arthur},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Eggers, Spirling - 2013 - Ministerial Responsiveness in Westminster Systems Institutional Choices and House of Commons Debate, 1832-1915.pdf:pdf},
keywords = {British political development,parliamentary debates,political methodology,texts-as-data},
title = {{Ministerial Responsiveness in Westminster Systems Institutional Choices and House of Commons Debate, 1832-1915}},
url = {http://thedata.harvard.edu/dvn/dv/aspirling},
year = {2013}
}
@book{Falk2008,
address = {Chicago},
author = {Falk, Erika},
publisher = {University of Chicago Press},
title = {{Women for President: Media Bias in Eight Campaigns}},
year = {2008}
}
@article{Curtin2008,
abstract = {The descriptive representation of women in cabinet is a necessary but not sufficient condition to achieve women-friendly policy outcomes. Rather, substantive representation of women by women political leaders also requires women's political activism. In this article, I explore the idea that institutionalised separate spaces are important sites of labour women's activism which promote and sustain women's policy leadership and the substantive representation of women. Through an examination of the New Zealand Labour Women's Council and four Labour women ministers who have used this space to pursue positions of influence and implement women-friendly policies, it becomes evident that it is not always possible for women leaders to publicly represent a 'feminist' claim, but this does not diminish their attempts at substantive representation. Rather, I suggest that an active and influential feminist reference group is a necessary supplement to women's executive presence.},
author = {Curtin, Jennifer},
doi = {10.1093/pa/gsn014},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Curtin - 2008 - Women, Political Leadership and Substantive Representation the Case of New Zealand.pdf:pdf},
isbn = {61/3/490/1438038},
journal = {Parliamentary Affairs},
number = {3},
pages = {490--504},
title = {{Women, Political Leadership and Substantive Representation: the Case of New Zealand}},
volume = {61},
year = {2008}
}
@article{Bauer2017a,
abstract = {Voters do not associate female candidates with feminine stereotypes, but voters also do not associate female candidates with the qualities most valued in political leaders such as experience and knowledge. Current research offers conflicting conclusions on whether female candidates benefit from breaking with feminine norms or face a backlash for being too aggressive and not likable enough. Using a series of experiments, I show how counterstereotypic gender strategies, including women emphasizing masculine trait competencies, improve evaluations of female candidates along both masculine and feminine leadership dimensions. These results offer novel insights into how female candidates can overcome perceptual deficits among voters that they lack critical masculine leadership qualities. I also show that female candidates can overcome these biases without losing on traditional feminine strengths such as warmth and likability. However, counterstereotypic female candidates can face a “likability” backlash from out-partisan voters. These findings suggest counterstereotypes may be more beneficial for female candidates in a primary election context when voters are copartisans rather than general elections where candidates often need cross-partisan support.},
author = {Bauer, Nichole M.},
doi = {10.1111/pops.12351},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Bauer - 2017 - The Effects of Counterstereotypic Gender Strategies on Candidate Evaluations(2).pdf:pdf},
issn = {14679221},
journal = {Political Psychology},
keywords = {campaigns,female candidates,gender stereotypes},
number = {2},
pages = {279--295},
title = {{The Effects of Counterstereotypic Gender Strategies on Candidate Evaluations}},
volume = {38},
year = {2017}
}
@article{Carroll2009,
abstract = {//static.cambridge.org/content/id/urn{\%}3Acambridge.org{\%}3Aid{\%}3Aarticle{\%}3AS1743923X09000014/resource/name/firstPage-S1743923X09000014a.jpg},
author = {Carroll, Susan J.},
doi = {10.1017/S1743923X09000014},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Carroll - 2009 - Reflections on Gender and Hillary Clinton's Presidential Campaign The Good, the Bad, and the Misogynic.pdf:pdf},
issn = {17439248},
journal = {Politics and Gender},
number = {1},
pages = {1--20},
title = {{Reflections on Gender and Hillary Clinton's Presidential Campaign: The Good, the Bad, and the Misogynic}},
volume = {5},
year = {2009}
}
@book{Ramey2017,
address = {London, UK},
annote = {Methods:

- links psychometric approaches with advances in machine learning 
- uses support vector machines and dictionary methods (including LIWC and MRS Psycholinguistic Database)

For me: 

- some of this may be useful in terms of the extraversion / openness categories
- argues survey/interview insights into styles are 'snap shot' can only ask those who are in parliament now wheras analysing speeches allows you to go back - also for the select committee part is fine because I can talk to all of them 
- look at p.66 for arguments against the potential problems of staff and p. 67 for face validity},
author = {Ramey, Adam J. and Klinger, Jonathan D. and Hollibaugh, Gary E.},
publisher = {The University of Chicago Press},
title = {{More Than A Feeling: Personality, Polarization, and the Transformation of the US Congress}},
year = {2017}
}
@techreport{Russell2000,
address = {London, UK},
annote = {{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 11) “The Conservative Party has been more consistently opposed to positive action for women than either of the other two main parties. Despite the fact that 50{\%} of Conservative members (and 25{\%} of constituency chairs) are women, the party elected just 13 women to the House of Commons in 1997 - the same number as in 1931. Prominent women members who are frustrated at the Conservatives' lack of progress have described the party as ‘silent on the subject of women, like a rabbit caught in the headlights of a rapidly approaching juggernaut'.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “Following the party's election defeat in 1997, William Hague made some attempt to persuade local parties to adopt positive action. A consultation document on internal party structures issued in 1997 suggested that 25{\%} of those facing constituency selection panels should be women. Responses to the consultation, however, rejected this proposal. Discussions have continued at senior levels in the party about some form of positive action, but there have been concerns about the possible legal consequences. No measures were taken to ensure women's representation in the Scottish Parliament and Welsh Assembly – the Conservatives have three women out of 18 members in the former, and an all-male group of eight members in the latter.”},
author = {Russell, Meg},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Russell - 2000 - Women's Representation in UK Politics What can be done within the Law.pdf:pdf},
institution = {Constitution Unit},
number = {June},
title = {{Women's Representation in UK Politics : What can be done within the Law ?}},
year = {2000}
}
@article{Hix2005,
abstract = {How cohesive are political parties in the European Parliament? What coalitions form and why? The answers to these questions are central for understanding the impact of the European Parliament on European Union policies. These questions are also central in the study of legislative behaviour in general. We collected the total population of roll-call votes in the European Parliament, from the first elections in 1979 to the end of 2001 (over 11,500 votes). The data show growing party cohesion despite growing internal national and ideological diversity within the European party groups. We also find that the distance between parties on the left-right dimension is the strongest predictor of coalition patterns. We conclude that increased power of the European Parliament has meant increased power for the transnational parties, via increased internal party cohesion and inter-party competition. Why do we observe party cohesion in legislatures and why does it differ across countries and political systems? Along what lines do parties compete in legislatures? In many normative accounts of liberal democracy, these two elements are complementary: democracy works because groups of elites with competing policies organize to secure these goals. 1 We address these questions in the context of the European Parliament. Despite media focus on high profile events in the European Parliament, such as the role},
author = {Hix, Simon and Noury, Abdul and G{\'{e}}rad, Roland},
doi = {10.1017/S0007123405000128},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Hix, Noury, G{\'{e}}rad - 2005 - Power to the parties cohesion and competition in the European Parliament, 1979–2001.pdf:pdf},
journal = {British Journal of Political Science},
keywords = {Angelo Panebianco, Political Parties: Organization,Capitalism, Socialism and Democracy (London: Allen,Hans-Dieter Klingemann, Richard I Hofferbert and I},
number = {02},
pages = {209--234},
publisher = {Oxford University Press},
title = {{Power to the parties: cohesion and competition in the European Parliament, 1979–2001}},
url = {http://emlab.berkeley.edu/users/groland,},
volume = {35},
year = {2005}
}
@article{Roberts2014a,
author = {Roberts, Margaret E. and Stewart, Brandon M. and Tingley, Dustin},
journal = {Journal of Statistical Software},
number = {2},
pages = {1--40},
title = {{stm: R Package for Structural Topic}},
volume = {10},
year = {2014}
}
@article{Mulac1988,
abstract = {Ninety-six university students (48 males, 48 females) were randomly assigned a partner (whom they did not know well), forming two dyad conditions: (a) same-sex, and (b) mixed-sex. The 48 dyads were audiotape-recorded in 20-minute problem solving interactions, from which 300-word language samples were transcribed for analysis. In Study 1, 9 trained observers coded 12 language variables previously shown to distinguish male from female language use. Discriminant analysis results demonstrated that a weighted combination of 8 variables could differentiate male from female interactants: male indicators—interruptions, directives, and conjunctions/ fillers begin sentence; female indicators—questions, justifiers, intensive adverbs, personal pronouns, and adverbials begin sentence. An analysis of variance of individuals' gender discriminant function scores showed greater differences in gender-linked language behavior in same-sex than in mixed-sex dyads. In Study 2, 231 naive observers rated the 96 interactants, using the Speech Dialect Attitudinal Scale. MANOVA results showed that in same-sex dyads, female interactants were rated higher on Socio-Intellectual Status and Aesthetic Quality, but no gender difference was found on Dynamism. However, in mixed-sex dyads, men were rated higher on Aesthetic Quality, whereas women were rated higher on Dynamism. Taken together, the analyses of the objective language data and the subjective attributional data provide partial support for the Gender-Linked Language Effect in same-sex dyads and for the attenuation of that effect in mixed-sex dyads.},
author = {Mulac, Anthony and Wiemann, John M. and Widenmann, Sally J. and Gibson, Toni W.},
doi = {10.1080/03637758809376175},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Mulac et al. - 1988 - Malefemale language differences and effects in same-sex and mixed-sex dyads The gender-linked language effect.pdf:pdf},
journal = {Communications Monographs},
number = {4},
pages = {315--335},
title = {{Male/female language differences and effects in same-sex and mixed-sex dyads: The gender-linked language effect}},
volume = {55},
year = {1988}
}
@article{Eagly1990,
abstract = {Research comparing the leadership styles of women and men is reviewed, and evidence is found for
both the presence and the absence of differences between the sexes. In contrast to the gender-stereotypic expectation that women lead in an interpersonally orientedstyle and men in a task-oriented
style, female and male leaders did not differ in these two styles in organizationalstudies. However,
these aspects of leadership style were somewhat gender stereotypic in the two other classes of
leadership studies investigated, namely (a) laboratory experiments and (b) assessment studies, which
were defined as research that assessed the leadership styles of people not selected for occupancy of
leadership roles. Consistent with stereotypic expectations about a different aspect of leadership
style, the tendency to lead democratically or autocratically, women tended to adopt a more democratic or participative style and a less autocratic or directive style than did men. This sex difference
appeared in all three classes of leadership studies, including those conducted in organizations.
These and other findings are interpreted in terms of a social role theory of sex differences in social
behavior. },
author = {Eagly, Alice H and Johnson, Blair T},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Eagly, Johnson - 1990 - Gender and Leadership Style A Meta-Analysis.pdf:pdf},
journal = {Psychological Bulletin},
number = {2},
pages = {233--256},
title = {{Gender and Leadership Style: A Meta-Analysis}},
url = {http://digitalcommons.uconn.edu/chip{\_}docshttp://digitalcommons.uconn.edu/chip{\_}docs/11},
volume = {108},
year = {1990}
}
@book{kanter2008men,
author = {Kanter, Rosabeth Moss},
publisher = {Basic books},
title = {{Men and women of the corporation: New edition}},
year = {2008}
}
@article{deGeus2021,
author = {de Geus, Roosmarijn A. and Ralph-Morrow, Elizabeth and Shorrocks, Rosalind},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/de Geus, Ralph-Morrow, Shorrocks - 2021 - Undestanding Ambivalent Sexism and its Relationship with Electoral Choice in Britain.pdf:pdf},
journal = {Working Paper},
keywords = {benevolent sexism,british,gender,hostile sexism,voting behaviour},
pages = {1--34},
title = {{Undestanding Ambivalent Sexism and its Relationship with Electoral Choice in Britain}},
year = {2021}
}
@article{Gross2019,
abstract = {What will motivate citizens to support efforts to help those in need? Charitable organizations seeking support for their cause will often use the story of a specific individual to illustrate the problem and generate support. We explore the effectiveness of this strategy using the issue of homelessness. Specifically, we examine the role that the race of beneficiaries featured in a message, and the inclusion of deserv-ingness cues highlighting external attributions for an individual's homelessness have on willingness to donate to the homeless and support government efforts to address homelessness. Utilizing two experiments with a nationally representative probability sample and an online opt-in quota sample, we find significant effects of deserving-ness information on expressions of sympathy, and on support for government efforts to address homelessness when viewing individuals from one's own racial group. Direct effects on charitable giving are inconsistent across studies, with modest evidence that deservingness cues are associated with donation behavior in one. We also uncover interesting heterogeneity in how individuals react to a message about the homeless based on their predispositions. We discuss the implications for those utilizing this messaging strategy.},
author = {Gross, Kimberly and Wronski, Julie},
doi = {10.1007/s11109-019-09562-9},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Gross, Wronski - 2019 - Helping the Homeless The Role of Empathy, Race and Deservingness in Motivating Policy Support and Charitable Giv.pdf:pdf},
isbn = {0123456789},
journal = {Political Behavior},
keywords = {Deservingness,Emotion,Race},
title = {{Helping the Homeless: The Role of Empathy, Race and Deservingness in Motivating Policy Support and Charitable Giving}},
year = {2019}
}
@article{Ozer2021,
author = {Ozer, Adam},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Ozer - 2021 - Biased Perceptions of Women Experts in Political Media.pdf:pdf},
journal = {Working Paper},
pages = {1--24},
title = {{Biased Perceptions of Women Experts in Political Media}},
year = {2021}
}
@article{Coffe2022,
abstract = { Women consistently report lower levels of nascent political ambition than men, which causes problems for the recruitment of women in politics. The aim of this study is to better understand the mechanisms behind this gender gap by simultaneously studying the extent to which gender differences in preferences for and perceptions about the typical goals attained through a political career (power, independence and communal goals) can explain gender differences in political ambition. Using data collected among Belgian political and social sciences students ( N = 322), our results provide a strong confirmation of the gender gap in political ambition. We also find substantial gender differences in preferences for and perceptions about goals pursued through political careers. However, these individual-level differences in preferences and perceptions only marginally reduce the gender gap in political ambition, emphasising the need for active political recruitment.{\textless}br /{\textgreater} Key messages {\textless}ul{\textgreater}{\textless}li{\textgreater}There is a gender gap in political ambition, even among political and social sciences students.{\textless}/li{\textgreater}{\textless}br /{\textgreater}{\textless}li{\textgreater}Women are less attracted to the independence and power goals of a political mandate than men.{\textless}/li{\textgreater}{\textless}br /{\textgreater}{\textless}li{\textgreater}Women are interested in achieving communal goals but believe that they are not central to a political mandate.{\textless}/li{\textgreater}{\textless}br /{\textgreater}{\textless}li{\textgreater}Preferences for and perceptions about power goals explain political ambition but not the gender gap.{\textless}/li{\textgreater}{\textless}/ul{\textgreater} },
author = {Coff{\'{e}}, Hilde and Devroe, Robin and Vandeleene, Audrey and Wauters, Bram},
doi = {10.1332/251510821x16423796696763},
file = {:Users/lotte/Dropbox/PhD/topic{\_}project/lit/ejpg{\_}ft{\_}coffe{\_}uploaded{\_}210222.pdf:pdf},
issn = {2515-1088},
journal = {European Journal of Politics and Gender},
keywords = {gender,goal congruity,political ambition,political representation},
number = {Xx},
pages = {1--20},
title = {{Preferences for and perceptions about politicians' goals and how they impact women's and men's political ambition}},
volume = {XX},
year = {2022}
}
@article{Lausten2017,
author = {Lausten, Lasse and Bor, Alexander},
journal = {Electoral Studies},
pages = {96--197},
title = {{The Relative Weight of Character Traits in Political Candidate Evaluations: Warmth Is More Important than Competence, Leadership and Integrity}},
volume = {49},
year = {2017}
}
@article{Schneider2014b,
abstract = {As a result of changes in the campaign landscape, candidates have several strategic options available to them, particularly when considering how to respond to voters' gender stereotypes. The goal of this paper is to understand candidates' use of strategies based on gender stereotypes by emphasizing either particular issues or particular traits that are commonly associated with one gender or the other. To do this, I developed hypotheses of why candidates might choose a trait or issues strategy based on gender stereotypes. I tested these hypotheses using a large-scale content analysis of candidate websites over four election cycles. I found that female candidates mostly pursued strategies that were consistent with gender stereotypes. Interestingly, female candidates were found to have different strategies on different pages of their websites. I discuss the implications of gender-based strategies for the election of female candidates and for representation.},
author = {Schneider, Monica C.},
doi = {10.1080/15377857.2014.958373},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Schneider - 2014 - Gender-Based Strategies on Candidate Websites.pdf:pdf},
issn = {15377865},
journal = {Journal of Political Marketing},
keywords = {campaigns,candidate strategy,female candidates,gender,representation,websites},
number = {4},
pages = {264--290},
title = {{Gender-Based Strategies on Candidate Websites}},
volume = {13},
year = {2014}
}
@book{Hayes2016,
address = {Cambridge},
author = {Hayes, Danny and Lawless, Jennifer L.},
publisher = {Cambridge University Press},
title = {{Women on the Run: Gender, Media, and Political Campaigns in a Polarized Era}},
year = {2016}
}
@article{Sanbonmatsu2002,
author = {Sanbonmatsu, Kira},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Sanbonmatsu - 2002 - Gender Stereotypes and Vote Choice.pdf:pdf},
journal = {American Journal of Political Science},
number = {1},
pages = {20--34},
title = {{Gender Stereotypes and Vote Choice}},
volume = {46},
year = {2002}
}
@article{Knox2021,
abstract = {Speech and dialogue are the heart of politics: nearly every political institution in the world involves verbal communication. Yet vast literatures on political communication focus almost exclusively on what words were spoken, entirely ignoring how they were delivered - auditory cues that convey emotion, signal positions, and establish reputation. We develop a model that opens this information to principled statistical inquiry: the model of audio and speech structure (MASS). Our approach models political speech as a stochastic process shaped by fixed and time-varying covariates, including the history of the conversation itself. In an application to Supreme Court oral arguments, we demonstrate how vocal tone signals crucial information - skepticism of legal arguments - that is indecipherable to text models. Results show that justices do not use questioning to strategically manipulate their peers but rather engage sincerely with the presented arguments. Our easy-to-use R package, communication, implements the model and many more tools for audio analysis.},
author = {Knox, D. E.A.N. and Lucas, Christopher},
doi = {10.1017/S000305542000101X},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Knox, Lucas - 2021 - A Dynamic Model of Speech for the Social Sciences.pdf:pdf},
issn = {15375943},
journal = {American Political Science Review},
number = {1122374},
pages = {649--666},
title = {{A Dynamic Model of Speech for the Social Sciences}},
year = {2021}
}
@article{Bucy2014,
abstract = {This paper develops a model of press-priming in which public evaluations of press performance are examined in the context of media scandals where news organizations through their own ethical lapses become the subject and conduit of priming effects. We argue that judgments about the press during a crisis depend on the activation of standing attitudes toward press freedom and media responsibility, which come into play with close attention to ongoing developments. Our model is tested with original survey data collected around two salient press scandals in Britain, one involving the now-defunct News of the World tabloid, the other the storied British Broadcasting Corporation. Support for the model is found. In the aftermath of a press crisis, attitudes toward press freedom and media responsibility are situationally activated by the unique attributes of each scandal, and these attitudes shape evaluations of credibility and support for regulation. Implications for improved understanding of the news evaluation process are discussed.},
author = {Bucy, Erik P. and D'Angelo, Paul and Bauer, Nichole M.},
doi = {10.1177/1940161214541682},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Bucy, D'Angelo, Bauer - 2014 - Crisis, Credibility, and the Press A Priming Model of News Evaluation.pdf:pdf},
journal = {The International Journal of Press/Politics},
keywords = {BBC Jimmy Savile scandal,News of the World,media attitudes,media credibility,media priming,phone hacking scandal,press crisis,support for regulation},
number = {4},
pages = {453--475},
title = {{Crisis, Credibility, and the Press: A Priming Model of News Evaluation}},
volume = {19},
year = {2014}
}
@article{Osnabrugge2020,
author = {Osnabr{\"{u}}gge, Moritz and Hobolt, Sara B. and Rodon, Toni},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Osnabr{\"{u}}gge, Hobolt, Rodon - 2020 - Playing to the Gallery How Politicians Use Emotive Rhetoric in the British House of Commons.pdf:pdf},
journal = {American Political Science Review},
number = {3},
pages = {885--899},
title = {{Playing to the Gallery: Emotive Rhetoric in Parliaments}},
volume = {115},
year = {2021}
}
@book{Norris1995,
address = {Cambridge, UK},
author = {Norris, Pippa and Lovenduski, Joni},
publisher = {Cambridge University Press},
title = {{Political Recruitment: Gender, Race and Class in the British Parliament}},
year = {1995}
}
@article{Pounder2002,
author = {Pounder, James S. and Coleman, Marianne},
doi = {10.1108/01437730210424066},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Pounder, Coleman - 2002 - Women - better leaders than men In general and educational management it still all depends.pdf:pdf},
journal = {Leadership {\&} Organization Development Journal},
number = {3},
pages = {122--133},
title = {{Women - better leaders than men? In general and educational management it still "all depends"}},
volume = {23},
year = {2002}
}
@article{Heilman2004,
abstract = {A total of 242 subjects participated in 3 experimental studies investigating reactions to a woman's success in a male gender-typed job. Results strongly supported the authors' hypotheses, indicating that (a) when women are acknowledged to have been successful, they are less liked and more personally derogated than equivalently successful men (Studies 1 and 2); (b) these negative reactions occur only when the success is in an arena that is distinctly male in character (Study 2); and (c) being disliked can have career-affecting outcomes, both for overall evaluation and for recommendations concerning organizational reward allocation (Study 3). These results were taken to support the idea that gender stereotypes can prompt bias in evaluative judgments of women even when these women have proved themselves to be successful and demonstrated their competence. The distinction between prescriptive and descriptive aspects of gender stereotypes is considered, as well as the implications of prescriptive gender norms for women in work settings.},
author = {Heilman, Madeline E and Wallen, Aaron S and Fuchs, Daniella and Tamkins, Melinda M},
doi = {10.1037/0021-9010.89.3.416},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Heilman et al. - 2004 - Penalties for Success Reactions to Women Who Succeed at Male Gender-Typed Tasks.pdf:pdf},
journal = {Journal of Applied Psychology},
number = {3},
pages = {416--427},
title = {{Penalties for Success: Reactions to Women Who Succeed at Male Gender-Typed Tasks}},
volume = {89},
year = {2004}
}
@article{Blair1996,
abstract = {The experiments in this article were conducted to observe the automatic activation of gender stereotypes and to assess theoretically specified conditions under which such stereotype priming may be moderated. Across 4 experiments, 3 patterns of data were observed: (a) evidence of stereotype priming under baseline conditions of intention and high cognitive constraints, (b) significant reduction of stereotype priming when a counterstereotype intention was formed even though cognitive constraints were high, and (c) complete reversal of stereotype priming when a counterstereotype intention was formed and cognitive constraints were low. These data support proposals that stereotypes may be automatically activated as well as proposals that perceivers can control and even eliminate such effects.},
author = {Blair, Irene V. and Banaji, Mahzarin R},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Blair, Banaji - 1996 - Automatic and Controlled Processes in Stereotype Priming.pdf:pdf},
journal = {Journal of Personality and Social Psychology},
number = {6},
pages = {1142--1163},
title = {{Automatic and Controlled Processes in Stereotype Priming}},
volume = {70},
year = {1996}
}
@article{Dow1993,
annote = {{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 287) Feminine style: “women developed particular capacities for concrete and contingent reasoning, for reliance on personal experience, and for participatory interaction.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 288) “While private, female communication is characterized as concrete, participatory, cooperative, and oriented toward relationship maintenance, public, male communication is characterized as abstract, hierarchical, dominating, and oriented toward problem-solving.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “Female politicians must operate in the ultimate public deliberative context, where feminine communicative strategies would seem least valued and adaptation to typically male communicative patterns would seem most useful.”},
author = {Dow, Bonnie J. and Tonn, Mari Boor},
doi = {10.1080/00335639309384036},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Dow, Tonn - 1993 - Feminine style and political judgment in the rhetoric of Ann Richards.pdf:pdf},
issn = {0033-5630},
journal = {Quarterly Journal of Speech},
number = {3},
pages = {286--302},
title = {{"Feminine style" and Political Judgment in the Rhetoric of Ann Richards}},
volume = {79},
year = {1993}
}
@article{Preuhs2006,
abstract = {Despite a substantial increase in the number of racial and ethnic minority lawmakers across the United States, schol- ars have been unable to demonstrate that diversification of representative bodies increases minority group influence over policy decisions outside of small local governing boards. These null findings, however, are primarily due to underspecified empirical designs that do not account for the conditioning effects of racialized political contexts and majority party coalition membership. Using state-level data on welfare benefit levels and a survey of black state leg- islators, this study shows that black descriptive representation exerts policy influence outside of local governing bodies, but that a highly racialized political context and party control condition the nature and degree of policy influence. D},
author = {Preuhs, Robert R.},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Preuhs - 2006 - The Conditional Effects of Minority Descriptive Representation Black Legislators and Policy Influence in the American St.pdf:pdf},
journal = {The Journal of Politics},
number = {3},
pages = {585--599},
title = {{The Conditional Effects of Minority Descriptive Representation: Black Legislators and Policy Influence in the American States}},
volume = {68},
year = {2006}
}
@article{Mazei2021,
abstract = {A pervasive phenomenon in the workplace is that men appear eager to show how “tough” they are as negotiators. We introduce the Masculinity Effects in Negotiations model to explain men's negotiation behaviors and outcomes. According to the model, men perceive negotiating as an activity through which they can signal their masculinity and pursue social status, but they also recognize that their masculinity might be questioned and that they might lose social status. As a result, men can become enthusiastic but also anxious about negotiations and these emotions lead them to display a number of agentic negotiation behaviors to protect and underscore their masculinity and their social status. Depending on their own and their counterpart's behavior, men then either succeed or fail to obtain favorable economic negotiation outcomes, which influence their subsequent emotions (e.g., pride or shame). With our model, we advance a novel explanation for gender differences in negotiations and expand the understanding of men's workplace behaviors and outcomes (e.g., their pay, position, and reputation).},
author = {Mazei, Jens and Zerres, Alfred and H{\"{u}}ffmeier, Joachim},
doi = {10.5465/AMR.2017.0570},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Mazei, Zerres, H{\"{u}}ffmeier - 2021 - Masculinity at the negotiation table A theory of men's negotiation behaviors and outcomes.pdf:pdf},
issn = {03637425},
journal = {Academy of Management Review},
number = {1},
pages = {108--127},
title = {{Masculinity at the negotiation table: A theory of men's negotiation behaviors and outcomes}},
volume = {46},
year = {2021}
}
@article{Hollibaugh2018,
abstract = {Political scientists have long considered ideology, partisanship, and constituency in determining how members of the United States Congress make decisions. Meanwhile, psychologists have held that personality traits play central roles in decision-making. Here, we bridge these literatures by offering a framework for modeling how personality influences legislative behavior. Drawing from experimental economics and neuropsychology, we identify core cognitive constraints for the "Big Five" personality model, parameterizing them in ways useful for crafting formal models of legislative behavior. We then show one example of the applicability of this framework by creating a formal decision-theoretic model of constituency communication. We show that when there exists uncertainty over the true state of the world, personality traits have more influence on individual decisions.},
author = {Hollibaugh, Gary and Ramey, Adam and Klingler, Jonathan},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Hollibaugh, Ramey, Klingler - 2018 - Welcome to the Machine A Model of Legislator Personality and Communications Technology Adoption.pdf:pdf},
journal = {SAGE Open},
title = {{Welcome to the Machine: A Model of Legislator Personality and Communications Technology Adoption}},
year = {2018}
}
@article{Clayton2014,
abstract = {This article charts a new direction in gender quota research by examining whether female legislators in general, and quota recipients in particular, are accorded respect and authority in plenary debates. We measure this recognition in relation to the number of times an individual member of parliament (MP) is referred to by name in plenary debates. We use a unique dataset from the Ugandan parliament to assess the determinants of MP name recognition in plenary debates over an eight-year period (2001–08). Controlling for other possible determinants of MP recognition, we find that women elected to reserved seats are significantly less recognised in plenary debates over time as compared to their male and female colleagues in open seats.},
author = {Clayton, Amanda and Josefsson, Cecilia and Wang, Vibeke},
doi = {10.1080/00344893.2014.951232},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Clayton, Josefsson, Wang - 2014 - Present Without Presence Gender, Quotas and Debate Recognition in the Ugandan Parliament.pdf:pdf},
isbn = {0034-4893},
issn = {17494001},
journal = {Representation},
number = {3},
pages = {379--392},
title = {{Present Without Presence? Gender, Quotas and Debate Recognition in the Ugandan Parliament}},
volume = {50},
year = {2014}
}
@article{Joyce2021,
author = {Joyce, C. H.E. and Kang, Sonia K.},
doi = {10.5465/AMJ.2018.1280},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Joyce, Kang - 2021 - Covering in cover letters Gender and self-presentation in job applications.pdf:pdf},
issn = {00014273},
journal = {Academy of Management Journal},
number = {4},
pages = {1097--1126},
title = {{Covering in cover letters: Gender and self-presentation in job applications}},
volume = {64},
year = {2021}
}
@article{Bauer2015a,
author = {Bauer, Nichole M.},
doi = {10.1080/21565503.2014.992794},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Bauer - 2015 - Who stereotypes female candidates Identifying individual differences in feminine stereotype reliance.pdf:pdf},
issn = {2156-5511},
journal = {Politics, Groups, and Identities},
keywords = {female candidates,gender stereotypes,representation,vote choice},
number = {1},
pages = {94--110},
title = {{Who Stereotypes Female Candidates? Identifying Individual Differences in Feminine Stereotype Reliance}},
volume = {3},
year = {2015}
}
@article{Homola2019,
abstract = {This article explores (1) whether policy makers are equally responsive to the preferences of women and men and (2) whether the increased presence of women in parliament improves responsiveness to women's preferences. Using a time-series cross-sectional analysis of 351 party shifts by sixty-eight different parties across twelve Western European countries, the study finds that parties respond to the preference shifts of women and men. However, parties are more responsive to the preference shifts among men than among women-a finding that is not affected by the share of female politicians in parliament. The findings question the implicit assumption that substantive political representation of women necessarily follows from their descriptive representation in legislatures.},
author = {Homola, Jonathan},
doi = {10.1017/S0007123417000114},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Homola - 2019 - Are Parties Equally Responsive to Women and Men.pdf:pdf},
issn = {14692112},
journal = {British Journal of Political Science},
keywords = {party responsiveness,subconstituency representation,women, men},
number = {3},
pages = {957--975},
title = {{Are Parties Equally Responsive to Women and Men?}},
volume = {49},
year = {2019}
}
@article{Grose2015,
abstract = {Legislators claim that how they explain their votes matters as much as or more than the roll calls themselves. However, few studies have systematically examined legislators' explanations and citizen attitudes in response to these explanations. We theorize that legislators strategically tailor explanations to constituents in order to compensate for policy choices that are incongruent with constituent preferences, and to reinforce policy choices that are congruent. We conduct a within-subjects field experiment using U.S. senators as subjects to test this hypothesis. We then conduct a between-subjects survey experiment of ordinary people to see how they react to the explanatory strategies used by senators in the field experiment. We find that most senators tailor their explanations to their audiences, and that these tailored explanations are effective at currying support-especially among people who disagree with the legislators' roll-call positions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]},
annote = {In general this article might be useful for the third hypothesis. As it shows that MPs will change their behaviour in expecting of citizen preferences. This could help to justify the hypothesis},
author = {Grose, Christian R. and Malhotra, Neil and {Parks Van Houweling}, Robert},
doi = {10.1111/ajps.12164},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Grose, Malhotra, Parks Van Houweling - 2015 - Explaining Explanations How Legislators Explain their Policy Positions and How Citizens Re.pdf:pdf},
issn = {15405907},
journal = {American Journal of Political Science},
number = {3},
pages = {724--743},
title = {{Explaining Explanations: How Legislators Explain their Policy Positions and How Citizens React}},
volume = {59},
year = {2015}
}
@article{Geddes2018,
abstract = {While evidence hearings by House of Commons select committees have received increasing attention by the public and the media in recent years, academic research on this topic has remained rather thin. Drawing on both quantitative and qualitative methods, this article examines this topic. It begins by explaining why evidence is important: (i) it is fundamental to sustain detailed scrutiny; (ii) it builds individual-level and institutional-level expertise; and (iii) the range of evidence gathered is used by committees to engage with the public. The article then presents empirical data of the pool of witnesses on which committees rely, which arguably does not reflect the UK population, which raises important further questions over the representative claims of committees.},
annote = {{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 283) Article begins by explaining why evidence is important: (i) it is fundamental to sustain scrutiny; (ii) it builds individual-level and institutional-level expertise; and (iii) the range of evidence gathered is used by committees to engage with the public 
{\textperiodcentered}      Article then presents empirical data on the pool of witnesses on which committees rely, which arguably does not reflect the UK population 
{\textperiodcentered}      Therefore, this raises important further questions over the representative claims of committees 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 284) Government is not forced to adopt any recommendations from select committees, but committees can play an important role in influencing government policy 
{\textperiodcentered}      Method: looks at select committees gathering of evidence during the 2010 parliament 
{\textperiodcentered}      Draws on participant and non-participant observation during a period of 14 weeks in the Commons Committee Office; also relies on interviews with committee members, chairs and staff (totalling 43 interviews) 
{\textperiodcentered}      Interviews were semi-structured and open because their intention was to focus on the interviewee's interpretation of their role 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 285) Open form of thematic coding was used to summarise interview data 
{\textperiodcentered}      Article also uses a database of witnesses that gave evidence to committees over one parliamentary session (2013-2014), which in total came to 1238 committee sessions, featuring 3225 witnesses 
{\textperiodcentered}      Findings: committees rely on charities and campaign groups, business and trade associations and professional associations; witnesses come predominantly from London and the south of England; and there is significant gender disparity where three-quarters of witnesses are men 
{\textperiodcentered}      Therefore, this calls into question over the representativeness of evidence and whether the Commons has a wider responsibility to ensure diverse representation in committee hearings 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 290) Oral evidence is the most high-profile form of participation in select committee inquiries. More likely to be picked up by the media and most likely to be subjected to scrutiny by MPs 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 292) Article looks at 24 departmental and cross-cutting select committees in the Commons between 2013-2014 
{\textperiodcentered}      See p. 293 for breakdown of witnesses in committees},
author = {Geddes, Marc},
doi = {10.1093/pa/gsx026},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Geddes - 2018 - Committee Hearings of the UK Parliament Who gives Evidence and does this Matter.pdf:pdf},
journal = {Parliamentary Affairs},
number = {1},
pages = {283--304},
title = {{Committee Hearings of the UK Parliament: Who gives Evidence and does this Matter?}},
volume = {71},
year = {2018}
}
@article{Hug2010,
author = {Hug, Simon},
doi = {10.1017/S0007123409990160},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Hug - 2010 - Selection Effects in Roll Call Votes.pdf:pdf},
journal = {British Journal of Political Science},
number = {1},
pages = {225--235},
title = {{Selection Effects in Roll Call Votes}},
url = {https://about.jstor.org/terms},
volume = {40},
year = {2010}
}
@article{Yildirim2020a,
abstract = {The introduction of legislative television as a transparency initiative has been welcomed in an increasing number of democracies. The impact of television cameras on parliamentary behavior, however, has received scant attention in systems where personal vote-earning attributes are thought to be of little importance (e.g., closed-list proportional representation). Additionally, studies examining this relationship relied exclusively on over-time variation in legislative behavior (i.e., before and after the introduction of television into parliament), which arguably has important deficiencies in demonstrating the true effect of legislative television. Capitalizing on a unique quasi-experimental setting, the present study aims to close these gaps in the literature by analyzing parliamentary activities in Turkey, where the legislative television was restricted to 3 days per week (Tuesday, Wednesday, and Thursday) in 2011 after almost two decades of continuous 7-day operation. Results based on original data sets of parliamentary activities from the pre- and postreform periods (2009–11 and 2011–13) indicate that the varying presence of television cameras exacerbated the effect of electoral and reputation-building motivations on parliamentary behavior, encouraging electorally unsafe and junior MPs to shift their constituency focus to the televised proceedings. The results offer important implications for the study of legislative transparency and constituency representation in party-list proportional representation systems.},
author = {Yildirim, T. Murat},
doi = {10.1111/lsq.12256},
file = {:Users/lotte/Dropbox/PhD/topic{\_}project/lit/Legislative Studies Qtrly - 2019 - Yildirim - Politics of Constituency Representation and Legislative Ambition under the.pdf:pdf},
issn = {19399162},
journal = {Legislative Studies Quarterly},
keywords = {Turkey,closed-list proportional representation systems,constituency representation,legislative behavior,legislative television},
number = {1},
pages = {101--130},
title = {{Politics of Constituency Representation and Legislative Ambition under the Glare of Camera Lights}},
volume = {45},
year = {2020}
}
@book{Back2021,
address = {Oxford},
author = {B{\"{a}}ck, Hanna and Debus, Marc and Fernandes, Jorge M.},
publisher = {Oxford University Press},
title = {{The Politics of Legislative Debates}},
year = {2021}
}
@book{Wiggins1996,
address = {New York},
author = {Wiggins, Jerry S.},
publisher = {The Guildford Press},
title = {{The Five Factor Model of Personality: Theoretical Perspectives}},
year = {1996}
}
@article{Mackay2008,
abstract = {Understanding and analysing the complexity and contingency of what is 'going on' with the substantive representation of women (SRW) requires a 'thick' contextual framework comprising a whole-system approach rather than a narrow focus on whether or not female political representatives 'act for' women. A new schema is presented which enables us to locate and analyse the critical actors, sites and dynamics of SRW, over time, and in concrete gendered institutions and situations. The framework also addresses the question of what counts as the SRW.},
annote = {{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 125) “The presence of women in parliaments and legislatures—at whatever proportion, tipping point or critical mass—does not simply or automatically translate into substantive action on behalf of the unstable category ‘women' and their contestable ‘interests'.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 126) “Given the problems, should we discount any connection between what Phillips (1995) has called the politics of presence and the politics of ideas? For Pitkin (1967), who first made the distinction between ‘passive' forms of representation such as descriptive representation, and ‘active' modes of substantive representation, the answer was clear: the primary interest of scholars should be on substantive representation. Representation happens when political representatives act for their constituents, in a responsive manner, and within the framework of periodic authorisation and accountability.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 130) “Institutions, understood within a neo-institutional framework, comprise not only formal rules and structures but also informal norms and practices. Differential patterns of power, authority and resource distribution are embedded within the design of institutions and are reinforced or challenged by the informal practices that evolve over time (Steinmo et al. 1992; Streek and Thelen 2005).” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “Institutions are gendered in the sense that ‘gender is present in the processes, practices, images and ideologies, and distributions of power in the various sectors of social life ... institutions [are] historically developed by men, currently dominated by men, and symbolically interpreted from the standpoint of men in leading positions' (Acker 1992, 567).”},
author = {Mackay, Fiona},
doi = {10.1080/00344890802079607},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Mackay - 2008 - 'Thick' Conceptions of Substantive Representation Women, Gender and Political Institutions.pdf:pdf},
isbn = {08/02012515},
journal = {Representation},
number = {2},
pages = {125--139},
title = {{'Thick' Conceptions of Substantive Representation: Women, Gender and Political Institutions}},
volume = {44},
year = {2008}
}
@article{Carpinella2019,
author = {Carpinella, Colleen and Bauer, Nichole M.},
doi = {10.1080/21565503.2019.1637353},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Carpinella, Bauer - 2019 - A visual analysis of gender stereotypes in campaign advertising.pdf:pdf},
issn = {2156-5511},
journal = {Politics, Groups, and Identities },
title = {{A visual analysis of gender stereotypes in campaign advertising}},
url = {https://www.tandfonline.com/action/journalInformation?journalCode=rpgi20},
year = {2019}
}
@article{Hayes2011,
abstract = {Research has shown that voters are willing to stereotype candidates on the basis of their gender, which can sometimes pose obstacles and sometimes prove advantageous for female politicians. But the literature is uncertain about how candidate gender interacts with candidate party affiliation to shape voters' perceptions. In this article, I draw on political psychology, the women and politics literature, and recent work on partisan "trait ownership" to suggest that the application of gender stereotypes will be limited by the salience of partisan stereotypes. I use nationally representative survey data and a content analysis of news coverage from the 2006 U.S. Senate elections to test the argument. Focusing on voter evaluations of candidate traits, I find that party stereotypes are more powerful than gender stereotypes, and that assessments of candidate attributes can be affected by news coverage when candidates are portrayed in ways that challenge traditional partisan images. The results suggest that gender stereotyping is limited by the relevance of party stereotypes, and that as the Republican and Democratic parties continue to polarize at the elite level, the importance of partisan stereotyping is likely to increase. {\textcopyright} The Women and Politics Research Section of the American Political Science Association 2011.},
author = {Hayes, Danny},
doi = {10.1017/S1743923X11000055},
file = {:Users/lotte/Dropbox/PhD/style{\_}experiment/lit/when-gender-and-party-collide-stereotyping-in-candidate-trait-attribution.pdf:pdf},
issn = {1743923X},
journal = {Politics and Gender},
number = {2},
pages = {133--165},
title = {{When Gender and Party Collide: Stereotyping in Candidate Trait Attribution}},
volume = {7},
year = {2011}
}
@article{Collignon2020,
abstract = {The use of political violence to attain political goals has long been a source of concern. Once thought to be exclusive to countries with high levels of general violence, recent evidence suggests that harassment and intimidation of political elites in the UK is more widespread than previously thought. Using data from the 2017 general election candidate survey, we find that four in every ten candidates experienced at least one type of harassment. Evidence suggests that women and young candidates are more likely to suffer from harassment and intimidation. We conclude by formulating an agenda for future research, focussing, in particular, on the perception of harassment and the effect of harassment on political careers.},
author = {Collignon, Sofia and R{\"{u}}dig, Wolfgang},
doi = {10.1111/1467-923X.12855},
file = {:Users/lotte/Dropbox/PhD/style{\_}experiment/lit/Political Quarterly - 2020 - Collignon - Harassment and Intimidation of Parliamentary Candidates in the United Kingdom.pdf:pdf},
issn = {1467923X},
journal = {Political Quarterly},
keywords = {British politics,campaigns,electoral candidates,harassment,intimidation,violence in politics,women in politics},
number = {2},
pages = {422--429},
title = {{Harassment and Intimidation of Parliamentary Candidates in the United Kingdom}},
volume = {91},
year = {2020}
}
@article{Wojcik2017,
abstract = {Why do some la wmakers form denser professio nal networks th an others? Weexte nd exis ting theorie s of gendered netw orks, arguin g th at legis lators use networkingas a strategy to compensate for a challenging in stitutional environment. Usin g orig inaldata from Brazil, we provid e surv ey-based evidence that femal e representatives in theCh amber of Deputies engage in hig her rates of in tragender networking and have moreprofuse and div erse legislative networks than male deputies. We als o provide suggestiveevid ence th at these profuse legislative relationships pay off for women in the form ofhig her vote shares at election time.},
annote = {{\textperiodcentered}      Examines why some lawmakers form denser professional networks than others – article extends existing theories of gendered networks to argue that legislators use networking as a strategy to compensate for a challenging institutional environment 
{\textperiodcentered}      Uses original data from Brazil (survey based evidence) to show that female representatives in the Chamber of Deputies engage in higher rates of intragender networking and have more profuse and diverse legislative networks than male deputies 
{\textperiodcentered}      Divide in existing literature: 1) women are excluded from the ‘old boys' networks; 2) women have more collaborative ties than men (e.g. Barnes 2016) 
{\textperiodcentered}      Argument: women form network ties to overcome the challenges of being institutionally disadvantaged in the legislature 
{\textperiodcentered}      Methods: “First, we present original survey data on political communication networks among legislators in the Brazilian Chamber of Deputies. These data were collected using a digital network survey application developed by one of the authors exclusively for measuring network ties in legislative contexts. Second, we utilize a network-analytic methodology that allows us to test for differences in networking behavior between men and women while controlling for structural and other variables affecting tie formation.” (p. 580) 
{\textperiodcentered}      Women may advance themselves in masculine institutions by supporting one another – e.g. Barnes (2016) uses cosponsorship data from provincial legislatures in Argentina, finds compelling evidence of thick collaboration ties between women – “her findings providence evidence of feminine collaboration in the form of cosponsortship in disadvantaged contexts as a strategy to counteract existing gendered barriers” (p. 582) 
{\textperiodcentered}      “Kanthak and Krause (2012) draw similar, though more nuanced conclusions about the nature of intragender networking from their study of majority-minority group relations in the American context. They find that as members of the same minority group, female legislators place a lot of value on their female colleagues. However, this value can decrease as more women enter the institution, depending on the number of women in the legislature and how well coordinated they are.” (p. 583) 
{\textperiodcentered}      “The legislature is a place where competitiveness, confidence, and dominance are valued. Yet engaging in such behaviours may not work equally well for women. There is evidence that when women display masculine characteristics, such as competiveness, they experience backlash for stepping out of their ‘feminine' roles (Amanatullah and Tinsley 2013).” (p. 584) 
{\textperiodcentered}      “Yet Schwindt-Bayer (2011) finds that the highest performing female legislators tend to play by the masculine rules of the political game. Such a context requires women to perform a balancing act of behaving in a feminine enough manner to avoid punishment for breaking gender norms while remaining assertive enough to make their voices heard.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      Findings: female-female ties are more likely than male-male ties or female-male ties (women form ties with other women at rates about 40{\%} greater than men with men) 
{\textperiodcentered}      Findings: women tend to have more incoming and outgoing links than men, even after controlling for the intragender associations 
{\textperiodcentered}      Findings: women are more likely to cultivate ties with colleagues who are different from them compared with men 
{\textperiodcentered}      Findings: women are significantly more likely to form ties with differently aged colleagues compared to men 
{\textperiodcentered}      Findings: gender differences in legislator behaviour do exist, women are more communicative, they form intragender ties based on their shared status as one means of overcoming contextual barriers. However, female legislators know that they must form ties with men to access the resources they need to achieve their goals 
{\textperiodcentered}      Findings: finally, to a greater degree than men, women form diverse relationships that span age and experience levels. Overall, female legislators tend to foster denser and more diverse networks than their male counterparts (p. 604)},
author = {Wojcik, Stefan and Mullenax, Shawnna},
doi = {10.1111/lsq.12169},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Wojcik, Mullenax - 2017 - Men Idle, Women Network How Networks Help Female Legislators Succeed.pdf:pdf},
issn = {19399162},
journal = {Legislative Studies Quarterly},
number = {4},
pages = {579--610},
title = {{Men Idle, Women Network: How Networks Help Female Legislators Succeed}},
volume = {42},
year = {2017}
}
@incollection{Carli2017,
address = {Thousand Oaks, US},
author = {Carli, Linda L. and Eagly, Alice H.},
booktitle = {The Nature of Leadership},
editor = {Antonakis, John and Day, David},
pages = {244--271},
publisher = {Sage},
title = {{Leadership and Gender}},
year = {2017}
}
@article{Ross2002,
annote = {{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 190) “There does seem to be a strongly-held view, found also among women parliamentarians, that women politicians do bring a different perspective to their politics both in the way they approach parliamentary politics, including their style, and in their political priorities.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “Some commentators suggest that women politicians have a fundamentally and inherently different political style to male colleagues, that women bring a higher standard of moral behaviour, are more honest, less manipulative and less combative in their approach.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 191) “women are more interested in the importance of relationships and use a personal moral view to inform decision-making” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 192) “For her and other women, adopting a confident persona which is assertive is a prerequisite for achieving credibility amongst parliamentary peers and, in the end, can become a more authentic part of oneself: but it is always hard to operate against the grain of one's preferred modus operandi.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “In predominantly two-party parliamentary systems, the adversarial slant to politics is unavoidable, but most real work is done outside the chamber and it is in committees where more women are making a significant difference to the way in which the business of politics is done.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 197) “The strategies which women parliamentarians employ to cope with an often hostile working environment are many and various. Some women who are already assertive appear simply to exaggerate those so-called masculine traits, so that they function (and are often perceived) as honorary men. This was especially true of Margaret Thatcher{\ldots}”},
author = {Ross, Karen},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Ross - 2002 - Women's Place in ‘Male' Space Gender and Effect in Parliamentary Contexts.pdf:pdf},
journal = {Parliamentary Affairs},
pages = {189--201},
title = {{Women's Place in ‘Male' Space: Gender and Effect in Parliamentary Contexts}},
volume = {55},
year = {2002}
}
@article{Finlayson2007,
author = {Finlayson, Alan},
journal = {British Journal of Politics and International Relations},
pages = {545--563},
title = {{From Beliefs to Arguments: Interpretive Methodology and Rhetorical Political Analysis}},
volume = {9},
year = {2007}
}
@article{Ng1995,
abstract = {...Relative to low-ranking members, high-ranking members were more successful in interrupting others and in gaining speaking turns by other, noninterruptive means. When being interrupted, high-ranking members were better able to maintain the floor. However, the former also yielded to the interruptions they received. Further analysis showed that certain speach acts (dissent, offer, reply) were more strongly associated than others (consent, reaction, request) with the successful enactment of interruptions. ...},
author = {Ng, Sik Hung and Brooke, Mark and Dunne, Michael},
doi = {10.1177/0261927X950144003},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Ng, Brooke, Dunne - 1995 - Interruption and influence in discussion groups.pdf:pdf},
issn = {15526526},
journal = {Journal of Language and Social Psychology},
number = {4},
pages = {369--381},
title = {{Interruption and influence in discussion groups}},
volume = {14},
year = {1995}
}
@book{Iversen2010,
address = {New Haven},
author = {Iversen, Torben and Rosenbluth, Frances},
publisher = {Yale University Press},
title = {{Women, Work, and Politics: The Political Economy of Gender Inequality}},
year = {2010}
}
@article{Berry2002,
author = {Berry, Jeffrey M.},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Berry - 2002 - Validity and Reliability Issues In Elite Interviewing.pdf:pdf},
journal = {Political Science {\&} Politics },
number = {4},
pages = {679--682},
title = {{Validity and Reliability Issues In Elite Interviewing}},
volume = {35},
year = {2002}
}
@article{Johnson2005,
abstract = {Dow and Tonn's feminine rhetorical style is used to evaluate the argument structures used in presidential debate discourse. Results suggest that the feminine style element of references to personal experience is prevalent in debate discourse but that inductive structure and use of anecdotes and examples are less prevalent than one might expect. Further, feminine style elements, including references to personal experience and use of inductive structure, have decreased over time since the 1960 debate. Differences were also found in use of specific feminine style elements by political party, incumbency status and election outcome. ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR Copyright of Communication Quarterly is the property of Eastern Communication Association and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts)},
annote = {Note: may want to look back over as this piece uses quantitative content analysis 
  
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 3) “Results suggest that the feminine style element of references to personal experience is prevalent in debate discourse but that inductive structure and use of anecdotes and examples are less prevalent than one might expect.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 6) “Discourse using feminine style is characterized as relying heavily on personal examples and experiences, using inductive reasoning, and identifying with the audience and its experiences (Campbell, 1989).” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 10) Uses quantitative content analysis 
{\textperiodcentered}      Sample: “Transcripts of presidential debates from 1960 and from 1976 to 2000 were used in this investigation. Transcripts for debates were obtained from the Commission on Presidential Debates (1960, 1976, 1980, 1988 /2000) and the Public Broadcasting System (1984) websites. A total of 18 debates, involving six Democratic (Kennedy, Carter, Mondale, Dukakis, Clinton, and Gore), six Republican (Nixon, Ford, Reagan, G. H. W. Bush, Dole, and G. W. Bush) and two Independent (Anderson and Perot) candidates, were thus included.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      Coding procedures: “Before coding of specific feminine style elements could begin, the debate transcripts were divided into coding units. Coding at the micro level of the sentence or phrase, while appropriate in other types of research (e.g., Hinck {\&} Hinck, 2002; Roloff {\&} Ifert, 1998), is inappropriate for the present investigation.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “Paragraphs are also a potentially problematic unit for analysis, as the person developing the transcript, rather than the candidate himself, is delineating between paragraphs.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 11) “references to personal experience” – e.g. “I remember something my dad told me*/I was 18 years old going to Penn Station to go on into the Navy, and he said write your mother*/which I faithfully did; he said serve your country*/my father was an honor, duty and country man; and he said tell the truth. And I've tried to do that in public life, all through it. That says something about character.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “use of anecdotes and examples was defined as speaker reference to others' personal experiences through the use of examples and narratives” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “inductive structure was defined as instances where the speaker provides examples or other evidence first and draws a conclusion after the evidence is presented”},
author = {Johnson, Danette Ifert},
doi = {10.1080/01463370500055814},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Johnson - 2005 - Feminine Style in Presidential Debate Discourse, 1960-2000.pdf:pdf},
isbn = {01463373},
issn = {0146-3373},
journal = {Communication Quarterly},
number = {1},
pages = {3--20},
pmid = {20032291},
title = {{Feminine Style in Presidential Debate Discourse, 1960-2000}},
volume = {53},
year = {2005}
}
@article{Sykes2008,
abstract = {Placing the 2008 election in the context of political development reveals the gendered nature of the presidency and presidential elections. The institution of the presidency is predominantly masculinist. It privileges conventional masculine attributes of strength, determination, and decisiveness. Yet the degree to which the institution requires masculinist leadership attributes varies throughout political development and according to different types of time. Viewed through a chronological linear lens, developments in “historical time” magnify the most masculinist aspect of the presidency—the role of commander in chief. On the other hand, in 2008 “political time” signals the end of the neoliberal era and a shift away from confrontational, partisan politics toward the building of a new consensus that emphasizes domestic welfare. As a result, the nature and stage of the regime cycle or moment in political time favor feminalist features of leadership such as collective engagement, cooperation, and conciliation. In the 2008 election, these two types of time collide, and the collision helps explain the gender-specific character of the campaigns, the candidates, and the next president.},
author = {Sykes, Patricia Lee},
doi = {10.1017/S1049096508080979},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Sykes - 2008 - Gender in the 2008 presidential election Two types of time collide.pdf:pdf},
issn = {10490965},
journal = {PS - Political Science and Politics},
number = {4},
pages = {761--764},
title = {{Gender in the 2008 presidential election: Two types of time collide}},
volume = {41},
year = {2008}
}
@book{Jamieson1995,
address = {Oxford},
author = {Jamieson, Kathleen},
publisher = {Oxford University Press},
title = {{Beyond the Double Bind: Women and Leadership}},
year = {1995}
}
@article{Eagly1986a,
abstract = {In our meta-analytic review of sex differences in aggressive behavior reported in the social psychological literature we found that although men were somewhat more aggressive than women on the average, sex differences were inconsistent across studies. The magnitude of the sex differences was significantly related to various attributes of the studies. In particular, the tendency for men to aggress more than women was more pronounced for aggression that produces pain or physical injury than for aggression that produces psychological or social harm. In addition, sex differences in aggressive behavior were larger to the extent that women, more than men, perceived that enacting a behavior would produce harm to the target, guilt and anxiety in oneself, as well as danger to oneself. Our interpretation oftbese results emphasizes that aggression sex differences are a function of perceived consequences of aggression that are learned as aspects of gender roles and other social roles.},
author = {Eagly, Alice and Steffen, Valerie},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Eagly, Steffen - 1986 - Gender and Aggressive Behavior A Meta-Analytic Review of the Social Psychological Literature.pdf:pdf},
journal = {Psychological Bulletin},
number = {3},
pages = {309--330},
title = {{Gender and Aggressive Behavior: A Meta-Analytic Review of the Social Psychological Literature}},
url = {https://www.saylor.org/site/wp-content/uploads/2011/07/psych406-7.2.pdf},
volume = {100},
year = {1986}
}
@article{Hawkesworth2005,
abstract = {What does it mean to use gender as a category of analysis in political science? This is a question of fundamental concern for scholars of gender and politics, perhaps the fundamental question. In this section of the journal, we present essays that reflect the perspectives of six of the leading scholars in the field. These essays grew out of an organized roundtable at the 1997 Annual Meetings of the American Political Science Association in Washington, D.C., titled “The Concept of Gender: Research Implications for Political Science.” We hope these first “Critical Perspectives” will provoke future discussion and dialogue.},
author = {Hawkesworth, Mary},
doi = {10.1017/S1743923X05001017},
file = {:Users/lotte/Dropbox/PhD/topic{\_}project/lit/engendering-political-science-an-immodest-proposal.pdf:pdf},
journal = {Politics {\&} Gender},
number = {1},
pages = {141--156},
title = {{Engendering Political Science: An Immodest Proposal}},
volume = {1},
year = {2005}
}
@article{Wang2013,
abstract = {In this article, we use a sample of Norwegian quoted companies in the period of 2001-2010 to explore whether the gender quota requiring 40 {\%} female directors on corporate boards changes the likelihood of women being appointed to top leadership roles as board chairs or corporate CEOs. Our empirical results indicate that the gender quota and the resulting increased representation of female directors provide a fertile ground for women to take top leadership positions. The presence of female board chairs is positively associated with female directors' independence status, age and qualification, whilst the presence of female CEOs is positively related to the average qualification of female directors. Firms with older and better educated female directors are more likely to appoint female board chairs. The likelihood of female CEOs' appointment increases with the percentage of independent directors and directors' qualifications, especially those for female directors. Furthermore, the gender gaps with respect to qualification, board interlocks and nationality between female and male board chairs vanishes after Norwegian companies' full compliance to the quota in January 2008. However, the gender quota has no significant impact on the gender gaps between female and male directors after its full compliance. Our article thereby contributes to understanding how gender quotas, presence of female directors, percentage of female directors on boards and other board characteristics can determine the gender of top leaders of organizations.},
author = {Wang, Mingzhu and Kelan, Elisabeth},
doi = {10.1007/s10551-012-1546-5},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Wang, Kelan - 2013 - The Gender Quota and Female Leadership Effects of the Norwegian Gender Quota on Board Chairs and CEOs.pdf:pdf},
journal = {Journal of Business Ethics},
pages = {449--466},
title = {{The Gender Quota and Female Leadership: Effects of the Norwegian Gender Quota on Board Chairs and CEOs}},
volume = {117},
year = {2013}
}
@article{Erikson2021,
abstract = {Women and young constitute two underrepresented groups in most legislatures worldwide. The aim of this paper is to theorize and empirically analyze how the hitherto overlooked intersection between gender and young age condition legislators' opportunities to carry out their representative tasks on equal grounds. Using original survey data from the Swedish Parliament (response rate 82{\%}, n = 287) in combination with 40 in-depth interviews with young male and female MPs, we ask whether being young in parliament have different implications for men and women legislators. We find that young women experience higher demands and anxiety, and are more subject to negative treatment compared to other groups. Young men, on the other hand, stand out as the least exposed group. Together our results demonstrate that a young age reinforces negative gendered patterns for women in parliament, while age appears irrelevant or even, at times, a beneficial factor for young men.},
author = {Erikson, Josefina and Josefsson, Cecilia},
doi = {10.1080/21565503.2018.1564055},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Erikson, Josefsson - 2021 - Equal playing field On the intersection between gender and being young in the Swedish Parliament.pdf:pdf},
issn = {2156-5503},
journal = {Politics, Groups, and Identities},
number = {1},
pages = {81--100},
publisher = {Taylor {\&} Francis},
title = {{Equal Playing Field? On the Intersection Between Gender and Being Young in the Swedish Parliament}},
volume = {9},
year = {2021}
}
@incollection{Huddy2008,
address = {Cambridge},
author = {Huddy, Leonie and Cassese, Erin C. and Lizotte, Mary-Kate},
booktitle = {Political Women and American Democracy},
editor = {Wolbrecht, Christina and Beckwith, Karen and Baldez, Lisa},
pages = {31--49},
publisher = {Cambridge University Press},
title = {{Gender, Public Opinion, and Political Reasoning}},
year = {2008}
}
@book{Teele2018b,
address = {New Jersey, US},
author = {Teele, Dawn Langan},
publisher = {Princeton University Press},
title = {{Forging the Franchise: The Political Origins of Women's Vote}},
year = {2018}
}
@article{Banaji1995,
abstract = {Implicit (unconscious) gender stereotyping in fame judgments was tested with an adaptation of a procedure developed by L. L. Jacoby, C. M. Kelley, J. Brown, and J. Jasechko (1989). In Experiments 1-4, participants pronounced 72 names of famous and nonfamous men and women, and 24 or 48 hr later made fame judgments in response to the 72 familiar and 72 unfamiliar famous and nonfa-mous names. These first experiments, in which signal detection analysis was used to assess implicit stereotypes, demonstrate that the gender bias (greater assignment of fame to male than female names) was located in the use of a lower criterion (P) for judging fame of familiar male than female names. Experiments 3 and 4 also showed that explicit expressions of sexism or stereotypes were uncorrelated-with the observed implicit gender bias in fame judgments. Some of the earliest achievements of information processing methods in social cognition research demonstrated the involvement of memory and other cognitive processes in stereotyping. This research has documented, for example, errors in frequency estimation of behaviors performed by members of varying social groups (Hamilton {\&} Gifford, 1976), superior memory for stereotype-confirming than-disconfirming events (Rothb-art, Evans, {\&} Fulero, 1979), and superior memory for information about members of minority than majority groups (see Tay-lor, 198 1). Empirical effects such as these revealed the cognitive basis of stereotyping, and these discoveries changed existing views of the stereotyping process and of the social perceiver. Rather than portraying stereotyping as an intentionally motivated act to discriminate, or as an attribute of a select group of prejudiced individuals, social cognition research has characterized stereotyping as a consequence of the routine operation of cognitive processes. Staying within this social cognition tradition, the present research investigated stereotyping with an indirect measurement method derived from research on implicit memory, rather than the direct-measurement methods of traditional memory re-. Electronic mail may be sent via Internet to mbanaji@yalevm.cis.yale.edu. search (viz., recall and recognition). The central interest, however , was not in implicit memory per se, but rather in using a measure of implicit memory to demonstrate the operation of implicit stereotyping.' This article seeks to establish that methods developed in the study of the unconscious operation of memory can be applied to investigate automatic or unconscious aspects of social cognition. Several recent experiments and discussions have described implicit and automatic cognitive components of stereotypes (Banaji {\&}},
author = {Banaji, Mahzarin R. and Greenwald, Anthony G.},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Banaji, Greenwald - 1995 - Implicit Gender Stereotyping in Judgments of Fame.pdf:pdf},
journal = {Journal of Personality and Social Psychology},
number = {2},
pages = {181--198},
publisher = {Perdue {\&} Gurtman},
title = {{Implicit Gender Stereotyping in Judgments of Fame}},
volume = {68},
year = {1995}
}
@article{Sallberg2020,
author = {S{\"{a}}llberg, Yohanna and Hansen, Martin Ejnar},
doi = {10.1080/00344893.2019.1682648},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/S{\"{a}}llberg, Hansen - 2019 - Analysing the Importance of Localness for MP Campaigning and Legislative Performance.pdf:pdf},
issn = {1749-4001},
journal = {Representation},
number = {2},
pages = {215--227},
title = {{Analysing the Importance of Localness for MP Campaigning and Legislative Performance}},
volume = {56},
year = {2020}
}
@article{Weeks2021,
author = {Weeks, Ana Catalano and Meguid, Bonnie M. and Kittilson, Miki Caul and Coffe, Hilde},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Weeks et al. - 2021 - When Do M{\"{a}}nnerparteien Elect Women Radical Right Populist Parties and Strategic Descriptive Representation.pdf:pdf},
journal = {American Political Science Review},
number = {Forthcoming},
pages = {1--18},
title = {{When Do M{\"{a}}nnerparteien Elect Women? Radical Right Populist Parties and Strategic Descriptive Representation}},
year = {2022}
}
@article{Strand1999,
abstract = {This work examines the effect of gender stereotypes on the perception of language by drawing together findings from the fields of speech perception, gender studies, and social psychology. Results from two speech perception experiments are reviewed that show that lis-teners' stereotypes about gender, as activated by the faces and voices of speakers, alter the listeners' perception of the fricatives /s/ and /∫/. One experiment employs auditory-only consonant-vowel-consonant (CVC) tokens and the other employs audiovisual stimuli created from the same tokens synthesized with talking faces. This effect of stereotypes on low-level speech processing must be accounted for in models of perception, cognition, and the relationship between the physical and social environment. Much work on the sociology of language has demonstrated conclusively that perceived language variation triggers evaluative judgments about the speaker. Furthermore, the independence of these judgments from the percept of language variation is usually taken for granted. This article, however, discusses how evaluative judgments, or stereotypes, actually play a role in shaping the perception of language itself. As von Hippel, Sekaquaptewa, and Vargas (1995) note, Any evidence that perceptual processes influence and are influenced by stereotypes and prejudice would have profound implications. People view their senses as documentary devices that faithfully translate the environment into understandable and manageable units .},
author = {Strand, Elizabeth A.},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Strand - 1999 - Uncovering the Role of Gender Stereotypes in Speech Perception.pdf:pdf},
journal = {Journal of Language and Social Psychology},
number = {1},
pages = {86--99},
title = {{Uncovering the Role of Gender Stereotypes in Speech Perception}},
volume = {18},
year = {1999}
}
@book{Geddes2020,
address = {Manchester},
author = {Geddes, Marc},
publisher = {Manchester University Press},
title = {{Dramas at Westminster: Select Committees and the Quest for Accountability}},
year = {2020}
}
@article{Butler2022,
author = {Butler, Daniel M and Naurin, Elin and {\"{O}}hberg, Patrik},
doi = {10.1086/719631},
file = {:Users/lotte/Dropbox/projects/productivity{\_}experiment/lit/719631.pdf:pdf},
issn = {0022-3816},
journal = {The Journal of Politics},
keywords = {citizen-requests,constituent contacts,gender and legislative communication,us legislatures},
number = {Forthcoming},
pages = {1--15},
title = {{Constituents Ask Female Legislators to do More}},
year = {2022}
}
@article{Bear2011,
abstract = {Given that women continue to be underrepresented in STEM (Science, Technology, Engineering and Math) and that scientific innovations are increasingly produced by team collaborations, we reviewed the existing literature regarding the effects of gender diversity on team processes and performance. Recent evidence strongly suggests that team collaboration is greatly improved by the presence of women in the group, and this effect is primarily explained by benefits to group processes. The evidence concerning the effect of gender diversity on team performance is more equivocal and contingent upon a variety of contextual factors. In light of the importance of collaboration in science, promoting the role of women in the field can have positive practical consequences for science and technology.},
author = {Bear, Julia B. and Woolley, Anita Williams},
doi = {10.1179/030801811X13013181961473},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Bear, Woolley - 2011 - The role of gender in team collaboration and performance.pdf:pdf},
journal = {Interdisciplinary Science Reviews},
number = {2},
pages = {146--153},
title = {{The Role of Gender in Team Collaboration and Performance}},
volume = {36},
year = {2011}
}
@incollection{Karpowitz2014j,
abstract = {JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact support@jstor.org.},
annote = {Summary: Numbers matter, but their effects depend on the decision rule. When fewer women are present in groups the more the interaction takes on a masculine character. However, this depends on rules and procedures of interaction. Unanimous decision rule sets a norm of inclusion which will help elevate women's participation (women more than men need an interaction style that emphasises social solidarity and cooperation). 

Reasons why the 'feminine style' may be beneficial to 'masculine style'
- (p. 53) leaders who pursue the leadership style women are associated with (cooperative, inclusive, caring etc.) can be highly effective at meeting the group's collective goals and simultaneously create a high-quality experience for all individual group members 
- dominant/assertive styles can detract from authrotiy under some circumstances 

- (p. 55) "Women are not only generally less likely than men to view themselves as competent and meritorious, they are also specifically less likely than men to view themselves as qualified to engage in leadership roles."

- (p. 58) "Both experimental and observational evidence thus point to the same conclu- sion: women are reluctant to compete for a leadership position even when their ability is high; confidence is a key element in the gender gap in leadership and authority."

- (p. 60) "Put differ- ently, women perceive the existence of a norm that expects them to act like women; that defines feminine behavior as demure, modest, accommodating, and cooperative; and that defines masculine behavior as assertive and domi- nant (Eagly and Karau 2002)." 

- (p. 61) "Women are, therefore, socialized by positive and by negative reinforcements; they can observe the negative effects of their masculine actions and the posi- tive effects of their feminine ones on how others in turn treat them."

- (p. 65) "In sum, women may tend to prefer— and to thrive in— conditions of cooperation and to do less well than men in conditions of conflict. The conditions of discussion may well entail more or less cooperation or conflict. Attending to these conditions is, therefore, key because the level of harmony in the discus- sion may be especially consequential to women's participation."

Findings
- (p. 59) "When the sociologist Cecilia Ridgeway trained female confederates to interact with other members of decision- making groups, she found that women exercised the most influence when they used a stereotypi- cally defined feminine style: friendly, cooperative, caring, but nonconfronta- tional (1982, 81). Women who attempt to exercise influence in the overt ways associated with men experience the failure that comes from norm violation— negative evaluation of their abilities and social rejection in the form of dislike."

Methods
- (p.69) Rely on the notion that gender is a characteristic not only of an individual, but also of a situation 
- "Our interest in particular lies with the ways that interaction within a discussion group may elicit gendered attitudes and behaviors, and how those gendered attitudes and behaviors produce a gender gap in participation and influence— in other words, in substantive and symbolic representation, in authority, standing, and power."
- (p. 75) Minority status hypothesis: "The average woman in the numerical minority occupies a lower status and hence participates and influences less than the average woman in a numerical majority. Conse- quently, the gender gap in the group shrinks as women's numbers increase. Men may be negatively affected by being a minority gender, but not as much as women"
- Enclave hypothesis: "The average woman's participation and influence is greatest in all-female groups, where women are less constrained by the gender role expectation to avoid authoritative behavior, and which build women's con- fidence and employ cooperative norms. There are no clear expectations for male enclaves." 
- Interaction hypothesis: Under majority rule, the average woman participates and influences more as women's numbers increase, shrinking the gender gap in the group. Men may be negatively affected by being a minority gender, but not as much as women. Under this rule, the minority status hypothesis is accurate. Under unanimous rule, the group develops an inclusive interaction norm that elevates the participation and influence of both gender minorities. When women are few, that norm increases the average woman's participation and influence. Thus the average minority woman participates and influences considerably more under unanimous than majority rule. But the inclusive norm also raises the average minority man's partici- pation and influence. Therefore, under unanimous rule, the average woman's participation and influence remains the same, or even decreases, as women's num- bers increase, enlarging the gender gap in the group. That is, the effects of women's higher numbers are neutralized, or even exceeded, by the boost minority men received from being the gender minority under consensus norms of interaction.

Argument: who is in the room can have a powerful effect on what women think, feel, and ultimately do during grouo dicussion. Therefore, (p. 77) there is reason to expect women to participate less and to achieve lower levels of substantive representation in groups where women are a minority 
- "Women will perceive themselves to have less authority than men, and consequently they will speak less, speak less to their distinctive concerns, articulate their preferences less often, and carry less influence over the group."

Finding: (p. 94) "A significant interaction between gender composition and decision rule exists: the gender gap in speech and influence favoring men decreases as the number of women increases under majority rule, but remains the same or increases as the number of women increases under unanimous rule."},
author = {Karpowitz, Christopher F and Mendelberg, Tali},
booktitle = {The Silent Sex: Gender, Deliberation and Institutions},
chapter = {3},
edition = {First},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Karpowitz, Mendelberg - 2014 - 3. Why Women Don't Speak.pdf:pdf},
pages = {51--96},
publisher = {Princeton University Press},
title = {{3. Why Women Don't Speak}},
url = {https://www.jstor.org/stable/pdf/j.ctt7zvffd.9.pdf?refreqid=excelsior{\%}3A3cab719e534d890f4c58b03cea7b3751},
year = {2014}
}
@article{Fennell1999,
abstract = {The purpose of this paper is to explore four women principals' experiences with power in the course of their daily leadership. The data used in this exploration was collected through indepth interviews, conducted from a phenomenological perspective, during the second and third years of a three-year study on the leadership experiences of the four principals. The thematic findings which emerged from this data included empowerment, positive power, traditional power and negative power, and are discussed in relation to three lenses of power: dominance or ``power over'', facilitation or ``power through'', and as energy and competence or ``power with''. The four principals' experiences were remarkable in that they were extensively engaged in interpreting, experiencing and using power as ``power through'' and ``power with'' rather than as ``power over''. The findings from this research serve as examples of ways in which power is enacted by women leaders within traditional organizational settings, and the potential of their actions to positively transform school organizations and the experiences of those who work within them.},
author = {Fennell, Hope-Arlene},
doi = {10.1108/09578239910253926},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Fennell - 1999 - Power in the principalship Four women's experiences.pdf:pdf},
journal = {Journal of Educational Administration},
number = {1},
pages = {23--50},
title = {{Power in the principalship: Four women's experiences}},
volume = {37},
year = {1999}
}
@article{Senden2019,
abstract = {According to Social Role Theory, gender stereotypes are dynamic constructs influenced by actual and perceived changes in what roles women and men occupy (Wood and Eagly, 2011). Sweden is ranked as one of the most egalitarian countries in the world, with a strong national equality discourse and a relatively high number of men engaging in traditionally communal roles such as parenting and domestic tasks. This would imply a perceived change toward higher communion among men. Therefore, we investigated the dynamics of gender stereotype content in Sweden with a primary interest in the male stereotype and perceptions of gender equality. In Study 1, participants (N = 323) estimated descriptive stereotype content of women and men in Sweden in the past, present, or future. They also estimated gender distribution in occupations and domestic roles for each time-point. Results showed that the female stereotype increased in agentic traits from the past to the present, whereas the male stereotype showed no change in either agentic or communal traits. Furthermore, participants estimated no change in gender stereotypes for the future, and they overestimated how often women and men occupy gender non-traditional roles at present. In Study 2, we controlled for participants' actual knowledge about role change by either describing women's increased responsibilities on the job market, or men's increased responsibility at home (or provided no description). Participants (N = 648) were randomized to the three different conditions. Overall, women were perceived to increase in agentic traits, and this change was mediated by perceptions of social role occupation. Men where not perceived to increase in communion but decreased in agency when change focused on women's increased participation in the labor market. These results indicate that role change among women also influence perceptions of the male stereotype. Altogether, the results indicate that social roles might have stronger influence on perceptions of agency than perceptions of communion, and that communion could be harder to incorporate in the male stereotype.},
author = {Send{\'{e}}n, Marie Gustafsson and Klysing, Amanda and Lindqvist, Anna and Renstr{\"{o}}m, Emma Aurora},
doi = {10.3389/fpsyg.2019.00037},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Send{\'{e}}n et al. - 2019 - The (not so) changing man Dynamic gender stereotypes in Sweden.pdf:pdf},
issn = {16641078},
journal = {Frontiers in Psychology},
keywords = {Agency,Communion,Division of labor,Femininity,Gender stereotypes,Masculinity,Social role theory},
number = {JAN},
pages = {1--17},
title = {{The (Not So) Changing Man: Dynamic Gender Stereotypes in Sweden}},
volume = {10},
year = {2019}
}
@article{Pascall2004,
abstract = {This article addresses some implications for gender equality and gender policy at European and national levels of transformations in family, economy and polity, which challenge gender regimes across Europe. Women's labour market participation in the west and the collapse of communism in the east have undermined the systems and assumptions of western male breadwinner and dual worker models of central and eastern Europe. Political reworking of the work/welfare relationship into active welfare has individualised responsibility. Individualisation is a key trend west − and in some respects east − and challenges the structures that supported care in state and family. The links that joined men to women, cash to care, incomes to carers have all been fractured. The article will argue that care work and unpaid care workers are both casualties of these developments. Social, political and economic changes have not been matched by the development of new gender models at the national level. And while EU gender policy has been admired as the most innovative aspect of its social policy, gender equality is far from achieved: women's incomes across Europe are well below men's; policies for supporting unpaid care work have developed modestly compared with labour market activation policies. Enlargement brings new challenges as it draws together gender regimes with contrasting histories and trajectories. The article will map social policies for gender equality across the key elements of gender regimes-paid work, care work, income, time and voice-and discuss the nature of a model of gender equality that would bring gender equality across these. It analyses ideas about a dual earner-dual carer model, in the Dutch combination scenario and 'universal caregiver' models, at household and civil society levels. These offer a starting point for a model in which paid and unpaid work are equally valued and equally shared between men and women, but we argue that a citizenship model, in which paid and unpaid work obligations are underpinned by social rights, is more likely to achieve gender equality.},
author = {Pascall, Gillian and Lewis, Jane},
doi = {10.1017/S004727940400772X},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Pascall, Lewis - 2004 - Emerging Gender Regimes and Policies for Gender Equality in a Wider Europe.pdf:pdf},
journal = {Journal of Social Policy},
number = {3},
pages = {373--394},
publisher = {Cambridge University Press},
title = {{Emerging Gender Regimes and Policies for Gender Equality in a Wider Europe}},
volume = {33},
year = {2004}
}
@article{Twenge2001,
abstract = {Across two meta-analyses, American women's assertiveness rose and fell with their social status from 1931 to 1993. College women and high school girls' self-reports on assertiveness and dominance scales increased from 1931 to 1945, decreased from 1946 to 1967, and increased from 1968 to 1993, explaining about 14{\%} of the variance in the trait. Women's scores have increased enough that many recent samples show no sex differences in assertiveness. Correlations with social indicators (e.g., women's educational attainment, women's median age at first marriage) confirm that women's assertiveness varies with their status and roles. Social change is thus internalized in the form of a personality trait. Men's scores do not demonstrate a significant birth cohort effect overall. The results suggest that the changing sociocultural environment for women affected their personalities, most likely beginning in childhood.},
author = {Twenge, Jean M.},
doi = {10.1037/0022-3514.81.1.133},
file = {::},
issn = {00223514},
journal = {Journal of Personality and Social Psychology},
number = {1},
pages = {133--145},
pmid = {11474719},
title = {{Changes in Women's Assertiveness in Response to Status and Roles: A Cross-Temporal Meta-Analysis, 1931-1993}},
volume = {81},
year = {2001}
}
@incollection{Barnes2016f,
abstract = {In democracies, power is obtained via competition. Yet, as women gain access to parliaments in record numbers, worldwide collaboration appears to be on the rise. This is puzzling: why, if politicians can secure power through competition, would we observe collaboration in Congress? Using evidence from 200 interviews with politicians from Argentina and a novel dataset from 23 Argentine legislative chambers over an 18-year period, Gendering Legislative Behavior reexamines traditional notions of competitive democracy by evaluating patterns of collaboration among legislators. Although only the majority can secure power via competition, all legislators - particularly those who do not have power - can influence the policy-making process through collaboration. Tiffany D. Barnes argues that as women have limited access to formal and informal political power, they collaborate more than men to influence policy-making. Despite the benefits of collaboration, patterns of collaboration vary among women because different legislative contexts either facilitate or constrain women's collaboration.},
address = {Cambridge, UK},
annote = {Note to self: in general this chapter is interesting, nothing particularly relevant for me right now 

Comparing collaboration across cases
- (p. 209) Barnes shows that legislative contexts are extremely important in understanding when women will collaborate 
- (p. 210) Women are more likely to collaborate when they face weak party constraints (e.g. Rwanda and U.S. Senate have weak party constraints and demonstrate successful examples of collaboration) 
- In South Africa, strong party constraints weakens women's ability to collaborate 
- In general, this chapter just serves as a way of showing that Barnes' theories are generalisable to and recognisable in other legislative contexts},
author = {Barnes, Tiffany},
booktitle = {Gendering Legislative Behaviour: Institutional Constraints and Collaboration},
chapter = {7},
doi = {10.1017/CBO9781316534281.007},
edition = {First},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Barnes - 2016 - 7. Collaboration in a Cross-National Context.pdf:pdf},
pages = {177--211},
publisher = {Cambridge University Press},
title = {{7. Collaboration in a Cross-National Context}},
url = {https://doi.org/10.1017/CBO9781316534281.007},
year = {2016}
}
@article{Will2011,
abstract = {Scholars estimating policy positions from political texts typically codewords or sentences and then build left-right policy scales based on the relative frequencies of text units coded into different categories. Here we reexamine such scales and propose a theoretically and linguistically superior alternative based on the logarithm of odds- ratios.We contrast this scale with the current approach of the Comparative Manifesto Project (CMP), showing that our proposed logit scale avoids widely acknowledged flaws in previous approaches. We validate the new scale using independent expert surveys. Using existing CMP data, we show how to estimate more distinct policy dimensions, for more years, than has been possible before, and make this dataset publicly available. Finally, we draw some conclusions about the future design of lsq{\_}6 123..156 coding schemes for political texts.},
archivePrefix = {arXiv},
arxivId = {arXiv:1011.1669v3},
author = {Lowe, Will and Benoit, Kenneth and Mikhaylov, Slava and Laver, Michael},
doi = {10.1111/j.1939-9162.2010.00006.x},
eprint = {arXiv:1011.1669v3},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Lowe et al. - 2011 - Scaling policy preferences from coded political texts.pdf:pdf},
isbn = {1939-9162},
issn = {03629805},
journal = {Legislative Studies Quarterly},
number = {1},
pages = {123--155},
pmid = {16417727},
title = {{Scaling policy preferences from coded political texts}},
volume = {36},
year = {2011}
}
@article{Maestas2006,
author = {Maestas, Cherie D. and Fulton, Sarah and Maisel, L. Sandy and Stone, Walter J.},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Maestas et al. - 2006 - When to Risk It Institutions, Ambitions, and the Decision to Run for the U.S. House.pdf:pdf},
journal = {American Political Science Review},
number = {2},
pages = {195--208},
title = {{When to Risk It? Institutions, Ambitions, and the Decision to Run for the U.S. House}},
volume = {100},
year = {2006}
}
@article{Wood1986,
abstract = {Observed the interaction styles of 72 male and 72 female university students while they worked in 4-person, mixed-sex groups on a discussion task. In some groups, Ss were only given information about each other's names and gender. In this circumstance, males were perceived by themselves and other group members to be higher in competence than females. Males also engaged in a greater amount of active task behavior than females, who exhibited a greater amount of positive social behavior than males. In other groups, Ss' competency-based status was manipulated by providing false feedback that they were high or low relative to their group in intellectual and moral aptitude. High-status Ss were then perceived to be more competent and engaged in more active task and less positive social behavior than low status ones. In this condition, no sex differences were obtained on perceived competence or on active task or positive social behavior. Findings support the idea that the gender differences obtained in interaction when status was not specified were partially a function of Ss' belief that the sexes differ in competence.},
author = {Wood, Wendy and Karten, Stephen J.},
doi = {10.1037/0022-3514.50.2.341},
journal = {Journal of Personality and Social Psychology},
number = {2},
pages = {341--347},
title = {{Sex differences in interaction style as a product of perceived sex differences in competence.}},
volume = {50},
year = {1986}
}
@techreport{Cowell-Meyers2003,
author = {Cowell-Meyers, Kimberly},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Cowell-Meyers - 2003 - Women Legislators in Northern Ireland Gender and Politics in the New Legislative Assembly.pdf:pdf},
title = {{Women Legislators in Northern Ireland: Gender and Politics in the New Legislative Assembly}},
url = {https://www.qub.ac.uk/cawp/research/assembly.PDF},
year = {2003}
}
@book{Dittmar2015a,
address = {Philadelphia, US},
author = {Dittmar, Kelly},
publisher = {Temple University Press},
title = {{Navigating Gendered Terrain: Stereotypes and Strategy in Political Campaigns}},
year = {2015}
}
@article{Hohmann2020,
abstract = {Research on women's political representation has repeatedly shown that female legislators represent women's interest more strongly than their male colleagues. However, a growing body of literature shows that the parliamentary behavior of female members of parliament (MPs) and the relationship between descriptive and substantive representation of women is affected by a number of institutional variables. This paper contributes to this debate by analyzing the effect of the electoral incentive structure on the substantive representation of women. Drawing on the Competing Principals Theory, it is expected that female legislators more frequently act on behalf of women if their re-election does not depend on the representation of local interests in electoral districts. The empirical analysis uses the German mixed electoral system and analyzes the representation of women's issues in oral and written parliamentary questions tabled in the German Bundestag between 2005 and 2013. The results of a hurdle regression model show that female MPs are more likely to concentrate on the representation of women's interests if their re-election is secured and if they do not have to fight for additional local votes from their district.},
author = {H{\"{o}}hmann, Daniel},
doi = {10.1177/1065912919859437},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/H{\"{o}}hmann - 2020 - When Do Female MPs Represent Women's Interests Electoral Systems and the Legislative Behavior of Women.pdf:pdf},
isbn = {1065912919},
issn = {10659129},
journal = {Political Research Quarterly},
keywords = {electoral systems,gender,parliamentary questions,substantive representation,women's interests},
number = {4},
pages = {834--847},
title = {{When Do Female MPs Represent Women's Interests? Electoral Systems and the Legislative Behavior of Women}},
volume = {73},
year = {2020}
}
@article{Acharya2018,
abstract = {Researchers investigating causal mechanisms in survey experiments often rely on nonrandomized quantities to isolate the indirect effect of treatment through these variables. Such an approach, however, requires a "selection-on-observables" assumption, which undermines the advantages of a randomized experiment. In this paper, we show what can be learned about casual mechanisms through experimental design alone. We propose a factorial design that provides or withholds information on mediating variables and allows for the identification of the overall average treatment effect and the controlled direct effect of treatment fixing a potential mediator. While this design cannot identify indirect effects on its own, it avoids making the selection-on-observable assumption of the standard mediation approach while providing evidence for a broader understanding of causal mechanisms that encompasses both indirect effects and interactions. We illustrate these approaches via two examples: one on evaluations of US Supreme Court nominees and the other on perceptions of the democratic peace.},
author = {Acharya, Avidit and Blackwell, Matthew and Sen, Maya},
doi = {10.1017/pan.2018.19},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Acharya, Blackwell, Sen - 2018 - Analyzing Causal Mechanisms in Survey Experiments.pdf:pdf},
journal = {Political Analysis},
keywords = {causal inference,randomized experiments,survey experiments},
pages = {357--378},
title = {{Analyzing Causal Mechanisms in Survey Experiments}},
volume = {26},
year = {2018}
}
@article{Dassonneville2018,
abstract = {Successive studies have found a persistentgendergap in political knowledge. Despitemuch international research, thisgaphasremainedlargelyimpervious to explanation. Apromisinglineofrecentinquiryhasbeen thelowlevels ofwomen's elected representation in many democracies. We test the hypothesis that higher levels ofwomen's elected representation will increase women's political knowledge. Using two large, comparative data sets, we find that the proportion ofwomen elected representatives at the time of the survey has no significant effect on the gender gap. By contrast, there is a strong and significant long-termimpactfordescriptive representation when respondents were aged 18 to 21. The results are in linewith political socialization, which posits that the impact ofpolitical context is greatest during adolescence and early adulthood. These findings have important implications not only for explaining the gender knowledge gap, but also for the impact of descriptive representation on political engagement generally},
author = {Dassonneville, Ruth and McAllister, Ian},
doi = {10.1111/ajps.12353},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Dassonneville, McAllister - 2018 - Gender, Political Knowledge, and Descriptive Representation The Impact of Long-Term Socialization.pdf:pdf},
issn = {15405907},
journal = {American Journal of Political Science},
number = {2},
pages = {249--265},
title = {{Gender, Political Knowledge, and Descriptive Representation: The Impact of Long-Term Socialization}},
volume = {62},
year = {2018}
}
@book{Hudson2014,
address = {Basingstoke, UK},
author = {VanHeerde-Hudson, Jennifer},
publisher = {Palgrave Macmillan},
title = {{The Political Costs of the 2009 British MPs' Expenses Scandal}},
year = {2014}
}
@article{Heitshusen2005,
abstract = {The job description for legislators in western democracies includes constituency-focused activities such as casework and district visits. Unfortunately we have a limited theoretical and empirical understanding of the factors affecting legislators' constituency-oriented activities, in large part because most studies focus on single nations; even studies that are comparative do not span a variety of electoral systems. In this article we examine the constituency focus of MPs in six chambers that do provide such variance: the Australian House and Senate, Canadian House, Irish D{\'{a}}il, New Zealand House, and the British House of Commons. We find that electoral considerations and incentives provided by different electoral systems, as well as other factors, affect the priority that MPs place on constituency service. {\textcopyright} 2005 by the Midwest Political Science Association.},
author = {Heitshusen, Valerie and Young, Garry and Wood, David M.},
doi = {10.1111/j.0092-5853.2005.00108.x},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Heitshusen, Young, Wood - 2005 - Electoral context and MP constituency focus in Australia, Canada, Ireland, New Zealand, and the United.pdf:pdf},
issn = {00925853},
journal = {American Journal of Political Science},
number = {1},
pages = {32--45},
title = {{Electoral context and MP constituency focus in Australia, Canada, Ireland, New Zealand, and the United Kingdom}},
volume = {49},
year = {2005}
}
@book{Childs2012,
abstract = {As leader of the Conservative party, David Cameron inherited a multi-faceted gender problem: only 17 women MPs; an unhappy women's organization; electorally uncompetitive policies 'for women'; and a party which was seemingly unattractive to women voters. This book is an account of the feminization of the party since 2005.},
address = {Basingstoke},
annote = {Introduction 
  
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 1) “If feminization is defined as the integration of women and their concerns into our political parties and political institutions, the criteria for any evaluation of the Conservative party should be straightforward (Lovenduski 2005a): more women in the party and more ‘women's policies' than before.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 2) “It also tells us very little about women's integration, as distinct from their simple, numerical inclusion. There may be more women Conservative MPs in 2010 than ever before, and more active women's organisations than for some time, but does this change anything, beyond the physical make up of the party?” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “What constitutes women's ‘interests', ‘issues', ‘concerns' and ‘perspectives', is widely contested. Different women (from varying socio-economic, cultural, or political backgrounds and experiences) might well hold different views about what counts as a ‘women's issue'.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “Thus, whilst it might be easy enough to agree in the UK that, say, policies on women's employment or violence against women constitute ‘women's issues' the cause of, and appropriate response to these – the specific policies one might advance to address them – are likely to generate contestation rather than consensus.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 3) “Many, if not all, of a government's agenda is likely to differentially impact on women and men, given what we know about men and women's familial, social and economics roles.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “To date, the gender and politics research mapping the process of feminisation of British party politics has almost all focused on the Labour party (Perrigo 1996, 1995, 1986; Russell, M. 2005).” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “Existing gendered accounts of the Conservatives are not only few in number but also, are often, historical in their approach (Maguire 1998) or limited to the Thatcher era (Campbell 1987; Nunn 2002).” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “In brief, under New Labour the Conservative party lost its hold on women voters (Campbell 2006). The pro-Conservative party gap in the post-1979 era fell to around 3 percent and thereafter there was some evidence of a gender generation gap emerging, with young women more likely to favour Labour than either older women or younger men (Norris 1996b: 156).” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 4) “In addition, the Conservative woman candidate and MP's disinclination to see herself as a representation of women, or even as a gendered being, was in sharp relief with Labour's women MPs who confidently asserted their gender identity, and had feminized the agenda and legislative output of the 1997-2010 New Labour governments (Childs 2004, 2008; Lovenduski 2005a; Annesley et al 2007).” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 5) “At the minimum, Cameron's modernization meant that Conservatives appeared no longer to be perceived as the ‘nasty' party that Theresa May so infamously brought to the attention of her party Conference back in 2002, even if the electorate were not totally convinced by the Tories' ability ‘to perform in office' (Denver 2010: 23).” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 6) “Cameron's commitment to women's greater descriptive and substantive representation was not just rhetorical.” “On the policy front the 2010 election manifesto included explicit pledges in respect of flexible working, gender pay audits, parental leave, maternity ward closure, mixed-sex hospital wards, and rape and sexual violence.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “A feminist party requires (L. Young 2000): sex parity amongst elected representatives or, in the interim at least, sex parity amongst its newly elected representatives.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “A feminist party is also open to electing a woman leader, and where this occurs, any failings by the woman leader would not be immediately attributed to her sex.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “In contrast, a feminised party might similarly include women representatives, and senior party women, as well as addressing women's concerns, but would do so without the party signing up to a feminist project, of whatever feminist hue.”
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 11) “We content, accordingly, that whilst counting the numbers of women present in our political institutions (for example, parties, legislatures, executives) may establish the level of women's descriptive representation it cannot tell us very much about how representatives act.”    
{\textperiodcentered}      “Even when predisposed to do so, representatives may find themselves unable to act for women. (Gendered) institutions may very well constrain their behaviour.” 
  
  
Chapter 1: Conservatism, Representation and Feminization 
  
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 19) “The widely recognised concept of critical mass holds that when women constitute a ‘critical mass', feminised change (once again, whatever that might mean) will, by definition, happen.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 20) “Rather attention is drawn to the importance of contextualising representatives' attitudes and actions in light of the particular gendered institutions within which it occurs – these may be to a greater or lesser extent constraining (Lovenduski 2005a; Childs 2004; Dodson 2006).” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “They also beg questions about whether conservative representatives can and do act for women in a feminist fashion” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 21) “Yet, there remains a resilient assumption, if not expectation, that women representatives will seek to ‘act for' women because they share gendered experiences (Mansbridge 1999).” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 22) “Mediating factors on representatives' actions abound, including but not limited to: the external political environment; extant institutional norms; the impact of party – affiliation, ideology and cohesion; differences amongst women representatives; representatives' newness; institutional position [etc. etc. – see page if necessary]” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 25) “There is, for example, acknowledgement that ideological differences between women matter; that feminism does not speak for, or to, all women and that not all women representatives are feminists; that conservative women care as much as feminists about women's concerns (Schreiber 2008)” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “(1) Republican women historically are move favourably disposed towards acting for women in a feminist direction than their male Peers (and Democrat men in some cases); (2) that conservative women are themselves heterogeneous, divided between moderate Republican women and (then, then, newly elected) socially conservative women Republicans; (3) that Republican party leaders like to ‘se women as tokens' thereby giving moral authority to party positions on women's issues; (4) that changed institutional contexts impact on Republican women's behaviour.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 32) “Political institutions are likely to be far from neutral to attempts to act for women. Political spaces are likely to be differently conducive (or ‘safe') for those seeking the substantive representation of women.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 33) “Analysis of the former can be undertaken through exploring the construction of ‘feminine' and ‘masculine' identities and the nature of gender relations in the representative claims.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 34) “Whether the contemporary UK Conservative party is feminised and hence better represent women cannot be established in a single snapshot. Both feminisation and representation are best thought of as processes.” 
  
  
Chapter 6: Sex, Gender and Parliamentary Behaviour in the 2005 Parliament  
  
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 138) “The newly elected Conservative MPs and newly appointed Conservative Peers might well be member more in tune with ‘modern' gender roles, as a result of generational turnover.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 139) “In the UK's partisan, if not adversarial system, opposition MPs are widely assumed to oppose the government, even if they do not do so, in practice, quite as often as many think (Cowley 2002).” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “All other things being equal, the expectation is that Labour MPs will be more predisposed towards gender equality positions than Conservatives – for left/right ideological reasons (inter-party differences). Yet, women of all parties might be expected to be more favourably positioned towards gender equality compared with male colleagues in their respective parties” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 140) “A second institutional dimension likely revealed by these case studies is the difference between the two House of Parliament. This further illuminates the impact of party politics at Westminster. The Lords is widely considered to be a less partisan House than the Commons, or rather was, until the 1999 reforms to the Upper Chamber when it lost its historic Conservative bias. Comparison also highlights the Upper and Lower Chambers' distinct compositions.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “Secondly, parliamentary votes are analysed as a surrogate measure for MPs and Peers' preferred policy outcomes, itself taken as an indicator of the substantive representation of women.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 142) “In the Lords, substantive discussion centres on four issues, all of which featured in the Commons' debates, although gender equality is more extensively discussed in the Lords.”  
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 143) “The EPFW Bill 2009, a Private Members Bill (PMB), was first introduced into the House of Lords by the Conservative Peer Baroness Trist Morris in December 2008 (the ‘Bolton Redhead').” – EPFW = Equal Pay and Flexible Working Bill 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 144) “In the (single) Lords' debate, sex differences are apparent in addition to party ones. Women Members of the Lords are more likely than men to contribute, and contribute extensively, to these debates.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 146) “Explicit representations of gender equality positions are very much in the minority, for example, in advocating full transferability of maternity/paternity leave, or the privileging of women's choice and bodily integrity in respect of abortion – not forcing women to carry a disabled foetus to term. When they are voiced this is most often by women. In the Commons these are overwhelmingly Labour women, although in the Lords they are from Labour, Liberal Democrat and Cross benches.”
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 150) “Partisan hostility is also less obvious in the Lords as Peers appear to share views across party and sex more often than in the Commons.” 
  
  
  
  
  
Chapter 7: Feminisation and Party Cohesion: Conservative Ideological Tendencies and Gender Politics 
  
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 165) “If David Cameron's strategy of decontamination is widely acknowledged, the importance of feminisation to reconstructing the Conservatives as a modern and no longer ‘nasty' party is less often noted. Yet, as previous chapters have shown, efforts to deliver a more representative parliamentary party and to make the party more electorally competitive over women's issues constituted a significant part of Cameron's strategy.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “within the 2005 Parliament, it was Conservative women Parliamentarians rather than men, who, for the most part, acted for women in a more gender equality direction.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      They use a survey to identify three ideological party trends: “Thatcherites are hostile to gender-related reforms, and supportive of cuts in tax and spending that bear upon these reforms. Liberal Conservatives, the youngest and most male of these tendencies, are distinguished by being the least hostile to feminist values. Traditionalist Tories, the largest, most working class and most female of the intra-party tendencies, are surprisingly progressive on a number of specific proposals and issues relating to the descriptive and substantive representation of women.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 166) “these findings suggest that, in so far as Cameron has sought to push the party in a generally more progressive direction on gender issues since 2005, he has sometimes been able to work with the grain of grassroots opinion, not least among the Traditionalist Tories.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 167) “This inductive approach to classifying Conservatives is complemented by the more a priori approach adopted by Bryson and Heppell (2010) in their recent discussion of conservatism and feminism.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 168) “Like the Thatcherites, Liberal Conservatives are economically right-wing, but unlike both Thatcherites and Traditional conservatives, they are socially liberally.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 169) “The Liberal Conservatives are significantly younger than the others with an average age of 50, compared to 58 for Thatcherites and 57 for Traditionalist Tories” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 170) “There is also a sharp difference between the three groups in terms of sex, with 71 percent of Liberal Conservatives being male, compared to 65 percent of Thatcherites and just 51 percent of Traditional Tories.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 181) “The Liberal conservatives are the youngest, most likely to be male, and claim to be the most active of these tendencies, and are distinguished by being the least hostile to general feminist values. However, the Traditionalist Tories – the largest, most work class and most female of the intra-party tendencies – are more progressive on a number of specific proposals and issues, including taxation and public spending, the descriptive and substantive representation of women, and gender-relevant institutional reforms of politics.” 
  
  
Conclusion 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 218) “One dimension of Cameron's modernisation, albeit one too often overlooked by mainstream political scientists, was feminisation.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “Cameron was fully aware that British party politics had feminised under New Labour (Lovenduski 2005a; Childs 2008) and that his party had lost its historic support amongst women voters.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 219) “It seeks to do this through identifying women's roles within the party, exploring the attitudes and behaviours of Conservative representatives in Parliament and its party members, examining the extent to which gendered analysis was present in particular policies, and how feminisation played out within and without the party.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 220) “Conservative women representatives count for descriptive representation but they might also claim and seek to act for women, and do so in ways that are implicitly or explicitly anti-feminist.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 221) “The British Conservative parliamentary party in 2010 is, clearly a more feminised body than previously. With 49 women MPs it has more than doubled its number compared with 2005 Parliament. The party fell a little short of doubling the percentage of women MPs at the 2010 election, rising from 9 percent to 16 percent. Whilst a welcome improvement, these numbers and figures leave the Conservative party falling below the European average for women's legislative presence, which stands at 22 percent.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 222) “Women's descriptive representation must be considered, then, an ongoing process for the Conservative party, as it is for the other parties at Westminster.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 224) “In all this the party's leading equality activists, such as Theresa May, and other leading women{\ldots}”  
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 228) “In the election campaign proper, many of the women's issues addressed in the party's manifesto did not feature heavily. Nor for that matter, did May, or any other leading Tory woman.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 229) “It was also reported that May had herself warned the government that in devising its emergency budget a gender equality audit was necessary.”   
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 230) “The role of May looks critical here as the post of a Women's Minister should institutionalise the substantive representation of women within government.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “The contemporary British Conservative party, broadly speaking, and at least at the top, supports women's equal opportunities in the public sphere, especially in respect of paid employment. The party currently offers policies for women that are in line with a liberal-feminist take on these issues.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 231) “The Conservative party of 2010 is more feminised than its predecessors: descriptive representation is higher in the parliamentary and wider party; parts of the party are ‘for women' and the party programme, as evidenced at least by the 2010 manifesto, constitutes women as a group and offers them a series of specific pledges.”   
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 232) “Whether women's participation is substantive or symbolic, and integrated or segregated; whether the ‘women's part' of the part is formally integrated into the wider party structure and policy making bodies. Here, the pre-Cameron history was one of marginalisation in the late 1990s amid rumour of abolition.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 233) “Those in posts ‘for women' within the party are more likely to openly acknowledge a liberal-feminist conservative feminism.”},
author = {Childs, Sarah and Webb, Paul},
pages = {299},
publisher = {Palgrave Macmillan},
title = {{Sex, Gender and the Conservative Party: From Iron Lady to Kitten Heals}},
year = {2012}
}
@article{Carpini2004,
abstract = {Many theorists have long extolled the virtues of public deliberation as a crucial component of a responsive and responsible democracy. Building on these theories, in recent years practitioners—from government officials to citizen groups, nonprofits, and foundations—have increasingly devoted time and resources to strengthening citizen engagement through deliberative forums. Although empirical research has lagged behind theory and practice, a body of literature has emerged that tests the presumed individual and collective benefits of public discourse on citizen engagement. We begin our review of this research by defining “public deliberation”; we place it in the context of other forms of what we call “discursive participation” while distinguish- ing it from otherways in which citizens can voice their individual and collective views on public issues.We then discuss the expectations, drawn from deliberative democratic theory, regarding the benefits (and, for some, pitfalls) assumed to derive from public deliberation. The next section reviews empirical research as it relates to these theoretical expectations.We conclude with recommendations on future directions for research in this area},
author = {Carpini, Michael X. Delli and Cook, Fay Lomax and Jacobs, Lawrence R.},
doi = {10.1146/annurev.polisci.7.121003.091630},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Carpini, Cook, Jacobs - 2004 - Public Deliberation, Discursive Participation, and Citizen Engagement A Review of the Empirical Literatur.pdf:pdf},
issn = {1094-2939},
journal = {Annual Review of Political Science},
keywords = {citizen participation,civic engagement,political,political talk},
pages = {315--344},
title = {{Public Deliberation, Discursive Participation, and Citizen Engagement: A Review of the Empirical Literature}},
volume = {7},
year = {2004}
}
@article{Cowie2002,
abstract = {To study relations between speech and emotion, it is necessary to have methods of describing emotion. Finding appropriate methods is not straightforward, and there are difficulties associated with the most familiar. The word emotion itself is problematic: a narrow sense is often seen as ''correct'', but it excludes what may be key areas in relation to speech-including states where emotion is present but not full-blown, and related states (e.g., arousal, attitude). Everyday emotion words form a rich descriptive system, but it is intractable because it involves so many categories, and the relationships among them are undefined. Several alternative types of description are available. Emotion-related biological changes are well documented, although reductionist conceptions of them are problematic. Psychology offers descriptive systems based on dimensions such as evaluation (positive or negative) and level of activation, or on logical elements that can be used to define an appraisal of the situation. Adequate descriptive systems need to recognise the importance of both time course and interactions involving multiple emotions and/or deliberate control. From these conceptions of emotion come various tools and techniques for describing particular episodes. Different tools and techniques are appropriate for different purposes.},
author = {Cowie, Roddy and Cornelius, Randolph R},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Cowie, Cornelius - 2002 - Describing the emotional states that are expressed in speech.pdf:pdf},
journal = {Speech Communications},
pages = {5--32},
title = {{Describing the emotional states that are expressed in speech}},
url = {www.elsevier.com/locate/specom},
volume = {40},
year = {2002}
}
@article{Harmer2017,
abstract = {Leaders' debates have become a feature of contemporary election campaigning. While an historical feature of the US landscape, in the United Kingdom, they are a more recent phenomenon. The second UK 2015 general election leadership debate comprised seven candidates, of which three were women. Using qualitative thematic analysis and adopting the notion that gender is 'performed', we explore three features of coverage of the debate. First, the ways in which the debate itself was constructed as a masculine activity through a series of highly gendered metaphors; second, how newspaper frames reinforced gendered notions of masculinity and femininity in respect of political leadership; and third, how the success of women in the debates was constructed as the emasculation of their male rivals. Crucially, we focus not just on the 'feminisation' of women in the political arena, but also on the ways in which masculinity is posited as the criterion for the evaluation of politicians of all genders.},
author = {Harmer, Emily and Savigny, Heather and Ward, Orlanda},
doi = {10.1177/0163443716682074},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Harmer, Savigny, Ward - 2017 - ‘Are you tough enough' Performing gender in the UK leadership debates 2015.pdf:pdf},
issn = {14603675},
journal = {Media, Culture and Society},
keywords = {United Kingdom,elections,gender,leadership,newspapers,politics},
number = {7},
pages = {960--975},
title = {{‘Are you tough enough?' Performing gender in the UK leadership debates 2015}},
volume = {39},
year = {2017}
}
@article{Callahan-Levy1979,
author = {Callahan-Levy, Charlene M. and Mess{\'{e}}, Lawrence A.},
journal = {Journal of Personality and Social Psychology},
number = {3},
pages = {433--446},
title = {{Sex differences in the alloation of pay}},
volume = {37},
year = {1979}
}
@article{Duerst-Lahti1991,
abstract = {Using data from a Wisconsin professional and executive civil servants, this article examines the gendered nature of the Weberian bureaucracy by exploring respondents' behavioural styles and their views of the ideal bureaucrat. We find that the preferred bureaucrat is gender neutral with equal value placed on feminine and masculine characteristics. Both women and men cross gender stereotypes in their behavioural styles as well as in their perceptions of good administrators and good colleagues. Women shun negative masculine and feminine traits while endorsing those trains valued most by bureaucrats, especially those important for achieving results.},
author = {Duerst-Lahti, Georgia and Johnson, Cathy Marie},
doi = {10.1300/J014v10n04_04},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Duerst-Lahti, Johnson - 1991 - Gender and Style in Bureaucracy.pdf:pdf},
journal = {Women {\&} Politics},
number = {4},
pages = {67--120},
title = {{Gender and Style in Bureaucracy}},
volume = {10},
year = {1991}
}
@article{Schwartz2020,
abstract = {As more women attain executive office, it is important to understand how gender dynamics affect international politics. Toward this end, we present the first evidence that gender stereotypes affect leaders' abilities to generate audience costs. Using survey experiments, we show that female leaders have political incentives to combat gender stereotypes that women are weak by acting "tough" during international military crises. Most prominently, we find evidence that female leaders, and male leaders facing female opponents, pay greater inconsistency costs for backing down from threats than male leaders do against fellow men. These findings point to particular advantages and disadvantages women have in international crises. Namely, female leaders are better able to tie hands- A n efficient mechanism for establishing credibility in crises. However, this bargaining advantage means female leaders will also have a harder time backing down from threats. Our findings have critical implications for debates over the effects of greater gender equality in executive offices worldwide.},
author = {Schwartz, Joshua A. and Blair, Christopher W.},
doi = {10.1017/S0020818320000223},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Schwartz, Blair - 2020 - Do Women Make More Credible Threats Gender Stereotypes, Audience Costs, and Crisis Bargaining.pdf:pdf},
issn = {15315088},
journal = {International Organization},
keywords = {Audience costs,credibility,crisis bargaining,female leaders,gender,inconsistency costs},
pages = {1--24},
title = {{Do Women Make More Credible Threats? Gender Stereotypes, Audience Costs, and Crisis Bargaining}},
year = {2020}
}
@article{Leeper1991,
abstract = {Current research suggests that gender prejudice no longer impedes women from winning top-level political positions. Nevertheless, the number of women in all levels of political office remains startlingly low{\&}mdash; meriting a closer look at the role of gender prejudice. This study takes an experimental look at how voters respond to female candidates pushing unambiguous, tough policy stands. Interestingly, voters seem to infer that women possess traditional "feminine" strengths even when they emit a clear "masculine" message. Therefore, female candidates should not fear visceral reactions from voters if they assume an aggressive campaign posture. Rather, this "masculine" approach may be the optimal campaign strategy for women seeking top-level or administrative positions. Gender prejudice, at first glance, still inhibits women from permeating the upper echelons of public office. Clearly, voters have not placed women into positions of political power. Only 2 women currently serve in the Senate, while 25 occupy seats in the House of Representatives (a paltry 6{\%}). At the state level, two women are currently residing in the governor's mansion (with their {\&}dquo;first men{\&}dquo;), and, only 15.6{\%} of state legislators are women-supposedly a fertile {\&}dquo;jumping-off{\&}dquo; point for female political aspirants.},
author = {Leeper, Mark Stephen},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Leeper - 1991 - The Impact of Prejudice on Female Candidates An Experimental Look at Voter Inference.pdf:pdf},
isbn = {1991248261},
journal = {American Politics Quarterly},
number = {2},
pages = {248--261},
title = {{The Impact of Prejudice on Female Candidates: An Experimental Look at Voter Inference}},
volume = {19},
year = {1991}
}
@article{Pearson2011,
abstract = {The authors analyze gender differences in members' speech participation on the floor of the U.S. House of Representatives. Speeches increase members' visibility and voice in the legislative process, providing opportunities for members to highlight their policy knowledge, constituents' concerns, and partisan commitments. The authors hypothesize that women's underrepresentation, coupled with the related challenges that female legislators face in a predominantly male institution, motivates congresswomen of both parties to speak at greater rates than congressmen. Analyzing over ten thousand floor speeches during the 103rd and 109th Congresses, the authors find strong support for their hypothesis, demonstrating that congresswomen's participation in legislative debate increases their visibility and enhances women's substantive representation.},
annote = {{\textperiodcentered}      Analyse gendered differences in members' speech participation on the floor of the U.S. House of Representatives 
{\textperiodcentered}      Speeches increase members' visibility and voice in the legislative process, providing opportunities for members to highlight their policy knowledge, constituents' concerns and partisan commitments 
{\textperiodcentered}      Hypothesis: women's underrepresentation, coupled with the related challenges that female legislators face in a predominantly male institution, motivates congresswomen of both parties to speak at greater rates than congressmen 
{\textperiodcentered}      Method: analyse over ten thousand floor speeches during the 103rd and 109th congresses 
{\textperiodcentered}      Findings: strong support for the hypothesis found, demonstrating that congresswomen's participation in legislative debates increase their visibility and enhances women's substantive representation 
{\textperiodcentered}      Gender stereotypes that call into question women's leadership abilities only increase congresswomen's incentives to distinguish themselves in the political arena (p. 910) – therefore speaking in the House is a good way of accomplishing this, therefore congresswomen should speak on the floor more than congressmen 
{\textperiodcentered}      “The notion that women in politics perceive that they must work harder than men is supported by research on congressional elections and candidate emergence. Drawing on a national survey of women and men in professions that serve as a pipeline to elected office, Lawless and Fox (2005) find that women are significantly less likely than men with similar professional and personal characteristics to think that they are qualified to run for office. These findings are consistent with research showing that women are more concerned than men with their legitimacy as candidates, likelihood of victory, and ability to raise money (Dodson 1998; Fowler and McClure 1989; Fulton et al. 2006; Sanbonmatsu 2002b; Jenkins 2007).” (p. 911) 
{\textperiodcentered}      Findings: Congresswomen are consistently more likely to deliver floor speeches than congressmen. This holds whilst looking at the 103rd and 109th Congresses and two types of speech: one-minute speeches at the start of the legislative day and speeches that occur during the most important legislative debates (e.g. in the 103rd Congress women gave an average of nine more one-minute speeches than congressmen) 
{\textperiodcentered}      “We argue that these gender differences in participation are rooted in women's persistent underrepresentation. In a male-dominated institution, and in a political arena where gender stereotypes call into question women's leadership, congresswomen of both parties have extra incentives to increase their visibility and prove their expertise to their colleagues and constituents alike, leading them to give more speeches on the House floor.” (p. 920) – helps to highlight women's visibility and their substantive representation 
{\textperiodcentered}      “Women's speech participation has substantive benefits for women as well. Congresswomen “act for” women in their speeches, discussing women during speeches in a range of policy areas, including those not typically considered women's issues. Speeches are thus vehicles for congresswomen to express the “uncrystallized interests” of women (Mansbridge 1999) across a range of issues.” (p. 921) 
{\textperiodcentered}      Important: this article recommends that future work should look at legislator style, e.g. whether women/men are more adversarial},
author = {Pearson, Kathryn and Dancey, Logan},
doi = {10.1177/1065912910388190},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Pearson, Dancey - 2011 - Elevating Women's Voices in Congress Speech Participation in the House of Representatives.pdf:pdf},
journal = {Political Research Quarterly},
keywords = {legislative studies,politics,speech,women},
number = {4},
pages = {910--923},
title = {{Elevating Women's Voices in Congress: Speech Participation in the House of Representatives}},
volume = {64},
year = {2011}
}
@article{Brown1988,
author = {Brown, Steven D. and Lambert, Ronald D. and Kay, Barry J. and Curtis, James E.},
journal = {Canadian Journal of Political Science},
number = {4},
pages = {729--755},
title = {{In the Eye of the Beholder: Leader Images in Canada}},
volume = {21},
year = {1988}
}
@article{Pennebaker2001,
author = {Pennebaker, James W. and Francis, Martha E. and Booth, Roger J.},
journal = {Mahway: Lawrence Erlhaum Associates},
title = {{Linguistic Inquiry and Word Count: LIWC 2001}},
volume = {71},
year = {2001}
}
@article{Marien2019,
abstract = {Concerns are raised repeatedly about the quality of televised debates. Both a country's electoral system and the presence of populist candidates have been argued to influence the deliberative qualities of these debates. By using an extended version of the Discourse Quality Index, this study conducts a content analysis of 12 televised election debates in Germany, the Netherlands and the United Kingdom between 2009 and 2015. Against expectations, results show that politicians in multiparty systems do not justify their policy positions more and are not more respectful in the televised debates. Rather, this study uncovers a clear populist challenge to key deliberative debate qualities across party systems. Left- and right-wing populist politicians adopt more positions without proper justification, and the presence of right-wing populists in the televised debates increases the number of disrespectful interactions, lowering the deliberative qualities of the televised debates in different electoral contexts.},
author = {Marien, Sofie and Goovaerts, Ine and Elstub, Stephen},
doi = {10.1080/01402382.2019.1651139},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Marien, Goovaerts, Elstub - 2019 - Deliberative qualities in televised election debates the influence of the electoral system and populi.pdf:pdf},
issn = {17439655},
journal = {West European Politics},
keywords = {Deliberation,Discourse Quality Index,incivility,political information environments,populism,televised debates},
number = {0},
pages = {1--23},
publisher = {Routledge},
title = {{Deliberative qualities in televised election debates: the influence of the electoral system and populism}},
url = {https://doi.org/10.1080/01402382.2019.1651139},
volume = {0},
year = {2019}
}
@article{Welch1977,
abstract = {While many suggestions have been offered to explain why American women tend to participate in political activities slightly less than men, seldom have these explanations been subjected to a rigorous examination. Here, three plausible explanations drawn from prior research are discussed: first, the political socialization process that discourages women from playing an active political role; second, the family responsibilities that keep some women at home and out of the work force (the "situational" explanation), and third, the overrepresentation of women in demographic groups that have low participa- tion levels (the "structural" explanation). The latter two explanations are tested directly using data from the SRC election studies of 1952, 1964, and 1972. Once situational and structural variables are controlled, there are no systematic differences in levels of male-female participation. In light of these findings, the validity of the political socializa- tion explanation is discussed.},
author = {Welch, Susan},
doi = {10.2307/2110733},
file = {:Users/lotte/Dropbox/PhD/style{\_}experiment/lit/2110733.pdf:pdf},
issn = {00925853},
journal = {American Journal of Political Science},
number = {4},
pages = {711},
title = {{Women as Political Animals? A Test of Some Explanations for Male-Female Political Participation Differences}},
volume = {21},
year = {1977}
}
@article{Krupnikov2016a,
abstract = {Much of what we know about the responses of voters to Black candidates and female candidates comes from experimental research. Yet the accuracy of experimental data can be threatened by the possibility that social desirability pressures contaminate self-reporting. We address this threat in a project that considers psychological approaches to reducing social desirability pressures. Offering participants the opportunity to explain their decisions about sensitive subjects, such as voting for a Black or female candidate, can lessen social desirability pressures. We analyze this approach across three commonly used samples: undergraduate, adult convenienceand adult national. Our results suggest that existing experimental research overestimates voter support for Black and female candidates, but these issues can be mitigated with the simple innovation presented here.},
author = {Krupnikov, Yanna and Piston, Spencer and Bauer, Nichole M.},
doi = {10.1111/pops.12261},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Krupnikov, Piston, Bauer - 2016 - Saving Face Identifying Voter Responses to Black Candidates and Female Candidates.pdf:pdf},
issn = {14679221},
journal = {Political Psychology},
keywords = {Black candidates,Experiments,Female candidates,Gender,Race,Social desirability},
number = {2},
pages = {253--273},
title = {{Saving Face: Identifying Voter Responses to Black Candidates and Female Candidates}},
volume = {37},
year = {2016}
}
@article{Mendelberg2014,
abstract = {When and why do women gain from increased descriptive representation in deliberating bodies? Using a large randomized experiment, and linking individual-level speech with assessments of speaker authority, we find that decision rules interact with the number of women in the group to shape the conversation dynamics and deliberative authority, an important form of influence. With majority rule and few women, women experience a negative balance of interruptions when speaking, and these women then lose influence in their own eyes and in others'. But when the group is assigned to unanimous rule, or when women are many, women experience a positive balance of interruptions, mitigating the deleterious effect of small numbers. Men do not experience this pattern. We draw implications for a type of representation that we call authoritative representation, and for democratic deliberation. {\textcopyright} 2014 American Political Science Association.},
author = {Mendelberg, Tali and Karpowitz, Christopher F. and Oliphant, J. Baxter},
doi = {10.1017/S1537592713003691},
file = {:Users/lotte/Dropbox/PhD/gendered{\_}styles/lit/gender-inequality-in-deliberation-unpacking-the-black-box-of-interaction.pdf:pdf},
issn = {15375927},
journal = {Perspectives on Politics},
number = {1},
pages = {18--44},
title = {{Gender Inequality in Deliberation: Unpacking the Black Box of Interaction}},
volume = {12},
year = {2014}
}
@article{Bol2019,
abstract = {Experiments are now common in political science. They are an excellent meth-odological tool to estimate the causal effect of a treatment on an outcome. In this article, I review the use of lab experiments in political science. After a brief report on their popularity and advantages, I distinguish two ideal-types (economics-based and psychology-based) and outline the main lines of division between them. In the final section, I discuss the main challenges that lab experimentalists are facing today.},
annote = {Come back to this when writing methods paper, as good for justification of experimental design},
author = {Bol, Damien},
doi = {10.1017/gov.2018.14},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Bol - 2019 - Putting Politics in the Lab A Review of Lab Experiments in Political Science.pdf:pdf},
journal = {Government and Opposition},
number = {1},
pages = {167--190},
title = {{Putting Politics in the Lab: A Review of Lab Experiments in Political Science}},
url = {https://doi.org/10.1017/gov.2018.14},
volume = {54},
year = {2019}
}
@article{Ramey2019,
author = {Ramey, Adam J. and Klingler, Jonathan D. and Hollibaugh, Gary E.},
doi = {10.1017/psrm.2016.12},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Ramey, Klingler, Hollibaugh - 2019 - Measuring Elite Personality Using Speech.pdf:pdf},
journal = {Political Science Research and Methods},
number = {1},
pages = {163--184},
title = {{Measuring Elite Personality Using Speech}},
volume = {7},
year = {2019}
}
@article{Kahn1992a,
author = {Kahn, Kim Fridkin},
journal = {Journal of Politics},
pages = {497--517},
title = {{Does Being Male Help? An Inves- tigation of the Effects of Candidate Gender and Campaign Coverage on Evaluations of U.S. Senate Candidates}},
volume = {54},
year = {1992}
}
@article{Koppensteiner2016,
abstract = {People read dominance, trustworthiness and competence into the faces of politicians but do they also perceive such social qualities in other nonverbal cues? We transferred the body movements of politicians giving a speech onto animated stick-figures and presented these stimuli to participants in a rating-experiment. Analyses revealed single body postures of maximal expansiveness as strong predictors of perceived dominance. Also, stick-figures producing expansive movements as well as a great number of movements throughout the encoded sequences were judged high on dominance and low on trustworthiness. In a second step we divided our sample into speakers from the opposition parties and speakers that were part of the government as well as into male and female speakers. Male speakers from the opposition were rated higher on dominance but lower on trustworthiness than speakers from all other groups. In conclusion, people use simple cues to make equally simple social categorizations. Moreover, the party status of male politicians seems to become visible in their body motion.},
author = {Koppensteiner, Markus and Stephan, Pia and J{\"{a}}schke, Johannes P. M.},
doi = {10.1016/j.paid.2016.01.013},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Koppensteiner, Stephan, J{\"{a}}schke - 2016 - Moving speeches Dominance, trustworthiness and competence in body motion.pdf:pdf},
issn = {01918869},
journal = {Personality and Individual Differences},
keywords = {Ethology,Impression formation,Motion cues,Nonverbal communication,Politics,Social cognition},
pages = {101--106},
publisher = {The Authors},
title = {{Moving speeches: Dominance, trustworthiness and competence in body motion}},
url = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.paid.2016.01.013},
volume = {94},
year = {2016}
}
@article{Campbell2012,
abstract = {Female gender and low income are two markers for groups that have been historically disadvantaged within most societies. The study explores two research questions related to their political representation: (1) ‘Are parties biased towards the ideological preferences of male and rich citizens?'; and (2) ‘Does the proportionality of the electoral system moderate the degree of under-representation of women and poor citizens in the party system?' A multilevel analysis of survey data from 24 parliamentary democracies indicates that there is some bias against those with low income and, at a much smaller rate, women. This has systemic consequences for the quality of representation, as the preferences of the complementary groups differ. The proportionality of the electoral system influences the degree of under-representation: specifically, larger district magnitudes help in closing the considerable gap between rich and poor.},
author = {Campbell, Rosie},
doi = {10.1111/j.1467-923X.2012.00000.x},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Campbell - 2012 - What Do We Really Know about Women Voters Gender, Elections and Public Opinion.pdf:pdf},
issn = {00323179},
journal = {The Political Quarterly},
number = {4},
pages = {703--710},
title = {{What Do We Really Know About Women Voters? Gender, Elections and Public Opinion}},
volume = {83},
year = {2012}
}
@article{Taylor-Robinson2003,
author = {Taylor-Robinson, Michelle M. and Heath, Roseanna Michelle},
doi = {10.1300/J014v24n04},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Taylor-Robinson, Heath - 2003 - Do Women Legislators Have Different Policy Priorities than Their Male Colleagues.pdf:pdf},
journal = {Women {\&} Politics},
number = {4},
pages = {77--101},
title = {{Do Women Legislators Have Different Policy Priorities than Their Male Colleagues?}},
volume = {24},
year = {2003}
}
@article{Lauderdale2014,
abstract = {Item response theory models for roll-call voting data provide political scientists with parsimonious descriptions of political actors' relative preferences. However, models using only voting data tend to obscure variation in preferences across different issues due to identification and labeling problems that arise in multidimensional scaling models. We propose a new approach to using sources of metadata about votes to estimate the degree to which those votes are about common issues. We demonstrate our approach with votes and opinion texts from the U.S. Supreme Court, using latent Dirichlet allocation to discover the extent to which different issues were at stake in different cases and estimating justice preferences within each of those issues. This approach can be applied using a variety of unsupervised and supervised topic models for text, community detection models for networks, or any other tool capable of generating discrete or mixture categorization of subject matter from relevant vote-specific metadata.},
author = {Lauderdale, Benjamin E. and Clark, Tom S.},
doi = {10.1111/ajps.12085},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Lauderdale, Clark - 2014 - Scaling politically meaningful dimensions using texts and votes.pdf:pdf},
issn = {15405907},
journal = {American Journal of Political Science},
number = {3},
pages = {754--771},
title = {{Scaling politically meaningful dimensions using texts and votes}},
volume = {58},
year = {2014}
}
@article{Richards2001,
abstract = {Two processes of stereotyping, subtyping and subgrouping, are compared. Subtyping occurs when perceivers respond to members of a target group who disconfirm their stereotypes by seeing them as exceptions to the rule and placing them in a separate subcategory apart from members who confirm the stereotype. The more recently defined process of subgrouping refers to the perceiver's organization of information in terms of clusters of individuals based on their similarities and differences; subgroups can include confirmers and disconfirmers. We consider how subtypes and subgroups are defined, operationalized, and measured, their consequences for stereotype change, and the role of typicality. It is concluded that the clearest difference between subtyping and subgrouping is in terms of their consequences (subtyping leads to the preservation and subgrouping to differentiation of the stereotype). There are, however, some similarities between the processes, and attention is drawn to what future research is required, both to deepen our knowledge of each process and clarify their distinction.},
author = {Richards, Zo{\"{e}} and Hewstone, Miles},
doi = {10.1207/S15327957PSPR0501_4},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Richards, Hewstone - 2001 - Subtyping and subgrouping Processes for the prevention and promotion of stereotype change.pdf:pdf},
issn = {10888683},
journal = {Personality and Social Psychology Review},
number = {1},
pages = {52--73},
title = {{Subtyping and subgrouping: Processes for the prevention and promotion of stereotype change}},
volume = {5},
year = {2001}
}
@article{Kerevel2015,
abstract = {Does electing female political leaders reduce gender stereotypes about leadership? Scholars know little about how the increasing presence of female executives alters gender stereotypes about political leadership. Some studies suggest gender stereotypes change slowly because they are embedded in cultural values and structural factors that reinforce traditional gender roles. Other research suggests stereotypes change more quickly with the increasing presence of female political leadership. We address this question by examining the effect of being governed by a female mayor in Mexico. We find that the presence of a current female mayor reduces gender stereotypes among males. However, past female mayors have little effect on current gender stereotypes about leadership. Our results suggest women must be present in executive offices more frequently to produce long-term change in gender stereotypes.},
author = {Kerevel, Yann P. and Atkeson, Lonna Rae},
doi = {10.1177/1065912915607637},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Kerevel, Atkeson - 2015 - Reducing Stereotypes of Female Political Leaders in Mexico.pdf:pdf},
issn = {10659129},
journal = {Political Research Quarterly},
keywords = {Latin American politics,Mexican politics,gender quotas,gender stereotypes,public opinion,women in politics},
number = {4},
pages = {732--744},
title = {{Reducing Stereotypes of Female Political Leaders in Mexico}},
volume = {68},
year = {2015}
}
@article{Chaney2006,
author = {Chaney, Paul},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Chaney - 2006 - Critical Mass, Deliberation and the Substantive Representation of Women Evidence from the UK's Devolution Programme.pdf:pdf},
journal = {Political Studies},
number = {4},
pages = {691--714},
title = {{Critical Mass, Deliberation and the Substantive Representation of Women: Evidence from the UK's Devolution Programme}},
volume = {54},
year = {2006}
}
@article{Goodwin2020a,
abstract = {Where female representatives are located within legislatures and what they do matters for the substantive representation of women. Previous scholarship has found that female parliamentary committee members participate differently than their male counterparts in relation to both policy area and status of positions held. Here, we draw on an original time-series data set (n = 9,767) to analyze the U.K. select committee system. We test for the impact of four variables previously found to be important in explaining changes in gendered divisions of labor: The system of appointment/election, the proportion of female representatives in the legislature, sharp increases in the number of female representatives, and changes in government from right-wing parties to left-wing parties. We find that horizontal and vertical divisions of labor persist over time and that membership patterns in the United Kingdom mainly correspond to those found elsewhere. Moreover, there is little evidence that any of the four variables have systematically affected membership patterns.},
author = {Goodwin, Mark and {Holden Bates}, Stephen and Mckay, Stephen},
doi = {10.1017/S1743923X19000874},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Goodwin, Holden Bates, Mckay - 2020 - Electing to Do Women's Work Gendered Divisions of Labor in U.K. Select Committees, 1979-2016.pdf:pdf},
issn = {17439248},
journal = {Politics and Gender},
keywords = {Gendered division of labor,House of Commons,MPs,Parliament,select committees,women in politics},
number = {4},
pages = {607--639},
title = {{Electing to Do Women's Work? Gendered Divisions of Labor in U.K. Select Committees, 1979-2016}},
volume = {17},
year = {2021}
}
@article{Arceneaux2012,
abstract = {Competition in political debate is not always sufficient to neutralize the effects of political rhetoric on public opinion. Yet little is known about the factors that shape the persuasiveness of political arguments. In this article, I consider whether cognitive biases influence the perceived strength of political arguments, making some arguments more persuasive than others. Lessons from neurobiology and recent political psychology research on emotion lead to the expectation that individuals are more likely to be persuaded by political arguments that evoke loss aversion via a fearful response-even in the face of a counterargument. Evidence from two experiments corroborates this expectation. I consider the normative implications of these empirical findings and potential avenues for future research. {\textcopyright} 2012, Midwest Political Science Association.},
author = {Arceneaux, Kevin},
doi = {10.1111/j.1540-5907.2011.00573.x},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Arceneaux - 2012 - Cognitive Biases and the Strength of Political Arguments.pdf:pdf},
issn = {00925853},
journal = {American Journal of Political Science},
number = {2},
pages = {271--285},
title = {{Cognitive Biases and the Strength of Political Arguments}},
volume = {56},
year = {2012}
}
@article{Collet2008,
abstract = {Conceptualizing a political world "beyond black and white" is a familiar scholarly refrain, but theoretical relics of bipolarity remain. The deracialization concept, a much-discussed phenomenon in American elections, is one example. Asian American campaigns provide an interesting case for testing the utility of deracialization in multicultural urban milieus, given the overwhelming tendency for such candidates to be elected from predominantly non-Asian constituencies. Looking in depth at two successful campaigns by Vietnamese Americans in Northern and Southern California, I argue for a broadened approach that can better account for changes in the American political mosaic-namely, increases in immigration occurring in some of the country's fastest growing regions and the availability of alternative media. I call this approach toggling. In this article, I outline the toggling strategy. I conclude by considering the impact of toggling on equality in the American democratic process and suggest some directions for future research. {\textcopyright} American Political Science Association 2008.},
author = {Collet, Christian},
doi = {10.1017/S1537592708081875},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Collet - 2008 - Minority candidates, alternative media, and multiethnic america Deracialization or toggling.pdf:pdf},
issn = {15375927},
journal = {Perspectives on Politics},
number = {4},
pages = {707--728},
title = {{Minority Candidates, Alternative Media, and Multiethnic America: Deracialization or Toggling?}},
volume = {6},
year = {2008}
}
@incollection{Dalton2000,
address = {Oxford},
author = {Dalton, Russell J. and Wattenberg, Martin P.},
booktitle = {Parties without Partisans},
pages = {3--19},
publisher = {Oxford University Press},
title = {{Unthinkable Democracy: Political Change in Advanced Industrial Democracies}},
year = {2000}
}
@article{Lord2013,
abstract = { In this paper, we apply a revised version of the Discourse Quality Index (DQI) developed by Steenbergen et al . to European Parliament (EP) debates. This updated measurement instrument, after the inclusion of new indicators, helps us identify not just the principles of European Union (EU) deliberation but most importantly the favourable contextual conditions of supranational deliberation. We illustrate the new DQI coding for selected debates over the last EU parliamentary term and discuss how the data can be employed to assess the overall quality of deliberation in the EP. At the same time we demonstrate that institutional issues matter for the quality of EP discourse, as do Members of the European Parliaments' personal characteristics. Issue attributes on the other hand, influence supranational deliberation but not in the expected direction. },
author = {Lord, Christopher and Tamvaki, Dionysia},
doi = {10.1017/s1755773911000300},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Lord, Tamvaki - 2013 - The politics of justification Applying the ‘Discourse Quality Index' to the study of the European Parliament.pdf:pdf},
issn = {1755-7739},
journal = {European Political Science Review},
number = {1},
pages = {27--54},
title = {{The politics of justification? Applying the ‘Discourse Quality Index' to the study of the European Parliament}},
volume = {5},
year = {2013}
}
@article{Alexander1993,
abstract = {The candidate evaluation literature has emphasized the contribution of both candidate characteristics and voter characteristics (e.g., party identification) to candidate appraisals. But the literature on attribution and sex role stereotypes suggests that women candidates may be evaluated differently than their male counterparts. This paper presents the results of a survey of 98 voters in which we explored the relationships among gender role attitudes, voters' attribution of leadership traits, and support for male and female candidates. The surveys were conducted in Syracuse, New York, during the 1990 campaigns, which included three male-female races. Our results substantiate the hypothesis that when candidate information is sparse, gender role attitudes are consequential in the initial evaluation of lesser known women candidates. Gender attitudes are important factors in candidate favorability when the candidates are women challengers. Secondly, we found that voters had a tendency to attribute particular leadership qualities and issue skills based on sex to hypothetical candidates, if no other information was available. In addition, we found that the more egalitarian the voters' gender role attitudes, the more likely they were to evaluate favorably actual women candidates. Finally, it was the case that all incumbents, male and female, were rated more positively on both "masculine" and "feminine" traits than were challengers. Predicting election results in the United States is a hazardous job. But there is one prediction that any election-eve analyst could offer with supreme confidence ... that the newly elected official would be male. (Hershey 1980: 179). Even during the much-touted {\&}dquo;Year of the Woman{\&}dquo; such a prediction would be a fairly safe one at higher levels of government: the 1992 elections, certainly a success for women, produced a House of Representatives which is only 11 percent female. This is despite the fact that many recent studies have found that voters are generally indifferent to a candidate's sex in making their vote decision (e.g., Carroll 1985; Darcy et al. 1987). The apparent lack of gender bias in the voting booth (at least as measured by aggregate voting statistics) should not lead us to assume that there},
annote = {{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 528) “The fact that gender role stereotypes characterize and influence many decision-making domains suggests that voters might use stereotypes to attribute different skills and capabilities to men and women candidates.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 530) Boles and Durio (1980, 1981), measuring perceptions about male and female politicians, found distinct differences in gender and political labels. Generally, the "elected woman" label was evaluated more positively than the "elected man" on traditionally female traits and women were perceived as equal or superior to male politicians in terms of the masculine characteristics of efficiency, stability, and vitality (Boles and Durio 1981: 4-12).” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “Polls confirm that women candidates tend to be seen as more compassionate and honest while men are seen to be better suited emotionally for politics.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “Fifteen years later, voters in a national survey thought that women running for office were more compassionate, more caring, more honest and would do a better job handling social issues and holding down government spending, while male candidates were perceived to be more effective at dealing with military and trade issue” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 532) Uses survey data from 98 respondents and looked at candidates and voters in New York 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 534) “Six candidates were rated on seven traits: honesty, ability to handle a crisis, emotional stability, compassion, decisiveness, ability to compromise, and competence. Three of the traits - honesty, compassion, and ability to compromise - measured traditionally "feminine" capabilities. Three other traits - the ability to handle a crisis, decisiveness, and emotional stability- are traditionally associated with men and leadership. The last trait- competence - was assumed for this research to be gender neutral.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      Analysis was used to assess respondents' perceptions of male and female candidates
{\textperiodcentered}      “By large margins, women are believed to be more compassionate, moral, hardworking, and liberal. Women, more so than their m counterparts, are also thought to have struggled to get ahead, be able to ha family responsibilities while serving in office, speak out honestly, and stand up for what they believe.”},
author = {Alexander, Deborah and Andersen, Kristi},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Alexander, Andersen - 1993 - Gender as a Factor in the Attribution of Leadership Traits.pdf:pdf},
journal = {Political Research Quarterly},
number = {3},
pages = {527--545},
title = {{Gender as a Factor in the Attribution of Leadership Traits}},
volume = {46},
year = {1993}
}
@article{Kittilson2011,
abstract = {Will women transform party politics? As a group of relative newcomers to parties, women may contribute to shaping parties' policy agendas and to changing party rules. A party-level perspective allows for examination of the national- and party-level contextual influences that condition the effect of women on party platforms. Systematic analysis of a broad range of 142 political parties in 24 post-industrial democracies from 1990 to 2003 illuminates the dynamic relationship between women's political power and party politics. Drawing on the Comparative Manifestos Project data and original party-level data, the multi-level analyses reveal that women's rising numbers among a party's parliamentary delegation and among its leadership committee contribute to an emphasis on social justice in the party programme, and to the adoption of gender quota policies. Furthermore, for welfare state expansion, the effect of women MPs is amplified by the presence of a women's organization within the party. {\textcopyright} The Author(s) 2011.},
author = {Kittilson, Miki Caul},
doi = {10.1177/1354068809361012},
file = {:Users/lotte/Dropbox/PhD/topic{\_}project/lit/1354068809361012.pdf:pdf},
issn = {13540688},
journal = {Party Politics},
keywords = {Gender,policy goals,political parties,statistical analysis},
number = {1},
pages = {66--92},
title = {{Women, Parties and Platforms in Post-Industrial Democracies}},
volume = {17},
year = {2011}
}
@article{Blaxill2016,
abstract = {In 1919, Nancy Astor took her seat in the House of Commons as Britain's first ever female MP. In the 1945 election, the number of women in the house nearly trebled to twenty-four, and remained around this level for the next four decades. In Tony Blair's landslide victory in 1997, 120 female MPs were returned, and women have since comprised around 20 per cent of the Commons. The 2015 election saw 191 elected: the most ever. But to what extent has the increasing presence of women in Parliament made more than a symbolic difference? For example, have female MPs represented a hitherto marginalized 'women's interest', placed 'women's issues' on the agenda, or added a feminine perspective to existing discussion? Using 677 million words of digitized parliamentary speech, and drawing upon the outputs of the Digging into Linked Parliamentary Data ('Dilipad') project, we perform a wide-ranging empirical analysis of the role of gender in Commons debates from 1945 using computerized text mining. We make three major discoveries. The first is that there is strong evidence to support the central feminist claim that women's contributions to debates over these eight decades have been substantively different to those of male colleagues in ways that stretch beyond a greater attentiveness to gender itself. The second is that this effect has been weakening as the number of women in Parliament increased, most notably from the landmark 1997 election. Finally, we question the oft-made claim by scholars and politicians that, since the election of Margaret Thatcher in 1979, the Labour party has more consistently focussed on representing women in Parliament than the Conservatives.},
annote = {From Duplicate 1 (A Feminized Language of Democracy? The Representation of Women at Westminster since 1945 - Blaxill, Luke; Beelen, Kaspar)

{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 417) “The third area is concerned with parliamentary style and space, and women's propensity to exhibit more consensual and pragmatic strategies based on brokering deals, which in Britain have been neutered by the persistence of the Commons' masculinized and adversarial ‘yah-boo' and ‘Punch and Judy' culture.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 418) “While these various research questions continue to energize historians and political scientists, a key underlying debate—to which all have directly or indirectly contributed—is simply whether women have exhibited a systematic propensity to practise politics differently from men.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “In the context of Parliament, it would be fair to say that the vast majority of works emphasize gender difference more than similarity.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “Harman's view that Labour women MPs had successfully embodied an emergent new feminism is supported by the influential works of Sarah Childs, who has argued in several publications that the 101 Labour women elected in 1997 (popularly dubbed ‘Blair's babes')25 had substantively represented women in the House by introducing a feminine perspective into debates, adding women's issues (such as the removal of VAT on sanitary products) to the agenda, and adopted a feminized political style which eschewed traditional masculine confrontational approaches.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 431) “Figure 4's results are immediately striking. There are two words which are used more often by women in all seventeen parliaments, five that fit this description for sixteen parliaments, and eight that fit it for fifteen. Amongst men, there are just two words (‘argument' and ‘force') which appear more often in fourteen parliaments, and none for fifteen, sixteen or seventeen, meaning that women have nineteen strong gender markers in the space where men have two.”
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 440) “or Childs, part of the feminized political style of new Labour's women was a focus on ‘behind the scenes' parliamentary business, constituency casework, and to eschew rebellion and grandstanding in the chamber.”

From Duplicate 2 (A Feminized Language of Democracy? The Representation of Women at Westminster since 1945 - Blaxill, Luke; Beelen, Kaspar)

{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 417) “The third area is concerned with parliamentary style and space, and women's propensity to exhibit more consensual and pragmatic strategies based on brokering deals, which in Britain have been neutered by the persistence of the Commons' masculinized and adversarial ‘yah-boo' and ‘Punch and Judy' culture.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 418) “While these various research questions continue to energize historians and political scientists, a key underlying debate—to which all have directly or indirectly contributed—is simply whether women have exhibited a systematic propensity to practise politics differently from men.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “In the context of Parliament, it would be fair to say that the vast majority of works emphasize gender difference more than similarity.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “Harman's view that Labour women MPs had successfully embodied an emergent new feminism is supported by the influential works of Sarah Childs, who has argued in several publications that the 101 Labour women elected in 1997 (popularly dubbed ‘Blair's babes')25 had substantively represented women in the House by introducing a feminine perspective into debates, adding women's issues (such as the removal of VAT on sanitary products) to the agenda, and adopted a feminized political style which eschewed traditional masculine confrontational approaches.” (p. 431) “Figure 4's results are immediately striking. There are two words which are used more often by women in all seventeen parliaments, five that fit this description for sixteen parliaments, and eight that fit it for fifteen. Amongst men, there are just two words (‘argument' and ‘force') which appear more often in fourteen parliaments, and none for fifteen, sixteen or seventeen, meaning that women have nineteen strong gender markers in the space where men have two.”
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 440) “or Childs, part of the feminized political style of new Labour's women was a focus on ‘behind the scenes' parliamentary business, constituency casework, and to eschew rebellion and grandstanding in the chamber.”},
author = {Blaxill, Luke and Beelen, Kaspar},
doi = {10.1093/tcbh/hww028},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Blaxill, Beelen - 2016 - A Feminized Language of Democracy The Representation of Women at Westminster since 1945.pdf:pdf;:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Blaxill, Beelen - 2016 - A Feminized Language of Democracy The Representation of Women at Westminster since 1945(2).pdf:pdf},
journal = {Twentieth Century British History},
number = {3},
pages = {412--449},
title = {{A Feminized Language of Democracy? The Representation of Women at Westminster since 1945}},
volume = {27},
year = {2016}
}
@incollection{Tolleson-Rinehart2001,
address = {Indiana},
author = {Tolleson-Rinehart, Sue},
booktitle = {The Impact of Women in Public Office},
editor = {Carroll, Susan J},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Tolleson-Rinehart - 2001 - Do Women Leaders Make a Difference Substance, Style, and Perceptions.pdf:pdf},
pages = {149--165},
publisher = {Indiana University Press},
title = {{Do Women Leaders Make a Difference? Substance, Style, and Perceptions}},
year = {2001}
}
@book{Bass1985,
abstract = {Why do most leaders or managers elicit merely competent performance from their followers, while a select few inspire extraordinary achievement? Leadership expert Bernard Bass takes this question beyond the usual speculation, presenting original research that for the first time documents the traits of the exceptional leader.},
address = {New York},
author = {Bass, Bernard M.},
isbn = {0029018102},
pages = {256},
publisher = {Free Press},
title = {{Leadership and Performance Beyond Expectations}},
year = {1985}
}
@book{Rush2011,
address = {London},
author = {Rush, Michael and Giddings, Philip},
publisher = {Palgrave Macmillan},
title = {{Parliamentary Socialisation}},
year = {2011}
}
@article{Sayer2004,
abstract = {In this study, time diary data are used to assess trends in mothers' and fathers' child care time from the mid-1960s to the late 1990s. Contrary to conventional wisdom, the results indicate that both mothers and fathers report spending greater amounts of time in child care activities in the late 1990s than in the "family-oriented" 1960s. For mothers, there was a 1965-75 decline in routine child care time and then a 1975-98 rebound along with a steady increase in time doing more developmental activities. For 1998 fathers report increased participation in routine child care as well as in more "fun" activities. The ratio of married mothers' to married fathers' time in child care declined in all primary child care activities. These results suggest that parents have undergone a behavioral change that has more than countered family change that might otherwise have reduced time with children.},
author = {Sayer, Liana C. and Bianchi, Suzanne M. and Robinson, John P.},
doi = {10.1086/386270},
file = {::},
issn = {00029602},
journal = {American Journal of Sociology},
number = {1},
pages = {1--43},
title = {{Are Parents Investing Less in Children? Trends in Mothers' and Fathers' Time with Children}},
volume = {110},
year = {2004}
}
@article{Celis2015a,
abstract = {The focus on female MPs and leftist and feminist issues in traditional studies of women's substantive representation has supported the overall conclusion that women, feminists and left-wing parties promote women's interests in parliament. But our analysis of the 'critical actors' in women's substantive representation in 10 European countries confirms this finding only to a certain extent. Our inductive research design reveals an important group of less obvious actors: non-left, non-feminist and male MPs. That they speak out on behalf of women points to the necessity of revisiting our theories on women's substantive representation.},
author = {Celis, Karen and Erzeel, Silvia},
doi = {10.1017/gov.2013.42},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Celis, Erzeel - 2013 - Beyond the usual suspects Non-left, male and non-feminist MPs and the substantive representation of women.pdf:pdf},
issn = {14777053},
journal = {Government and Opposition},
number = {1},
pages = {45--64},
title = {{Beyond the usual suspects: Non-left, male and non-feminist MPs and the substantive representation of women}},
volume = {50},
year = {2015}
}
@article{Ickne2018,
author = {{Dal Bo}, Ernesto and Finan, Frederico and Folke, Olle and Persson, Torsten and Rickne, Johanna},
doi = {10.1093/qje/qjx016.Advance},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Dal Bo et al. - 2017 - Who Becomes a Politician.pdf:pdf},
journal = {The Quarterly Journal of Economics},
pages = {1877--1914},
title = {{Who Becomes a Politician?}},
year = {2017}
}
@article{Barnes2017a,
abstract = {This article reexamines gender differences in electoral outcomes. We consider whether electoral competition has a differential impact on the electoral fortunes of male and female quality candidates. This study uses an original data set containing detailed candidate information for US House open seat primary and general elections between 1994 and 2004. The results indicate that when multiple quality candidates enter the race, female quality candidates are at a greater disadvantage than their male counterparts. The results suggest that null findings from previous work are a product of the way the relationship between gender and electoral outcomes is typically modeled.},
author = {Barnes, Tiffany D. and Branton, Regina P. and Cassese, Erin C.},
doi = {10.1080/1554477X.2016.1219589},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Barnes, Branton, Cassese - 2017 - A Reexamination of Women's Electoral Success in Open Seat Elections The Conditioning Effect of Elect.pdf:pdf},
issn = {15544788},
journal = {Journal of Women, Politics and Policy},
keywords = {Women and politics,female congressional candidates,general elections,primary elections,quality challengers},
number = {3},
pages = {298--317},
publisher = {Routledge},
title = {{A Reexamination of Women's Electoral Success in Open Seat Elections: The Conditioning Effect of Electoral Competition}},
volume = {38},
year = {2017}
}
@article{Roberts2000,
author = {Roberts, Carl W.},
doi = {10.1023/A:1004780007748},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Roberts - 2000 - A Conceptual Framework for Quantitative Text Analysis.pdf:pdf},
journal = {Quality and Quantity},
number = {3},
pages = {259--274},
publisher = {Kluwer Academic Publishers},
title = {{A Conceptual Framework for Quantitative Text Analysis}},
volume = {34},
year = {2000}
}
@unpublished{Bertoldi2013,
abstract = {The integration of machine translation in the human translation work flow rises intriguing and challenging research issues. One of them, addressed in this work, is how to dynamically adapt phrase-based statistical MT from user post-editing. By casting the problem in the online machine learning paradigm, we propose a cache-based adaptation technique method that dynamically stores target n-gram and phrase-pair features used by the translator. For the sake of adaptation, during decoding not only recency of the features stored in the cache is rewarded but also their occurrence in similar already translated sentences in the document. Our experimental results show the effectiveness of the devised method both on standard benchmarks and on documents post-edited by professional translators through the real use of the MateCat tool.},
address = {Nice, France},
author = {Bertoldi, Nicola and Cettolo, Mauro and Federico, Marcello and Kessler, Fbk -Fondazione Bruno},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Bertoldi et al. - 2013 - Cache-based Online Adaptation for Machine Translation Enhanced Computer Assisted Translation.pdf:pdf},
pages = {23--42},
series = {Proceedings of the XIV Machine Translation Summit},
title = {{Cache-based Online Adaptation for Machine Translation Enhanced Computer Assisted Translation}},
year = {2013}
}
@article{Hanni2017,
abstract = {Many ethnic minorities demand (adequate) descriptive representation in parliament because they expect it to affect the responsiveness of governments towards their demands. However, the mechanism of how minority representatives affect policy outcomes remains unclear. I argue that descriptive representation mainly has an effect if representatives possess additional leverage to influence policy outcomes. The argument is tested with hierarchical time-series models from 88 minority groups in 47 countries multiethnic democracies. The analysis shows that descriptive representatives are most successful in influencing policy outcomes if they are included in the government, the legislature is powerful, and a group is comparatively large.},
author = {H{\"{a}}nni, Miriam},
doi = {10.1111/lsq.12142},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/H{\"{a}}nni - 2017 - Presence, Representation, and Impact How Minority MPs Affect Policy Outcomes.pdf:pdf},
issn = {19399162},
journal = {Legislative Studies Quarterly},
number = {1},
pages = {97--130},
title = {{Presence, Representation, and Impact: How Minority MPs Affect Policy Outcomes}},
volume = {42},
year = {2017}
}
@book{Burrell1994,
address = {Michigan, U.S.},
author = {Burrell, Barbara C.},
publisher = {University of Michigan Press},
title = {{A Woman's Place Is in the House: Campaigning for Congress in the Feminist Era}},
year = {1994}
}
@article{Ward2016,
abstract = {Internationally, scholars have raised substantial concerns regarding unfavorable news coverage of female political candidates and representatives. However, prior research has scarcely considered the intersectional effects of political actors' race and gender in this context. I investigate these dynamics through a case study of the U.K. 2010 general election, a breakthrough year for black, Asian, and minority ethnic (BAME) women in British politics. Only three had previously been elected to parliament but a further seven joined their ranks that year. While headlines celebrated the possibility of a "small revolution" resulting in "the most diverse parliament ever," the press also subjected BAME female candidates to exceptional scrutiny regarding their credentials and ability to "transform politics." Employing a quantitative content analysis of national newspaper coverage, I find that the apparent newsworthiness of BAME women's intersectional identity was a double-edged sword. While they arguably enjoyed a visibility advantage compared with white female candidates, their coverage was also exceptionally negative and narrowly focused on their ethnicity and gender. I argue that as national legislatures become increasingly diverse, single axis analyses of the effects of politicians' race, gender, or other axes of identity are insufficient to capture their combined effects on press coverage of politics.},
annote = {Campbell and Childs 2010; Harmer and Wring 2013; Mavin et al. 2010; Ross et al. 2013},
author = {Ward, Orlanda},
doi = {10.1177/1940161216673195},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Ward - 2016 - Intersectionality and Press Coverage of Political Campaigns Representations of Black, Asian, and Minority Ethnic Female Ca.pdf:pdf},
issn = {19401612},
journal = {International Journal of Press/Politics},
keywords = {election campaign,ethnicity,gender,media framing,newspapers,race},
number = {1},
pages = {43--66},
title = {{Intersectionality and Press Coverage of Political Campaigns: Representations of Black, Asian, and Minority Ethnic Female Candidates at the U.K. 2010 General Election}},
volume = {22},
year = {2016}
}
@incollection{Barnes2016,
abstract = {In democracies, power is obtained via competition. Yet, as women gain access to parliaments in record numbers, worldwide collaboration appears to be on the rise. This is puzzling: why, if politicians can secure power through competition, would we observe collaboration in Congress? Using evidence from 200 interviews with politicians from Argentina and a novel dataset from 23 Argentine legislative chambers over an 18-year period, Gendering Legislative Behavior reexamines traditional notions of competitive democracy by evaluating patterns of collaboration among legislators. Although only the majority can secure power via competition, all legislators - particularly those who do not have power - can influence the policy-making process through collaboration. Tiffany D. Barnes argues that as women have limited access to formal and informal political power, they collaborate more than men to influence policy-making. Despite the benefits of collaboration, patterns of collaboration vary among women because different legislative contexts either facilitate or constrain women's collaboration.},
address = {Cambridge, UK},
annote = {- (p. 116) Party discipline key to understanding legislative dynamics. In legislatures with stronger party discipline party leaders will be permitted to constraining legislative behaviour and disincentivise legislators from behaving independently of their political parties 
- (p. 117) First of two chapters that tests third party of the theory: legislative contexts shape legislative collaboration
- In this chapter, explore two factors that vary between legislatures - party constraints and women's numerical representation
- Demonstrate that when party leaders have weak control over legislative behaviour, as women's representation increases, women are more likely than men to collaborate with female colleagues 

Methods
- (p. 118) NOTE TO SELF: on page 118-119, Barnes explains how she works out the Gender Cosponsorship Score (GCS). This takes into account the probability of random chance that you would collaborate with a woman/man
- (p. 119) In general, negative GCS mean a legislator works with women less than would be expected. Positive scores mean they work more with a woman than would be expected. A value of zero would mean they don't work with women any more/less than expected 
- (p. 120) Finds that for women the score is on average 7.2 and for men the score is on average 0.2 (this is statistically significant). This is consistent with general trends from chapter 3 that show women are more likely to collaborate with other women 
- GCS is biggest difference between women/men in districts with weak party constraints (on average 10.4 for women and 0 for men, statistically significant)
- (p. 125) Results from modelling show that women clearly behave differently depending on institutional constraints 

Conclusion
- (p. 137) On average, women are more likely than men to collaborate with both women in the same political party and women from other political parties 
- Despite these incentives, not all women collaborate more than men. Women from larger districts with strong party constraints behave more similarly to their male colleagues 
- The gender composition of the chamber does influence behaviour of female legislators but that this relation is condiitioned by institutional incentives. Increases in numbers of women strengthen women's incentives to toe the party line in districts with strong party constraints and to collaborate with female colleagues in districts with weak party constraints},
author = {Barnes, Tiffany},
booktitle = {Gendering Legislative Behavior: Institutional Constraints and Collaboration},
chapter = {5},
doi = {10.1017/CBO9781316534281.005},
edition = {First},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Barnes - 2016 - 5. When Do Women Collaborate Explaining Between-Chamber Variation.pdf:pdf},
pages = {116--142},
publisher = {Cambridge University Press},
title = {{5. When Do Women Collaborate? Explaining Between-Chamber Variation}},
url = {https://doi.org/10.1017/CBO9781316534281.005},
year = {2016}
}
@article{Shaw2000,
abstract = {Political debates are speech events which foreground issues of power and the `floor', and allow the opportunity of assessing the ways in which the gender of participants affects their construction as more or less powerful participants in debates. Debates in the British House of Commons are adversarial in style, making it appropriate to view the floor as `the site of a contest where there is a winner and a loser'. Previous research into political debates has found that male participants violate the formal rules in debates more than their female counterparts, in order to gain the floor. Although the canonical form and rules of debates exist to `permit the equalization of turns', rule violations are common, and inequalities between participants exist. In this article legal and illegal interventions are evaluated in five debates in order to establish the extent to which the gender of participants is related to the control that an individual has over the debate floor.},
annote = {{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 401) “Debates in the British House of Commons are adversarial in style, making it appropriate to view the floor as ‘the site of a contest where there is a winner and a loser'.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “Previous research into political debates has found that male participants violate the formal rules in debates more than their female counterparts, in order to gain the floor.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “In this article legal and illegal interventions are evaluated in five debates in order to establish the extent to which the gender of participants is related to the control than an individual has over the debate floor.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “Parliamentary debates in the British House of Commons are formal and adversarial in style, and it has been suggested that men are more likely to gain and hold the floor in such formal arenas, and to speak for longer than women, whereas women tend to ‘leave the floor to men' (Holmes 1995: 193).” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 402) “Some researchers have suggested that the norms of men's discourse styles are institutionalised, and that they ‘are not only seen as the better way to talk, but as the only way' (Lakoff 1990: 188). Men's discourse styles are institutionalised as ways of speaking with authority, and institutions are ‘organised to define, demonstrate and enforce the legitimacy and authority of linguistic strategies used by one gender – or men of one class or ethnic group while denying the power of others' (Gal 1991: 188).” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 403) Start of page good for methodology involving videos – uses an “Ethnography of Speaking” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “The House of Commons is a forum in which the contributions of Members are strictly controlled by formal rules about when they can speak. These are enforced both by the Speaker and through the vigilance of MPs in the chamber, who can draw the Speaker's attention to rule violations by shouting ‘order' as an appeal to the Speaker to stop the debate on a ‘point of order'.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 404) “In their study of US televised political debates, Edelsky and Adams (1990) note that debates consist of an ‘ideal' form, which is when the rules and procedures are adhered to and the debate offers participants an equal opportunity to speak.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “However, individual illegal questions or comments that are responded to by the MP giving the speech can hold the floor. Although these comments are always made in response to something that is said in the legal speech of an MP, when the legal MP responds to the illegal intervention, the ‘what's going on' can be described as ‘the MP is responding to the illegal intervention'.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 405) Need to differentiate between legal (D1) and illegal (D2) turn-taking systems – D1 would be an interruption (“the strongest marker of powerful and dominant behaviour in debates”) 
{\textperiodcentered}      “An MP's legal participation in debates (whether as a main speaker or as an intervener) can be thought of as a different type of behaviour to that of an MP's illegal participation in a debate.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “The differences in contributing legally and illegally in debates partly stem from the mechanism of debates, and the fact that some ‘legal' turn-taking with physical movements (standing to speak and sitting to signify the end of a speaking turn).” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “the illegal participation of an MP shows them to be a ‘rule breaker' in debates.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “Research into gender differences and language has suggested that men interrupt women more than the reverse in mixed sex interactions (Swann 1989; Zimmerman and West 1975).” 
{\textperiodcentered}      ‘Giving way' is part of the legal system of turn-taking – the current MP (CMP) can decide whether to give way to the intervening MP (IMP) – the CMP can choose to ignore or refuse them
{\textperiodcentered}      Give way interventions can be oppositional or supportive: “usually depending upon whether the IMP is from the opposing part to the CMP” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “Some researchers have claimed that women are more likely to make supportive interventions than men, and men are more likely to make oppositional or confrontational contributions than women (Coates 1989; Edelsky 1981).”
Illegal interventions in debates 
{\textperiodcentered}      “The traditional expression of approval in the House of Commons is to shout ‘hear hear' to show support; ways of showing a disapproval range from the shout of ‘shame' to the call to ‘withdraw' when a CMP has made a contentious statement.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 408) “When female MPs were interviewed about collective cheering in the House of Commons, they identified it as a male activity (one interviewee described it as ‘boyish') in which they did not participate.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “Illegal interventions made by individual MPs are common in debates.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “Illegal interventions made by MPs can be defined as any verbal contribution made from a sitting position that can be attributed to an individual MP.”
{\textperiodcentered}      “The first type of individual illegal intervention is when an IMP shouts a one-word interjection or short comment, such as ‘disgraceful!' ‘resign!', or ‘not true!', which usually refers to something stated by the CMP. The comment, which can be supportive or oppositional to the CMP, does not elicit a response from the CMP or from anyone else in the chamber.”
{\textperiodcentered}      “This type of intervention is not typically supportive, as in the example above, but is more likely to be critical of the CMP.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “An illegal intervention sequence of three parts is much more common than one of two parts. Three-part exchanges consist of a statement in the speech of the CMP, then a comment by the IMP, then a response by the CMP. Typically the function of this intervention is a criticism, with the exchange consisting of a statement than a criticism than a defence of the statement or counter-criticism of the IMP by the CMO.”
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 412) “It is clear that interventions and interruptions do represent powerful behaviour in debates.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “Individual female MPs intervened illegally four times in the five debates, 10 percent of the total number of individual illegal interventions.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “Female MPs therefore make fewer illegal interventions than legal interventions.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “If interruptions are a powerful tool in gaining the floor, and if female MPs illegally interrupt less than male MPs, then female MPs may be disadvantaged by this behaviour.” 
The Speaker's interventions in debates 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 413) “The Speaker of the House of Commons has responsibility for ensuring that the rules of debates are adhered to, so that the interaction is fair and members have equal opportunities to speak.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “When the Speaker wants to stop the debate because a violation of the rules has occurred, she/he stands up (thereby requiring the MP speaking to sit down) and says or shouts ‘order'.”
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 415) “It is therefore clear that the Speakers mainly tolerate illegal interventions in debates.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “As the Speakers stop only 5 percent of all illegal interventions, it is evident that an MP who wants to make an illegal contribution can do so without much fear of being censured for their behaviour.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      NOTE: might be worth looking at the bibliography of this work if I want more literature like this },
author = {Shaw, Sylvia},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Shaw - 2000 - Language, Gender and Floor Apportionment in Political Debates.pdf:pdf},
journal = {Discourse {\&} Society},
number = {3},
pages = {401--418},
title = {{Language, Gender and Floor Apportionment in Political Debates}},
volume = {11},
year = {2000}
}
@article{Martin2019,
abstract = {When presented the choice between a male and female candidate, it is commonly assumed that women prefer a female candidate. But as more policy and ideologically diverse women run for office, this assumption may not hold true. Using an experimental design embedded in a nationally representative survey, I test how voters respond to female candidates with ideologies and abortion positions similar and contrary to their own preferences. I find that women, generally, prefer a female candidate, but support for a female candidate among women decreases significantly when she has a contrary ideology or policy position. Whether women prefer descriptive or substantive representation also is conditioned on individual-level characteristics. This study advances our understanding of voters' responses to female candidates' varying ideological and issue positions, which is increasingly important as more women run for office. Although women are more likely than men to give female candidates the benefit of the doubt, not just any female candidate will do—she needs to appeal to women on issue and ideological grounds too.},
author = {Martin, Danielle Joesten},
doi = {10.1177/1532673X18776622},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Martin - 2019 - Playing the Women's Card How Women Respond to Female Candidates' Descriptive Versus Substantive Representation.pdf:pdf},
issn = {15523373},
journal = {American Politics Research},
keywords = {descriptive representation,issue voting,women and politics},
number = {3},
pages = {549--581},
title = {{Playing the Women's Card: How Women Respond to Female Candidates' Descriptive Versus Substantive Representation}},
volume = {47},
year = {2019}
}
@techreport{Thomson2001,
author = {Thomson, Rob and Murachver, Tamar and Green, James},
booktitle = {Psychological Science},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Thomson, Murachver, Green - 2001 - Where Is the Gender in Gendered Language.pdf:pdf},
number = {2},
pages = {171--175},
title = {{Where Is the Gender in Gendered Language?}},
url = {https://www.jstor.org/stable/pdf/40063606.pdf?refreqid=excelsior{\%}3A6ea0eec75fe60df7e4eb79564a911c04},
volume = {12},
year = {2001}
}
@article{Jalalzai2006,
abstract = {Studies examining newspaper coverage of gubernatorial and senatorial candidates running in the 1980s found women to be at a disadvantage compared to men. Although women are still underrepresented as senators and governors, they have increased their numbers in more recent years. With greater representation, has press coverage become more gender neutral? To answer this important question, coverage of men and women senatorial and gubernatorial candidates running between 1992 and 2000 is analyzed. Findings suggest, in general, that newspaper coverage of candidates has become increasingly gender-balanced. Although certain disparities exist, some differences now actually favor women candidates. Some possible explanations for more balanced newspaper coverage are also discussed.},
author = {Jalalzai, Farida},
doi = {10.1111/j.1747-1346.2006.00030.x},
issn = {17471346},
journal = {Politics and Policy},
number = {3},
pages = {606--633},
title = {{Women candidates and the media: 1992-2000 elections}},
volume = {34},
year = {2006}
}
@article{Rosen2011,
abstract = {Women's political representation exhibits substantial cross-national variation. While mechanisms shaping these
variations are well understood for Western democracies, there is little consensus on how these same factors operate in
less developed countries. Effects of two political institutions—electoral systems and gender quotas—are tested across
168 countries from 1992 to 2010. Findings indicate that key causal factors interact with a country's socioeconomic
development, shifting their importance and possibly even direction at various development thresholds. Generalizing
broadly across countries, therefore, does not adequately represent the effects of these political institutions. Rather,
different institutional changes are advised to increase women's presence in national governments.},
author = {Rosen, Jennifer},
doi = {10.1177/1065912912449698},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Rosen - 2011 - The Effects of Political Institutions on Women's Political Representation A Comparative Analysis of 168 Countries from.pdf:pdf},
journal = {Political Research Quarterly },
number = {2},
pages = {306--321},
title = {{The Effects of Political Institutions on Women's Political Representation: A Comparative Analysis of 168 Countries from 1992 to 2010}},
url = {http://journals.sagepub.com/doi/pdf/10.1177/1065912912449698},
volume = {66},
year = {2011}
}
@article{Okimoto2010,
abstract = {Two experimental studies examined the effect of power-seeking intentions on backlash toward women in political office. It was hypothesized that a female politician's career progress may be hindered by the belief that she seeks power, as this desire may violate prescribed communal expectations for women and thereby elicit interpersonal penalties. Results suggested that voting preferences for female candidates were negatively influenced by her power-seeking intentions (actual or perceived) but that preferences for male candidates were unaffected by power-seeking intentions. These differential reactions were partly explained by the perceived lack of communality implied by women's power-seeking intentions, resulting in lower perceived competence and feelings of moral outrage. The presence of moral-emotional reactions suggests that backlash arises from the violation of communal prescriptions rather than normative deviations more generally. These findings illuminate one potential source of gender bias in politics.},
annote = {Summary: experiments examining the effect of power-seeking intentions on backlash towards women in political office. Believed that a female politicians career progress may be hindered by the beleif she seeks power, as this may violate prescribed communal expectations for women 

Findings: results suggested voting preferences for female candidates were negatively influenced by power-seeking intentions (actual or perceived) but that preferences for male candidates were unaffected by power-seeking intentions},
author = {Okimoto, Tyler G. and Brescoll, Victoria L.},
doi = {10.1177/0146167210371949},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Okimoto, Brescoll - 2010 - The Price of Power Power Seeking and Backlash Against Female Politicians.pdf:pdf},
isbn = {0146-1672},
issn = {01461672},
journal = {Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin},
keywords = {Backlash,Gender stereotypes,Intention,Moral outrage,Politics,Power},
number = {7},
pages = {923--936},
pmid = {20519573},
title = {{The Price of Power: Power Seeking and Backlash Against Female Politicians}},
volume = {36},
year = {2010}
}
@article{Hayden1999,
abstract = {To cite this article: Sara Hayden (1999) Negotiating femininity and power in the early twentieth century west: Domestic ideology and feminine style in Jeannette Rankin's suffrage rhetoric, Communication Studies, 50:2, 83-102,},
author = {Hayden, Sara},
doi = {10.1080/10510979909388476},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Hayden - 1999 - Communication Studies Negotiating femininity and power in the early twentieth century west Domestic ideology and feminin.pdf:pdf},
journal = {Communication Studies},
number = {2},
pages = {83--102},
title = {{Communication Studies Negotiating femininity and power in the early twentieth century west: Domestic ideology and feminine style in Jeannette Rankin's suffrage rhetoric}},
url = {https://www.tandfonline.com/action/journalInformation?journalCode=rcst20},
volume = {50},
year = {1999}
}
@article{SchmidMast2002,
abstract = {Differences in speaking time during a group interaction are hypothesized to reflect differences in individual dominance. In order to test this assumption and to identify potential moderator variables influencing the strength of the predicted association, a meta-analysis was conducted. Whether speaking time is used to convey dominance to the same extent that it is used in inferring dominance was tested by contrasting studies concerned with dominance expressed in speaking time with studies of inferred dominance based on speaking time. Overall, and for the investigated subcategories of studies, the relationship between dominance and speaking time was significant. The strength of the associations, however, differed considerably due to the influence of moderator variables. The results showed that inferred dominance studies showed stronger associations between speaking time and dominance as opposed to the expressed dominance studies. Additionally, if dominance was expressed due to dominance-role assignments, the association between speaking time and dominance was stronger than if individuals with different levels of trait dominance interacted. For men, the association between speaking time and dominance was stronger than for women, and same-gender groups showed stronger associations than opposite-gender groups. Also, increasing group size intensified the strength of the association linearly.},
author = {{Schmid Mast}, Marianne},
doi = {10.1093/hcr/28.3.420},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Schmid Mast - 2002 - Dominance as Expressed and Inferred Through Speaking Time A Meta-Analysis.pdf:pdf},
isbn = {0360-3989},
issn = {03603989},
journal = {Human Communication Research},
number = {3},
pages = {420--450},
pmid = {199413275},
title = {{Dominance as Expressed and Inferred Through Speaking Time A Meta-Analysis}},
volume = {28},
year = {2002}
}
@article{Gerber2016,
abstract = {This article investigates the deliberative abilities of ordinary citizens in the context of 'EuroPolis', a transnational deliberative poll. Drawing upon a philosophically grounded instrument, an updated version of the Discourse Quality Index (DQI), it explores how capable European citizens are of meeting deliberative ideals; whether socio-economic, cultural and psychological biases affect the ability to deliberate; and whether opinion change results from the exchange of arguments. On the positive side, EuroPolis shows that the ideal deliberator scoring high on all deliberative standards does actually exist, and that participants change their opinions more often when rational justification is used in the discussions. On the negative side, deliberative abilities are unequally distributed: in particular, working-class members are less likely to contribute to a high standard of deliberation.},
author = {Gerber, Marl{\`{e}}ne and B{\"{a}}chtiger, Andr{\'{e}} and Shikano, Susumu and Reber, Simon and Rohr, Samuel},
doi = {10.1017/S0007123416000144},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Gerber et al. - 2016 - Deliberative Abilities and Influence in a Transnational Deliberative Poll (EuroPolis).pdf:pdf},
issn = {14692112},
journal = {British Journal of Political Science},
keywords = {European Union,citizen participation,deliberation,deliberative polls,working class},
number = {4},
pages = {1093--1118},
title = {{Deliberative Abilities and Influence in a Transnational Deliberative Poll (EuroPolis)}},
volume = {48},
year = {2016}
}
@article{Heldman2005,
abstract = {This article analyzes two data sets to determine differences in print media coverage of Elizabeth Dole and five other Republican contenders for the presidential nomination in 1999: George W. Bush, John McCain, Alan Keyes, Gary Bauer, and Steve Forbes. Our findings indicate that Dole received a differential amount and type of print media coverage that was decidedly gendered and may have hindered her candidacy. Dole did not receive an amount of media coverage consistent with her standing as the number two candidate in the polls throughout the time period we examined, and the press paid more attention to Dole's personality traits and appearance than to the traits and appearance of other candidates. Journalists also repeatedly framed Dole as the ??irst woman??to be a serious presidential candidate and focused on her gender more than any other aspect of her candidacy, suggesting implicitly, if not explicitly, that she was a novelty in the race rather than a strong contender with a good chance of winning.},
author = {Heldman, Caroline and Carroll, Susan J. and Olson, Stephanie},
doi = {10.1080/10584600591006564},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Heldman, Carroll, Olson - 2005 - She brought only a skirt Print media coverage of Elizabeth Dole's bid for the republican presidential n.pdf:pdf},
issn = {10584609},
journal = {Political Communication},
keywords = {Elizabeth Dole,Female candidates,Gender differences in media coverage,Gendered media coverage,Media coverage,Presidency,Presidential candidates,Presidential race,Women candidates},
number = {3},
pages = {315--335},
title = {{"She Brought Only A Skirt": Print Media Coverage of Elizabeth Dole's Bid for the Republican Presidential Nomination}},
volume = {22},
year = {2005}
}
@article{Mendelberg2014a,
abstract = {When and why do women gain from increased descriptive representation in deliberating bodies? Using a large randomized experiment, and linking individual-level speech with assessments of speaker authority, we find that decision rules interact with the number of women in the group to shape the conversation dynamics and deliberative authority, an important form of influence. With majority rule and few women, women experience a negative balance of interruptions when speaking, and these women then lose influence in their own eyes and in others'. But when the group is assigned to unanimous rule, or when women are many, women experience a positive balance of interruptions, mitigating the deleterious effect of small numbers. Men do not experience this pattern. We draw implications for a type of representation that we call authoritative representation, and for democratic deliberation.},
annote = {Summary
- (p. 18) Uses randomised experiments, and individual-level speech with assessments of speaker authority, the paper finds that decision rules interact with the number of women to shape conversational dynamics and deliberative authority 
- With majority rule and few women, women experience a negative baalnce of interruptions when speaking, and these women then lose influence in the eyes of others 
- But when the group is assigned to unanimous rule, or when women are many, women experience a positive balance of interruptions
- Men do not experience this pattern
- (p. 20) "The worst condition for women's participation and influence is the onemost prevalent in the world—majority rule with few women."

Methods
- (p. 22) "fielded a fully crossed 6x2 between-subjects design, randomly assigning individuals to a five-member discussion group composed of between 0 and 5 women, and randomly assigning each group to unanimous or majority rule." 
- Resulted in 470 individuals in 94 groups 

Operationalising interruptions
- an overlap in two speakers' words that lasts at least 0.5 seconds, in which the first speaker spoke for at least 1.5 seconds and the interrupting speaker spoke for at least one second
- interruptions were coded as positive, negative or neutral based on definitiosn from Jennifer Stromer-Galley's coding (see appendix of the book for more on this)},
author = {Mendelberg, Tali and Karpowitz, Christopher F. and Oliphant, J. Baxter},
doi = {10.1017/S1537592713003691},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Mendelberg, Karpowitz, Oliphant - 2014 - Gender Inequality in Deliberation Unpacking the Black Box of Interaction.pdf:pdf},
journal = {Perspectives on Politics},
number = {1},
pages = {18--44},
title = {{Gender Inequality in Deliberation: Unpacking the Black Box of Interaction}},
volume = {12},
year = {2014}
}
@article{Jussim1987,
abstract = {In the present research we examined predictions derived from the following three theoretical approaches to stereotyping: complexity-extremity theory, assumed characteristics theory, and expectancy-violation theory. In order to assess these predictions, we manipulated the race, personal appearance, and dialect style of target job applicants. White judges rated these applicants on a set of characteristics relevant to hiring decisions. Results were consistent with all three theories. Specifically, the range of judges' evaluations of black applicants was larger than the range of their evaluations of white applicants; the effects of personal appearance and dialect style were larger than the effects of race; and black applicants, on average, received more favorable ratings than white applicants. We present a model integrating all three perspectives, and we demonstrate its usefulness for explaining our results and for understanding past research on stereotypes. {\textcopyright} 1987 American Psychological Association.},
author = {Jussim, Lee and Coleman, Lerita M. and Lerch, Lauren},
doi = {10.1037/0022-3514.52.3.536},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Jussim, Coleman, Lerch - 1987 - The Nature of Stereotypes A Comparison and Integration of Three Theories.pdf:pdf},
issn = {00223514},
journal = {Journal of Personality and Social Psychology},
number = {3},
pages = {536--546},
title = {{The Nature of Stereotypes: A Comparison and Integration of Three Theories}},
volume = {52},
year = {1987}
}
@article{Hainmueller2014,
abstract = {Survey experiments are a core tool for causal inference. Yet, the design of classical survey experiments prevents them from identifying which components of a multidimensional treatment are influential. Here, we show how conjoint analysis, an experimental design yet to be widely applied in political science, enables researchers to estimate the causal effects of multiple treatment components and assess several causal hypotheses simultaneously. In conjoint analysis, respondents score a set of alternatives, where each has randomly varied attributes. Here, we undertake a formal identification analysis to integrate conjoint analysis with the potential outcomes framework for causal inference. We propose a new causal estimand and show that it can be nonparametrically identified and easily estimated from conjoint data using a fully randomized design. We then demonstrate the value of these techniques through empirical applications to voter decision-making and attitudes toward immigrants.},
author = {Hainmueller, Jens and Hopkins, Daniel J. and Yamamoto, Teppei},
doi = {10.1093/pan/mpt024},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Hainmueller, Hopkins, Yamamoto - 2014 - Causal inference in conjoint analysis Understanding multidimensional choices via stated preferen.pdf:pdf},
isbn = {1047-1987},
issn = {14764989},
journal = {Political Analysis},
number = {1},
pages = {1--30},
pmid = {16301273},
title = {{Causal inference in conjoint analysis: Understanding multidimensional choices via stated preference experiments}},
volume = {22},
year = {2014}
}
@incollection{Barnes2016a,
abstract = {In democracies, power is obtained via competition. Yet, as women gain access to parliaments in record numbers, worldwide collaboration appears to be on the rise. This is puzzling: why, if politicians can secure power through competition, would we observe collaboration in Congress? Using evidence from 200 interviews with politicians from Argentina and a novel dataset from 23 Argentine legislative chambers over an 18-year period, Gendering Legislative Behavior reexamines traditional notions of competitive democracy by evaluating patterns of collaboration among legislators. Although only the majority can secure power via competition, all legislators - particularly those who do not have power - can influence the policy-making process through collaboration. Tiffany D. Barnes argues that as women have limited access to formal and informal political power, they collaborate more than men to influence policy-making. Despite the benefits of collaboration, patterns of collaboration vary among women because different legislative contexts either facilitate or constrain women's collaboration.},
address = {Cambridge, UK},
annote = {- (p. 22) Argued in an interview that not all women will join the collaborative agenda because of the 'partisan agenda' 

Can democracy be collaborative?
- (p.23) Barnes argues yes, many aspects we deserve are more collaborative than competitive
- "Collaboration enhances the quality of democracy by ensuring that diverse voices are heard in the policy-making process." 
- (p. 26) Collaboration gives legislators the opportunity to articulate different group interests, which is an extremely important aspet of representation regardless of the ultimate success of the legisaltion 
- Collaboration also an important tool for networking for like-minded colleagues and developing coalitions of support to advance shared interests. Networks in the chamber are extremely powerful; legislators who are better connected are more influential in the chamber overall and have more influence on the content of the policy 
- (p. 27) "In sum, legisaltors can obtain more influence in the legislative process, increase their influence over group decisions, shape the outcome of legislation, articulate their constituents' interests, and developmore efficient and effective policy by collaborating with their colleages." 

Costs of collaborating?
- Collaboration is costly, in terms of: information acquisition and coordination; it tampers legislators' ability to claim exclusive credit for legislation; it increases legislator' responsibility for any controversial aspects of legislation; and it requires legislators to compromise on the content of legislation 
- Legislators looking to collaborate need invest time and resources in coordinating with other leaders 

Out-of-power legislators and incentives to collaborate
- (p. 28) Given the costs, some legislators will have more incentives than others. In-power legislators have more resources readily available to them, hence do not stand to gain as much from collaborting 
- (p. 29) Contrastly, out-of-power legislators have fewer resources at their disposal - therefore, collaboration is one of the few tools they have to advance their legisaltive agendas

Why do women collaborate?
- (p. 30) Argument: women's unique experiences in the legislature - due to marginalisation and socialisation - motivate their collaboration
- (p. 31) Women have increasingly gained access to legislatures globally, however women need to gain access to formal positions (e.g. committee chairs and leadership posts) in order to provide additional influence over decision making 
- Influence also required through informal incorporation into professional and social networks that are important for developing social capital
- "As of yet, women entering historically male-dominated institutions are not being fully incorporated into the legislature. Instead, women are marginalised in the legislatures, and this prevents them from influencing the legislative process." 
- (p. 32) "Formal and informal exclusion of women in the legislature may be an intentional effort for male leaders to preserve their power. Men can maintain their dominance in the legislative arena by creating a conflictual environment where women feel isolated and are excluded from informal meetings and political activity." 
- (p. 33) "Even without intentional efforts to exclude women, deep-rooted cultural norms that determine how people organise and interact within institutions can provide challenges for women's political incorporation." 
- (p. 34) Institutional incentives for women to collaborate: in institutions where women are under-represented/marginalised men may be less likely to take the opinions of women seriously. Hence when women collaborate with other women they have more ability to influence policy-making outcomes 

When do women collaborate?
Party constraints
- (p. 37) Institutions structure behaviour by determing the amount of control party leaders have over legislators and by fostering different legisaltive incentives
- For example, Barnes examines how district size in closed-list electoral systems shapes party constraints, and, in turn, how these party constraints influence women's collaboration 
- (p. 40) Barnes argument: strong partisan constraints will limit female legislators' incentives and opportunities to collaborate 
- In this book, Barnes assumes that increases in number of women in office raises awareness and visibility of women's marginalisation and validate women's experiences with marginalisation in the chamber 
- (p. 41) Argument: when there are more women in a legislature, women being margnisalised (for example to certain topic areas in committees) becomes more visible, hence highlighting the problem 
- Women more likely to discuss their status with female colleagues, more likely to acknowledge structural barriers, more likely to dicuss how they might overcome discrimination 
- (p. 42) Therefore, collaboration with female colleagues becomes a more viable strategy as women's numeric representation increases. If there are only a few women in office, forming collaborative bonds might be a bit redundant. When numbers increase, working with other women becomes more beneficial and incentives to collaborate become stronger 
- Relationship between party constraints and increases in women's representation: women will be incentivised to collaborate more as their numerical representation increases only if they have the institutional opportunities and electoral incentives to collaborate 

Within chamber variation 
- (p. 43) Focus on four factors that will influence women's legislative collaboration: the governor's party, seniority, legislation focused on women's issues and membership on a women's issue committee/caucus 

Conclusion
- (p. 49) Whereas only the majority can secure the power to decide via competition, all legislators - particularly those who do not have power - can influence the policy-making process through collaboration},
author = {Barnes, Tiffany},
booktitle = {Gendering Legislative Behaviour: Institutional Constraints and Collaboration},
chapter = {2},
doi = {10.1017/CBO9781316534281.002},
edition = {First},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Barnes - 2016 - 2. A Theory of Legislative Collaboration.pdf:pdf},
pages = {21--50},
publisher = {Cambridge University Press},
title = {{2. A Theory of Legislative Collaboration}},
url = {https://doi.org/10.1017/CBO9781316534281.002},
year = {2016}
}
@article{Green2012,
author = {Green, Jane and Jennings, Will},
journal = {European Journal of Political Research},
number = {4},
pages = {469--503},
title = {{The dynamics of issue competence and vote for parties in and out of power: An analysis of valence in Britain, 1979–1997}},
volume = {51},
year = {2012}
}
@inproceedings{Zamani2016a,
abstract = {Word embeddings, which are low-dimensional vector representations of vocabulary terms that capture the semantic similarity between them, have recently been shown to achieve impressive performance in many natural language processing tasks. The use of word embeddings in information retrieval, however, has only begun to be studied. In this paper, we explore the use of word embeddings to enhance the accuracy of query language models in the ad-hoc retrieval task. To this end, we propose to use word embed-dings to incorporate and weight terms that do not occur in the query, but are semantically related to the query terms. We describe two embedding-based query expansion models with different assumptions. Since pseudo-relevance feedback methods that use the top retrieved documents to update the original query model are well-known to be effective, we also develop an embedding-based relevance model, an extension of the effective and robust relevance model approach. In these models, we transform the similarity values obtained by the widely-used cosine similarity with a sigmoid function to have more discriminative semantic similarity values. We evaluate our proposed methods using three TREC newswire and web collections. The experimental results demonstrate that the embedding-based methods significantly outperform competitive baselines in most cases. The embedding-based methods are also shown to be more robust than the base-lines.},
author = {Zamani, Hamed and Croft, W Bruce},
booktitle = {Proceedings of the 2016 ACM international conference on the theory of informational retrieval},
doi = {10.1145/2970398.2970405},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Zamani, Croft - 2016 - Embedding-based Query Language Models(2).pdf:pdf},
isbn = {9781450344975},
pages = {147--156},
title = {{Embedding-based Query Language Models}},
year = {2016}
}
@incollection{Karpowitz2014e,
abstract = {Do women participate in and influence meetings equally with men? Does gender shape how a meeting is run and whose voices are heard?The Silent Sexshows how the gender composition and rules of a deliberative body dramatically affect who speaks, how the group interacts, the kinds of issues the group takes up, whose voices prevail, and what the group ultimately decides. It argues that efforts to improve the representation of women will fall short unless they address institutional rules that impede women's voices. Using groundbreaking experimental research supplemented with analysis of school boards, Christopher Karpowitz and Tali Mendelberg demonstrate how the effects of rules depend on women's numbers, so that small numbers are not fatal with a consensus process, but consensus is not always beneficial when there are large numbers of women. Men and women enter deliberative settings facing different expectations about their influence and authority. Karpowitz and Mendelberg reveal how the wrong institutional rules can exacerbate women's deficit of authority while the right rules can close it, and, in the process, establish more cooperative norms of group behavior and more generous policies for the disadvantaged. Rules and numbers have far-reaching implications for the representation of women and their interests. Bringing clarity and insight to one of today's most contentious debates,The Silent Sexprovides important new findings on ways to bring women's voices into the conversation on matters of common concern.},
annote = {Chapter argument about women are the 'silent sex'
- (p. 33) Women have the ability to participate on equal terms, however they do not use it. Women tend to lack the motivation and opportunity to engage in actions that society associates with authority
- (p. 50) There is no longer a gender gap in ability, but there remains a gender gap in motivation and opportunity},
author = {Karpowitz, Christopher F and Mendelberg, Tali},
booktitle = {The Silent Sex: Gender, Deliberation and Institutions},
chapter = {2},
edition = {First},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Karpowitz, Mendelberg - 2014 - 2. The Sources of the Gender Gap in Political Participation.pdf:pdf},
pages = {33--50},
publisher = {Princeton University Press},
title = {{2. The Sources of the Gender Gap in Political Participation}},
url = {https://www.jstor.org/stable/pdf/j.ctt7zvffd.8.pdf?refreqid=excelsior{\%}3A3cab719e534d890f4c58b03cea7b3751},
year = {2014}
}
@article{Clayton2017,
abstract = {Despite the popularity of electoral gender quotas, the substantive impact of quotas on the plenary behavior of members of parliament (MPs) has yet to be thoroughly empirically explored, and in particular, there is a dearth of evidence from non-Western cases. Here we create a unique content analysis dataset from 14 years (1998–2011) of plenary debates, including the contents of more than 150,000 unique MP speeches recorded in some 40,000 pages of the Ugandan parliamentary Hansard to test how MP characteristics affect patterns of gender-related legislative speech. We find that female MPs speak about issues related to women's interests significantly more than male MPs. Further, we find no evidence of significant differences between female MPs elected with and without quotas, suggesting that, in the Ugandan case, gender is a more salient predictor of the tendency to “speak for women” than electoral pathway. To our knowledge, this is the first study that examines the effectiveness of quotas in promoting women's substantive representation in parliamentary debates across all policy domains over a significant time period. We discuss the implications of these findings in the Ugandan context, as well as how our evidence speaks to substantive representation through reserved seat quotas in semi-authoritarian regimes more broadly.},
annote = {{\textperiodcentered}      Looks at how gender and quota/non-quota status impacts the articulation of women's interests in the legislative process. Looks at plenary speeches in the Ugandan Parliament from 1998 to 2011 
{\textperiodcentered}      Looks a 500 unique MPs speeches and more than 40,000 pages of Hansard text 
{\textperiodcentered}      Methods: fits in with the move towards using text as ‘big data' by using Hansard texts as a robust measure of legislators' debate activity 
{\textperiodcentered}      Theoretical expectations: may be expected that gender and women, as a group, share similar biological experiences, face the same socially constructed expectations about appropriate gender roles and continue to experience many forms of active discrimination. Given this, female MPs may have a stronger desire than men to actively represent women's interests in the legislative process 
{\textperiodcentered}      Article views role as important: women in reserved Ugandan seats may be more likely to raise and articulate women's issues as they feel they are obliged 
{\textperiodcentered}      Case selection: also able to examine effects as the numbers of women in parliament grow 
{\textperiodcentered}      Results: gender stronger than seat type in predicting whether MPs articulate women's interests during legislative debates (holding all constant, women in reserved seats are 23{\%} more likely than their male colleagues to bring up gender, and women in open seats are 21{\%} more likely than their male counterparts) 
{\textperiodcentered}      Results: find that gender, but not gender quotas, affect the extent to which legislators talk about issues that disproportionally affect women in plenary debates},
author = {Clayton, Amanda and Josefsson, Cecilia and Wang, Vibeke},
doi = {10.1017/S1743923X16000453},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Clayton, Josefsson, Wang - 2017 - Quotas and Women's Substantive Representation Evidence from a Content Analysis of Ugandan Plenary Deba.pdf:pdf},
issn = {17439248},
journal = {Politics and Gender},
number = {2},
pages = {276--304},
title = {{Quotas and Women's Substantive Representation: Evidence from a Content Analysis of Ugandan Plenary Debates}},
volume = {13},
year = {2017}
}
@article{Benjamini1995,
author = {Benjamini, Yoav and Hochberg, Yosef},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Benjamini, Hochberg - 1995 - Controlling the False Discovery Rate A Practical and Powerful Approach to Multiple Testing.pdf:pdf},
journal = {Journal of the Royal Statistical Society},
number = {1},
pages = {289--300},
title = {{Controlling the False Discovery Rate: A Practical and Powerful Approach to Multiple Testing}},
volume = {57},
year = {1995}
}
@book{Cohen2001,
address = {Harvard},
author = {Cohen, Don and Prusak, Laurence.},
isbn = {087584913X},
pages = {214},
publisher = {Harvard Business School Press},
title = {{In Good Company: How Social Capital Makes Organizations Work}},
year = {2001}
}
@article{Locksley1982,
abstract = {Social stereotypes may be defined as beliefs that various traits or acts are characteristic of particular social groups. As such, stereotypic beliefs represent subjective estimates of the frequencies of attributes within social groups, and so should be expected to "behave like" base-rate information within the context of judgments of individuals: specifically, individuating target case information should induce subjects to disregard their own stereotypic beliefs. Although the results of previous research are consisten with this prediction, no studies have permitted normative evaluation of stereotypic judgments. Because the hypothesis equates base rates and stereotypes, normative evaluation is essential for demonstrating equivalence between the base-rate fallacy and neglect of stereotypes in the presence of individuating case information. Two experiments were conducted, allowing for normative evaluation of effects of stereotypes on judgments of individuals. The results confirmed the hypothesis and established the generalizability of the effect across controversial and uncontroversial, socially desirable and socially underirable stereotypic beliefs. More generally, an examination of the differences between intuitive and normative statistical models of the judgment task suggest that the base-rate fallacy is but one instance of a general characteristic of intuitive judgment processes: namely, the failure to appropriately adjust evaluations of any one cue in the light of concurrent evaluations of other cues. {\textcopyright} 1982.},
author = {Locksley, Anne and Ortiz, Vilma and Hepburn, Christine},
doi = {10.1016/0022-1031(82)90079-8},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Locksley, Ortiz, Hepburn - 1980 - Social Categorisation and Discriminatory Behaviour Extinguishing the Minimal Intergroup Discrimination.pdf:pdf},
issn = {10960465},
journal = {Journal of Personality and Social Psychology},
number = {5},
pages = {773--783},
title = {{Social Categorisation and Discriminatory Behaviour: Extinguishing the Minimal Intergroup Discrimination Effect}},
volume = {39},
year = {1980}
}
@article{Childs2018a,
author = {Childs, Sarah and Celis, Karen},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Childs, Celis - 2018 - Conservatism and women's political representation.pdf:pdf},
journal = {Politics {\&} Gender},
number = {1},
pages = {5--26},
title = {{Conservatism and Women's Political Representation}},
volume = {14},
year = {2018}
}
@misc{OGrady2017,
author = {O'Grady, Sean},
booktitle = {Independent},
title = {{Theresa May's inability to show emotion to the public proves that she isn't fit to be Prime Minister}},
url = {https://tinyurl.com/srwgtj7},
year = {2017}
}
@article{Klar2018,
abstract = {Recent scholarship suggests that American partisans dislike other party members so much that partisanship has become the main social divide in modern politics. We argue that at least one measure of this "affective polarization" conflates a dislike for members of the other party with a dislike for partisanship in general. The measure asks people how they feel about their child marrying someone from another party. What seems like negative affect toward the other party is, in fact, negative affect toward partisans from either side of the aisle and political discussion in general. Relying on two national experiments, we demonstrate that although some Americans are politically polarized, more simply want to avoid talking about politics. In fact, many people do not want their child to marry someone from their own party if that hypothetical in-law were to discuss politics frequently. Supplementary analyses using ANES feeling thermometers show that inparty feeling thermometer ratings have decreased in recent years among weak and leaning partisans. As a result, the feeling thermometer results confirm the conclusion from the experiments. Polarization is a phenomenon concentrated in the one-third of Americans who consider themselves strong partisans. More individuals are averse to partisan politics. The analyses demonstrate how affective polarization exists alongside weakening partisan identities.},
author = {Klar, Samara and Krupnikov, Yanna and Ryan, John Barry},
doi = {10.1093/poq/nfy014},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Klar, Krupnikov, Ryan - 2018 - Affective Polarization or Partisan Disdain Untangling a Dislike for the Opposing Party from a Dislike of.pdf:pdf},
isbn = {82/2/379/4996003},
journal = {Public Opinion Quarterly},
number = {2},
pages = {379--390},
title = {{Affective Polarization or Partisan Disdain? Untangling a Dislike for the Opposing Party from a Dislike of Partisanship }},
url = {https://academic.oup.com/poq/article-abstract/82/2/379/4996003},
volume = {82},
year = {2018}
}
@article{Himmelroos2017,
abstract = {In recent years, there has been a rapid growth in studies reporting findings from a variety of deliberative citizen forums. Such studies help to develop our understanding of deliberative democracy by exploring changes in opinion and knowledge as well as - more recently - the quality of the deliberative process itself. However, most deliberative forums are organized on an ad hoc basis, making it hard to judge how generalizable the findings from such forums actually are. This article attempts to address this problem by comparing the findings on the quality of deliberation from four different citizen forums. Based on the findings citizen deliberation is generally very respectful, while argumentation is less refined than among elected representatives. The cases included in this study also suggest that women and those with lower education have less influence in the deliberative process.},
author = {Himmelroos, Staffan},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Himmelroos - 2017 - Discourse quality in deliberative citizen forums – A comparison of four deliberative mini-publics.pdf:pdf},
issn = {19372841},
journal = {Journal of Public Deliberation},
keywords = {Citizen deliberation,Comparative research,Discourse quality,Mini-publics},
number = {1},
title = {{Discourse quality in deliberative citizen forums – A comparison of four deliberative mini-publics}},
volume = {13},
year = {2017}
}
@book{Fieldhouse2019,
address = {Oxford},
author = {Fieldhouse, Edward and Green, Jane and Evans, Geoffrey and Mellon, Jonathan and Prosser, Christopher and Schmitt, Hermann and van der Eikj, Cees},
publisher = {Oxford University Press},
title = {{Electoral Shocks: The Volatile Voter in a Turbulent World}},
year = {2019}
}
@article{Ferreira2014,
abstract = {What are the consequences of electing a female leader for policy and political outcomes? We answer this question in the context of U.S. cities, where women's participation in mayoral elections increased from negligible numbers in 1970 to about one-third of the elections in the 2000's. A novel data set of U.S. mayoral elections from 1950 to 2005 was used, and a regression discontinuity design was employed to deal with the endogeneity of female candidacy to city characteristics. In contrast to most research on the influence of female leadership, we find no effect of gender of the mayor on policy outcomes related to the size of local government, the composition of municipal spending and employment, or crime rates. These results hold both in the short and the long run. While female mayors do not implement different policies, they do appear to have higher unobserved political skills, as they have at least a 5 percentage point higher incumbent effect than a comparable male. But we find no evidence of political spillovers: exogenously electing a female mayor does not change the long run political success of other female mayoral candidates in the same city or of female candidates in local congressional elections. {\textcopyright} 2014 Elsevier B.V.},
author = {Ferreira, Fernando and Gyourko, Joseph},
doi = {10.1016/j.jpubeco.2014.01.006},
file = {:Users/lotte/Dropbox/projects/productivity{\_}experiment/lit/1-s2.0-S0047272714000073-main.pdf:pdf},
issn = {00472727},
journal = {Journal of Public Economics},
keywords = {Gender effects,Leadership,Local policy,Local politics},
pages = {24--39},
publisher = {Elsevier B.V.},
title = {{Does gender matter for political leadership? The case of U.S. mayors}},
volume = {112},
year = {2014}
}
@article{Dolan1998,
abstract = {During 1992, the widely acclaimed "Year of the Woman," 48 women were elected to the U.S. House of Representatives. Since research at the state level finds women legislators more likely to advocate women's interests than their male colleagues, this influx of women offers an opportunity to investigate whether congressional women provide similar policy responsiveness to American women. Using Ordinary Least Squares (OLS) regression on roll-call data for the 103rd Congress, I find that women members of Congress are more likely than their male counterparts to vote for women's interests on the floor of the House of Representatives.},
author = {Dolan, Julie},
doi = {10.1300/J014v18n04_05},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Dolan - 1998 - Support for Women's Interests in the 103rd Congress.pdf:pdf},
journal = {Women {\&} Politics},
number = {4},
pages = {81--94},
title = {{Support for Women's Interests in the 103rd Congress}},
url = {https://www.tandfonline.com/action/journalInformation?journalCode=wwap20},
volume = {18},
year = {1998}
}
@article{Campbell2014a,
author = {Campbell, Rosie and Childs, Sarah},
doi = {10.1111/j.1467-923X.2014.00000.x},
file = {:Users/lotte/Dropbox/PhD/topic{\_}project/lit/Political Quarterly - 2015 - CAMPBELL - Parents in Parliament   Where s Mum.pdf:pdf},
journal = {The Political Quarterly},
keywords = {gender,globe,in almost all national,parliaments across the,politician,representation,representing women 1,women,women are numerically underrepre-},
number = {4},
pages = {487--492},
title = {{Parents in Parliament: ‘Where's Mum?'}},
volume = {85},
year = {2014}
}
@article{DeMagalhaes2015,
abstract = {High rerunning rates among incumbents and among the two major parties allow studies of U.S. incumbency advantage to bypass the selection problem of who chooses to rerun. In countries where rerunning is not widespread among individuals or parties, estimation using methods developed for the United States may result in a sample selection bias. In countries with party switching, there may be a disconnect between party and individual estimates. This article proposes a definition of incumbency advantage that is valid for countries that present any of these characteristics and that is valid for cross-country comparison: the effect of incumbency for an individual politician on the unconditional probability of winning. I illustrate the issues raised in this article with evidence from Brazilian mayoral elections.},
author = {{De Magalhaes}, Leandro},
doi = {10.1093/pan/mpu012},
file = {:Users/lotte/Dropbox/PhD/topic{\_}project/lit/incumbency-effects-in-a-comparative-perspective-evidence-from-brazilian-mayoral-elections.pdf:pdf},
issn = {14764989},
journal = {Political Analysis},
number = {1},
pages = {113--126},
title = {{Incumbency effects in a comparative perspective: Evidence from Brazilian mayoral elections}},
volume = {23},
year = {2015}
}
@article{Holman2017,
abstract = {Research on evaluations of leaders has frequently found that female leaders receive lower ratings in times of national security crisis. However, less is known about countervailing factors. We contend that partisanship and leadership experience in relevant domains are two factors that can counteract the negative effects of terrorist threat on evaluations of female political leaders. To test this expectation, we implemented a national study in 2012 containing terrorist threat and non-threat conditions, and then asked participants to evaluate political leaders. The results show that Republican leaders, including women, are unaffected by terrorist threat; in contrast, Democratic leaders are punished during times of terrorist threat, but this negative effect is smaller for then-Secretary of State Hillary Clinton compared to Nancy Pelosi, who lacks similar experience. In short, Republican partisanship is a strong countervailing factor, while leadership experience in national security more modestly countervails.},
author = {Holman, Mirya R. and Merolla, Jennifer L. and Zechmeister, Elizabeth J.},
doi = {10.1177/2053168016688121},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Holman, Merolla, Zechmeister - 2017 - Can experience overcome stereotypes in times of terror threat.pdf:pdf},
isbn = {2053168016688},
issn = {20531680},
journal = {Research and Politics},
keywords = {Gender,Political leaders,Stereotypes,Terrorism},
number = {1},
pages = {1--7},
title = {{Can Experience Overcome Stereotypes in Times of Terror Threat?}},
volume = {4},
year = {2017}
}
@article{Leech2002,
author = {Leech, Beth L.},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Leech - 2002 - Asking Questions Techniques for Semistructured Interviews.pdf:pdf},
journal = {Political Science {\&} Politics},
number = {4},
pages = {665--668},
title = {{Asking Questions: Techniques for Semistructured Interviews}},
volume = {35},
year = {2002}
}
@article{Crowder-Meyer2014,
author = {Crowder-Meyer, Melody and Lauderdale, Benjamin E.},
doi = {10.1177/2053168014537230},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Crowder-Meyer, Lauderdale - 2014 - A partisan gap in the supply of female potential candidates in the United States.pdf:pdf},
journal = {Research and Politics},
pages = {1--17},
title = {{A partisan gap in the supply of female potential candidates in the United States}},
url = {http://www.uk.sagepub.com/aboutus/openaccess.htm},
year = {2014}
}
@article{Kmec2010,
abstract = {Do men and women differ in the extent to which they work beyond the level required by their jobs? Does this gender difference vary across national contexts? The authors answer these questions using survey data from the United States and Britain. Multivariate ordered logistic regression models reveal no gender difference in self-reported discretionary effort in the United States, but greater discretionary effort among women in Britain, net of individual, family, and workplace characteristics. The authors attribute these findings to a greater divergence of women's and men's labor force participation and careers, historically weaker regulation of workplace equality, and a sharper differentiation of gender roles in Britain than in the United States.They conclude by discussing the relevance of national context for shaping gender differences in work orientations and behaviors.},
author = {Kmec, Julie A. and Gorman, Elizabeth H.},
doi = {10.1177/0730888409352064},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Kmec, Gorman - 2010 - Gender and Discretionary Work Effort Evidence from the United States and Britain.pdf:pdf},
issn = {07308884},
journal = {Work and Occupations},
keywords = {Cultural schemas,Discretionary work effort,Gender,National context},
number = {1},
pages = {3--36},
title = {{Gender and Discretionary Work Effort: Evidence from the United States and Britain}},
volume = {37},
year = {2010}
}
@article{Gelman2006,
abstract = {Explained variance (R 2) is a familiar summary of the fit of a linear regression and has been generalized in various ways to multilevel (hierarchical) models. The multilevel models that we consider in this article are characterized by hierarchical data structures in which individuals are grouped into units (which themselves might be further grouped into larger units), and variables are measured on individuals and each grouping unit. The models are based on regression relationships at different levels, with the first level corresponding to the individual data and subsequent levels corresponding to between-group regressions of individual predictor effects on grouping unit variables. We present an approach to defining R 2 at each level of the multilevel model, rather than attempting to create a single summary measure of fit. Our method is based on comparing variances in a single fitted model rather than with a null model. In simple regression, our measure generalizes the classical adjusted R 2. We also discuss a related variance comparison to summarize the degree to which estimates at each level of the model are pooled together based on the level-specific regression relationship, rather than estimated separately. This pooling factor is related to the concept of shrinkage in simple hierarchical models. We illustrate the methods on a dataset of radon in houses within counties using a series of models ranging from a simple linear regression model to a multilevel varying-intercept, varying-slope model. {\textcopyright} 2006 American Statistical Association and the American Society for Quality.},
author = {Gelman, Andrew and Pardoe, Iain},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Gelman, Pardoe - 2006 - Bayesian measures of explained variance and pooling in multilevel (hierarchical) models.pdf:pdf},
journal = {Technometrics},
number = {2},
pages = {241--251},
title = {{Bayesian Measures of Explained Variance and Pooling in Multilevel (Hierarchical) Models}},
volume = {48},
year = {2006}
}
@article{Wolak2019,
author = {Wolak, Jennifer and Juenke, Eric Gonzalez and Wolak, Jennifer},
doi = {10.1080/21565503.2019.1624180},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Wolak, Juenke, Wolak - 2019 - Descriptive representation and political knowledge.pdf:pdf},
issn = {2156-5503},
journal = {Politics, Groups, and Identities},
keywords = {Congress,Political knowledge,descriptive representation,race and ethnicity},
pages = {1--22},
publisher = {Taylor {\&} Francis},
title = {{Descriptive representation and political knowledge}},
url = {https://doi.org/10.1080/21565503.2019.1624180},
year = {2019}
}
@article{Haselmayer2016,
abstract = {Sentiment is important in studies of news values, public opinion, negative campaigning or political polarization and an explosive expansion of digital textual data and fast progress in automated text analysis provide vast opportunities for innovative social science research. Unfortunately, tools currently available for automated sentiment analysis are mostly restricted to English texts and require considerable contextual adaption to produce valid results. We present a procedure for collecting fine-grained sentiment scores through crowdcoding to build a negative sentiment dictionary in a language and for a domain of choice. The dictionary enables the analysis of large text corpora that resource-intensive hand-coding struggles to cope with. We calculate the tonality of sentences from dictionary words and we validate these estimates with results from manual coding. The results show that the crowdbased dictionary provides efficient and valid measurement of sentiment. Empirical examples illustrate its use by analyzing the tonality of party statements and media reports.},
annote = {Useful: shows how crowd-coding can be used in cases where sentiment dictionaries are unavailable/insufficient},
author = {Haselmayer, Martin and Jenny, Marcelo},
doi = {10.1007/s11135-016-0412-4},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Haselmayer, Jenny - 2016 - Sentiment analysis of political communication combining a dictionary approach with crowdcoding.pdf:pdf},
journal = {Quality {\&} Quantity},
pages = {2623--2646},
title = {{Sentiment analysis of political communication: combining a dictionary approach with crowdcoding}},
volume = {51},
year = {2016}
}
@article{Bauer2019,
abstract = {Existing empirical research finds that female candidates have higher levels of qualifications for political office compared to male candidates. An untested assumption behind this finding is that female candidates must have stronger qualifications to overcome feminine stereotypes that characterize women as ill qualified for leadership positions. I test this assumption by drawing on psychology research to develop a theory that explains how a candidate's sex affects the way voters evaluate the qualifications of political candidates. Using innovative survey experiments, the results show that, across multiple experiments, voters hold female candidates, relative to male candidates, to more stringent qualification standards, and these higher standards limit the ability of female candidates to secure electoral support. These findings uncover a subtle but pernicious source of bias facing female candidates. The implications speak to how candidate sex affects voter decision-making and the ability of democratic institutions to select the best candidates for leadership.},
author = {Bauer, Nichole M.},
doi = {10.1086/705817},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Bauer - 2019 - Shifting Standards How Voters Evaluate the Qualifications of Female and Male Candidates.pdf:pdf},
journal = {Journal of Politics},
number = {1},
pages = {1--12},
title = {{Shifting Standards: How Voters Evaluate the Qualifications of Female and Male Candidates}},
volume = {82},
year = {2020}
}
@article{Hargrave2021c,
author = {Hargrave, Lotte},
journal = {EGAP},
number = {ID: 20210908AB},
title = {{A Double Standard? Gender Bias in Voters' Perceptions of Political Arguments}},
url = {osf.io/bfds7},
year = {2021}
}
@book{Kanter1977,
address = {New York},
author = {Kanter, Rosabeth Moss.},
isbn = {9780465044542},
pages = {390},
publisher = {Basic Books},
title = {{Men and Women of the Corporation}},
year = {1977}
}
@article{Campbell2016a,
abstract = {While analysis of the relationship between the descriptive and substantive representation of women has mainly focused on women politicians as critical actors in many contexts political parties provide the linkage between voters' preferences and policy programmes. The manner in which political parties respond to women voters is shaped by both the information they receive about women voters' preferences, from the news media, pollsters and other sources, and by gendered party type. Analysis of parties' attempts to target women voters can help us understand whether parties perceive women as typical or average voters. I conduct two case studies on the influence of gendered newsframes on party policy and inter-party competition in the United States and Great Britain to formulate a preliminary analytic framework designed to facilitate research to assess how parties' responses to portrayals of women voters vary according to institutional and contextual factors across time and space.},
author = {Campbell, Rosie},
doi = {10.1177/1354068816655565},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Campbell - 2016 - Representing women voters The role of the gender gap and the response of political parties(2).pdf:pdf},
issn = {14603683},
journal = {Party Politics},
keywords = {gender gap,newsframes,voting behaviour},
number = {5},
pages = {587--597},
title = {{Representing women voters: The role of the gender gap and the response of political parties}},
volume = {22},
year = {2016}
}
@incollection{Fiske1990,
address = {San Diego, CA},
author = {Fiske, Susan T. and Neuberg, Steven L.},
booktitle = {Advances in Experimental Social Psychology},
editor = {Zanna, Mark P.},
publisher = {Academic Press},
title = {{A Continuum of Impression Formation, From Category- Based to Individuating Processes: Influences of Information and Motivation on Attention and Interpretation}},
year = {1990}
}
@article{Gerber2014,
abstract = {From a normative vantage point, post-deliberative opinions should be linked to the quality of arguments presented during discussion. Yet, there is a dearth of research testing this claim. Our study makes a first attempt to overcome this deficiency. By analyzing a European deliberative poll on third country migration, we explore whether statements backed by reason affect opinions, which we term deliberative persuasion. We contrast deliberative persuasion to non-deliberative persuasion, whereby we explore whether the most frequently repeated position influences opinions. We find that with regard to regularization of irregular immigrants, deliberative persuasion took place. In the context of European involvement in immigration affairs, however, opinions are driven by the most frequently repeated position rather than by the quality of argumentation.},
author = {Gerber, Marl{\`{e}}ne and B{\"{a}}chtiger, Andr{\'{e}} and Fiket, Irena and Steenbergen, Marco and Steiner, J{\"{u}}rg},
doi = {10.1177/1465116514528757},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Gerber et al. - 2014 - Deliberative and non-deliberative persuasion Mechanisms of opinion formation in EuroPolis.pdf:pdf},
issn = {17412757},
journal = {European Union Politics},
keywords = {Deliberation,deliberative polls,opinion formation,persuasion},
number = {3},
pages = {410--429},
title = {{Deliberative and non-deliberative persuasion: Mechanisms of opinion formation in EuroPolis}},
volume = {15},
year = {2014}
}
@book{Lawless2012,
address = {Washington, DC},
author = {Lawless, Jennifer L. and Fox, Richard L.},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Lawless, Fox - 2012 - Men Rule The Continued Under-Representation of Women in U.S. Politics.pdf:pdf},
publisher = {Women {\&} Politics Institute},
title = {{Men Rule: The Continued Under-Representation of Women in U.S. Politics}},
year = {2012}
}
@article{Johnson1994,
abstract = {Gender differences in behavior in organizational settings are often attributed either to socialization processes or differential access to positions of authority. Conversation, an indicator offundamental gender differences in behavior, is one area where this theoretical question of gender versus position can be addressed. In this paper, I systematically examine the effects offormal legitimate authority and gender socialization on conversational variables in the context of a relationship between parties of unequal status. I created a simulated organization in the laboratory to study conversations in four types of three-person organizational groups: (1) a female manager with female employees, (2) a female manager with male employees, (3) a male manager with male employees, and (4) a male manager with female employees. I examined both verbal and nonverbal behaviors. Because patterns of conversation may vary depending on the sex of the interactants and the norms of the group context, I also considered the effect of the sex composition of the group. Results of the analysis of verbal behaviors clearly indicate that formal authority is more important than gender in understanding conversation patterns, supporting the situational/authority explanation. Subordinates exhibit more conversational support (i.e., have higher rates of back channeling and positive interruptions, and talk less) than formal leaders and are less directive (i.e., have higher rates of qualifiers), regardless of sex. In contrast, sex composition of the group and gender have a complex effect on the two nonverbal behaviors, smiling and laughing, while formal position has little effect. Gender stereotyped expectations may be stronger for these nonverbal behaviors than for verbal behaviors in an authority context. Browse through the "Psychology and Self-Help" section of your neighborhood bookstore and you learn that men and women have a difficult time understanding one another in conversation (e.g., Tannen 1990). The title of Gray's (1992) book, Men Are From Mars, Women Are From Venus, suggests an appealingly parsimonious explanation for the seeming impossibility of straightforward conversation between the sexes here on earth. Communication is a delicate process, and men and women often view each other as alien life the anonymous ASR reviewers for their helpful comments and suggestions. I also thank Eve Hayworth and Clifford Brown for their painstaking work in transcribing the data. forms when they attempt to interact without benefit of an interpreter. Empirical evidence suggests that although men and women use the same forms of talk in general, there are gender differences in the relative frequency of usage of these forms (O'Barr and Atkins 1980; O'Barr 1982; Lakoff 1990). For example, in conversations between men and women, either in informal task groups or in intimate relationships, men often speak and interrupt more, while women tend to ask a greater number of questions and to tag questions. Women also use qualifiers and disclaim-ers more often to soften their opinions and employ minimal responses that support other speakers-(Zimmerman and},
author = {Johnson, Cathryn},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Johnson - 1994 - Gender, Legitimate Authority, and Leader-Subordinate Conservations.pdf:pdf},
journal = {American Sociological Review},
number = {1},
pages = {122--135},
title = {{Gender, Legitimate Authority, and Leader-Subordinate Conservations}},
volume = {59},
year = {1994}
}
@book{Aday2001,
address = {Washington, DC},
author = {Aday, Sean and Devitt, James},
publisher = {The Women's Leadership Fund},
title = {{Style over substance. Newspaper coverage of female candidates: Spotlight on Elizabeth Dole}},
year = {2001}
}
@article{Loewen2012,
abstract = {How can we determine which arguments in a referendum are most persuasive? We show that the Bradley-Terry model has several features that make it well-suited to this task, and thus preferable to other, more conventional approaches. Using a survey experiment conducted during an electoral reform referendum in Ontario, Canada in October 2007, we demonstrate how unstructured and structured Bradley-Terry models can be straightforwardly fitted and interpreted. In doing so, we gain insight into the factors which determine support for electoral reform. We identify a status quo bias and find that power varies with mention of fairness, local control over candidate selection, and the role of political parties. We conclude by discussing the limits, extensions and further applications of such models in electoral studies and political science more broadly. {\textcopyright} 2011 Elsevier Ltd.},
author = {Loewen, Peter John and Rubenson, Daniel and Spirling, Arthur},
doi = {10.1016/j.electstud.2011.07.003},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Loewen, Rubenson, Spirling - 2012 - Testing the power of arguments in referendums A Bradley-Terry approach.pdf:pdf},
issn = {02613794},
journal = {Electoral Studies},
keywords = {Bradley-Terry models,Elections,Methods,Public opinion,Referendums},
number = {1},
pages = {212--221},
publisher = {Elsevier Ltd},
title = {{Testing the power of arguments in referendums: A Bradley-Terry approach}},
volume = {31},
year = {2012}
}
@article{Senk2020,
abstract = {Are women as effective as men at passing legislation? What are the institutional pathways through which gender affects bill approval? I argue that gender does not have a direct effect on a legislator's ability to gain legislative approval. Instead, women are marginalized in their access to influential institutional positions—committee leadership positions, influential committee assignment, and bill content—which may have consequences for bill approval. I examine these relationships using causal mediation analysis on bill data from Argentina from 1983 through 2007. I do not find a direct effect of gender on bill approval. Instead, women are negatively affected by their lack of access to committee leadership positions. While women do not experience legislative consequences directly, by virtue of being women, they do face indirect consequences through the positions they receive. This article makes important methodological and substantive contributions to understanding relationships between gender and legislative outcomes.},
author = {Senk, Kaitlin},
doi = {10.1111/lsq.12303},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Senk - 2020 - Are Women Less Effective at Passing Bills Exploring the Direct and Indirect Effects of Gender.pdf:pdf},
issn = {19399162},
journal = {Legislative Studies Quarterly},
keywords = {Latin America,gender,legislatures,representation},
number = {July},
pages = {1--26},
title = {{Are Women Less Effective at Passing Bills? Exploring the Direct and Indirect Effects of Gender}},
year = {2020}
}
@misc{IPU2020,
author = {IPU},
title = {{Women in National Parliaments}},
url = {http://archive.ipu.org/wmn-e/world.htm},
urldate = {2020-06-26},
year = {2022}
}
@article{Kelso2016a,
abstract = {Prime ministerial power is always contingent, based on the utilisation of personal and institutional resources, subject to various formal and informal constraints. Parliament is both a political resource to be utilised, but also a veto-player. In the absence of formal mechanisms setting out the requirements for the UK prime ministerial accountability to parliament, a fluid and essentially personalised relationship has developed. Regular prime ministerial appearances before the House of Commons Liaison Committee, begun in 2002, have added to parliament's scrutiny toolkit. This article considers the accountability of the prime minister to parliament by analysing the emergence and development of the Liaison Committee evidence sessions, and draws on interviews with participants and examination of the session transcripts, in order to assess the value of this scrutiny mechanism within the broader framework of prime ministerial-legislative relations.},
author = {Kelso, Alexandra and Bennister, Mark and Larkin, Phil},
doi = {10.1177/1369148116633438},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Kelso, Bennister, Larkin - 2016 - The shifting landscape of prime ministerial accountability to parliament An analysis of Liaison Commit.pdf:pdf},
journal = {The British Journal of Politics and International Relations},
number = {3},
pages = {740--754},
title = {{The shifting landscape of prime ministerial accountability to parliament: An analysis of Liaison Committee scrutiny sessions}},
volume = {18},
year = {2016}
}
@incollection{Vercoe2014,
abstract = {Although leadership studies identify charisma as an important characteristic of effective leaders, there has been little research into the ways that political figures use rhetorical constructs to project charisma and virtually none into the interaction between gender expectations and charismatic rhetoric. In this chapter, we trace Hillary Clinton's use of different types of charismatic rhetoric depending on the political context and gender expectations.},
address = {Oxford, UK},
annote = {This study is useful: uses computer aided content analysis and looks at different communal/agentic rhetorical styles},
author = {Vercoe, Moana and Gonzalez, Randall and Schroedel, Jean Reith},
booktitle = {Women and Elective Office: Past, Present, and Future},
doi = {10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199328734.001.0001},
editor = {Thomas, Sue and Wilcox, Clyde},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Vercoe, Gonzalez, Schroedel - 2014 - Hillary Rodham Clinton A Case Study in the Rhetoric of Female Political Figures.pdf:pdf},
isbn = {9780199328734},
pages = {80--96},
publisher = {Oxford University Press},
title = {{Hillary Rodham Clinton: A Case Study in the Rhetoric of Female Political Figures}},
year = {2014}
}
@misc{Blood2019,
author = {Blood, David and Elliott, Oliver and Burn-Murdoch, John},
booktitle = {Financial Times},
title = {{‘Toxic' tweets aimed at MPs soar after Johnson outburst}},
url = {https://tinyurl.com/yyo2kgsq},
year = {2019}
}
@article{Anderson-Nilsson2021,
abstract = {Are policy arguments more or less persuasive when they are made by female politicians? Using a diverse sample of American respondents, we conduct a survey experiment which randomly varies the gender associated with two co-partisan candidates across four policy debates. We find strong effects contingent on respondent partisanship and gender, most notably on the issue of access to birth control. On this issue, regardless of the candidate's stance, Democratic respondents, particularly Democratic men, are much more likely to agree with the female candidate. Conversely, Republican respondents, particularly Republican women, are much more likely to agree with the male candidate. We discuss the implications of our findings for the meaning of gender as a heuristic in a highly partisan environment.},
author = {Anderson-Nilsson, Georgia and Clayton, Amanda},
doi = {10.1017/psrm.2021.4},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Anderson-Nilsson, Clayton - 2021 - Gender and policy persuasion.pdf:pdf},
issn = {20498489},
journal = {Political Science Research and Methods},
keywords = {American politics,experimental research,gender and politics},
number = {4},
pages = {818--831},
title = {{Gender and Policy Persuasion}},
volume = {9},
year = {2021}
}
@book{Collignon2019,
author = {Collignon, Sofia and R{\"{u}}dig, Wolfgang},
publisher = {Working Paper},
title = {{Increasing the Costs of Representation? Harassment and Intimidation of UK Parliamentary Candidates}},
year = {2019}
}
@article{Eagly2002,
abstract = {A role congruity theory of prejudice toward female leaders proposes that perceived incongruity between the female gender role and leadership roles leads to 2 forms of prejudice: (a) perceiving women less favorably than men as potential occupants of leadership roles and (b) evaluating behavior that fulfills the prescriptions of a leader role less favorably when it is enacted by a woman. One consequence is that attitudes are less positive toward female than male leaders and potential leaders. Other consequences are that it is more difficult for women to become leaders and to achieve success in leadership roles. Evidence from varied research paradigms substantiates that these consequences occur, especially in situations that heighten perceptions of incongruity between the female gender role and leadership roles.},
annote = {{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 573) “A role congruity theory of prejudice toward female leaders proposes that perceived incongruity between the female gender role and leadership roles leads to 2 forms of prejudice: (a) perceiving women less favourably than men as potential occupants of leadership roles and (b) evaluating behaviour that fulfils the prescriptions of a leader role less favourably when it is enacted by a woman.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 574) women: “affectionate, helpful, kind, sympathetic, interpersonally sensitive, nurturant, and gentle.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      Men: “In contrast, agentic characteristics, which are ascribed more strongly to men, describe primarily an assertive, controlling, and confident tendency—for example, aggressive, ambitious, dominant, forceful, independent, self-sufficient, self-confident, and prone to act as a leader.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 575) leadership traits: “competitive, self-confident, objective, aggressive, ambitious, and able to lead.”
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 576) “Some evidence of this mix of positive and negative evaluations emerged in Heilman et al.'s (1995) finding that, even when the researchers described female managers as successful, participants regarded these women as more hostile (e.g., more devious, quarrelsome, selfish, bitter) and less rational (i.e., less logical, objective, able to separate feelings from ideas) than successful male managers. This research coheres with informal evidence of ambivalence that is inherent in the epithets often applied to powerful women, such as dragon lady and Battle-Ax (Tannen, 1994). More specific examples of such labelling include (a) Dawn Steel, the first woman to head a major movie studio in Hollywood, who was known as “Steel Dawn” and “the Tank” (Weinraub, 1997) and (b) Margaret Thatcher, British prime minister, who was labelled not only as “Iron Lady” but also as “Her Malignancy” and “Attila the Hen” (Genovese, 1993). To the extent that a woman who fulfils a leader role elicits a mixture of positive and negative reactions—that is, an ambivalent reaction—storage of these reactions in memory could have a variety of effects.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 577) “Also, a study of male managers' perceptions of the characteristics of successful executives yielded a set of highly agentic qualities— specifically, the ability to act as a change agent (e.g., inspirational, decisive), managerial courage (e.g., courageous, resilient), results orientation (e.g., action oriented, proactive), and leadership (e.g., leader, strategic thinker; Martell et al., 1998).”},
author = {Eagly, Alice H. and Karau, Steven J.},
doi = {10.1037/0033-295X.109.3.573},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Eagly, Karau - 2002 - Role Congruity Theory of Prejudice Toward Female Leaders.pdf:pdf},
journal = {Psychological Review},
number = {3},
pages = {573--598},
title = {{Role Congruity Theory of Prejudice Toward Female Leaders}},
volume = {109},
year = {2002}
}
@incollection{Lunenborg2015,
address = {Amsterdam, The Netherlands},
annote = {{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 275) “The article discusses the relation of gender and power in journalistic coverage of leading politicians.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      Uses qualitative textual analysis of printed news media – combined qualitative content analysis and discourse analysis 
{\textperiodcentered}      “The analysis shows that the almost normal presence of women in powerful political positions requires new modes of media analysis.  e dichotomist distinction between male and female actors and a specific focus on forms of women's stereotyping does not lead to sufficient results.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “Despite being often expected to act as a role model, most conservative female politicians have neither explicitly advocated feminism nor encouraged specific strategies for equal opportunities for women.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 276) need to examine how concepts of femininity and masculinity are presented in the media 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 279) “Thus we do not ask how Angela Merkel is represented “as a woman” in the media, but how does the journalistic discourse rely on concepts of gender in the negotiation of power.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 281) Merkel is specifically and explicitly marked as a female in the German press – e.g. ‘first woman chancellor' or ‘Ms. Merkel' (despite standard German press practice being to refer to politicians by the last name only) 
{\textperiodcentered}      “References to sex/gender, her social status as a woman or her token status remain common in the coverage of Merkel.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “Moreover, the media coverage turns Merkel into the “mother of the nation” or a “Mum.”  is attribution does not designate an actual position (Merkel does not have children) but it marks her political style as caring and motherly, but also bossy. This is remarkable because Merkel herself rarely uses emotional language or outright compassionate statements (Holtz-Bacha 2008).” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “The metaphoric repertoire available to journalists for describing women in such powerful positions still seems to be limited to the stock imagery of home and family life. By tying these gendered labels to Merkel's political style, this coverage uses concepts of maternal, nurturing femininity as patterns of interpretation for Merkel's political work.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “Moreover, the descriptions of Steinmeier also demonstrate that media coverage of male politicians tends to use more explicit attributions of power and dominance. He is characterized as a “Messiah with briefcase,” “fighter” or “radiant hero.”  e media vocabulary is also based on the idea of the male politician as professional and career-oriented, as “statesman,” “technocrat” or “bureaucrat.”  e main attributes of male hegemony are continuously reproduced: male politicians are associated with power, strength, professionalism and competition.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      Journalistic depictions tended to be gendered 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 284) “It is no longer possible to diagnose textual manifestations of simple mediated gender inequalities – such as the typical stereotype of women as soft, incompetent or otherwise “lacking” political leaders. Instead, the media coverage mostly represents Merkel as an active, competent, and powerful individual. Discrimination, sexist devaluations or belittlements referring to gender are rare exceptions.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “Merkel is often described as a power politician; the media problematize her power political interests and strategic skills: “the only election campaign she is interested in, is her own,” writes the newsweekly Der Spiegel (July 21, 2008).” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “Given the associations of power and masculinity, Merkel's description as a power politician seems to be based on her masculinization. Yet the general tenor of this criticism not necessarily suggests a traditional gender positioning or the denigration of a female politician.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 285) “This quotation exemplifies threatened masculinity. Worried about the established female power (of Merkel), the tabloid denigrates supportive masculinity with homo- sexual connotations as a forfeiture of power.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 286) “Evaluating the overall representation of Merkel, we find a strong tendency to cover her as a powerful woman in the political arena. But even a powerful politician like Merkel continues to operate in an ideology that subordinates women to men.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “Moreover, the journalistic coverage continues to engage in gender-based dichotomies: In the media coverage, Merkel as “Mum” is as visible as Merkel as the “power politician.” In the journalistic framing of the German Chancellor, male and female connotation patterns are recognizable.”},
author = {L{\"{u}}nenborg and Maier},
booktitle = {Discourse, Politics and Women as Global Leaders},
pages = {275--291},
publisher = {John Benjamins Publishing Company},
title = {{Governing in the gendered structure of power: The media discourse on Angela Merkel and her power-driven leadership style}},
year = {2015}
}
@book{Clarke2018,
address = {Cambridge},
author = {Clarke, Nick and Jennings, Will and Moss, Jonathan and Stoker, Gerry},
publisher = {Cambridge University Press},
title = {{The Good Politician: Folk Theories, Political Interaction, and the Rise of Anti-Politics}},
year = {2018}
}
@article{Wangnerud2000,
abstract = {This article focuses on women's representation in the Swedish Riksdag. The theory of the politics of presence serves as a point of departure. The aim is to underpin empirically {\^{}} or to test empirically {\^{}} the assertion that female politicians, to a greater extent than male politicians, represent the interests of women. The concept of women's interests divides, on a theoretical level, into three components: the recognition of women as a social category; acknowledgement of the unequal balance of power between the sexes; and the occurrence of policies to increase the autonomy of female citizens. On the empirical level this corresponds to measurements indicating female versus male MPs' attitudes and behaviour in areas such as gender equality and social welfare policy. The data used are parliamentary survey studies from 1985, 1988, and 1994. The analysis controls for e¡ects of politicians' gender when other factors {\^{}} e.g. party a¤liation, age, education, and parliamentary experience {\^{}} are taken into account. The main result is that the theory of the politics of presence gains strong empirical support. What this study contributes is a signi¢cant measure of stability for the feminist critique of more established theories of representative democracy.},
author = {W{\"{a}}ngnerud, Lena},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/W{\"{a}}ngnerud - 2000 - Testing the Politics of Presence Women's Representation in the Swedish Riksdag.pdf:pdf},
journal = {Scandinavian Political Studies},
number = {1},
pages = {67--91},
title = {{Testing the Politics of Presence: Women's Representation in the Swedish Riksdag}},
volume = {23},
year = {2000}
}
@article{Schaffner2019,
author = {Schaffner, Brian F.},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Schaffner - 2019 - How Political Scientists Should Measure Sexist Attitudes.pdf:pdf},
number = {Working Paper},
title = {{How Political Scientists Should Measure Sexist Attitudes}},
year = {2019}
}
@article{Sanbonmatsu2003,
abstract = {This study uses original data to investigate the individual-level determinants of voters' political gender stereotypes. I find that beliefs about men's emotional suitability for politics predict voter stereotypes about the ability of politicians to handle issues, whereas political knowledge predicts voter stereotypes about politicians' issue positions. Therefore, whereas some political gender stereotypes can primarily be explained by beliefs about the traits of men and women in general, other stereotypes are more related to knowledge about politics. This study suggests that whereas some political gender stereotypes may change if differences in the behavior of men and women politicians narrow, other stereotypes may be more enduring and less susceptible to change.},
author = {Sanbonmatsu, Kira},
doi = {10.1177/1532673X03255167},
file = {:Users/lotte/Dropbox/PhD/style{\_}experiment/lit/1532673x03255167.pdf:pdf},
issn = {1532673X},
journal = {American Politics Research},
keywords = {Candidate,Gender,Knowledge,Stereotypes,Voting behavior},
number = {6},
pages = {575--594},
title = {{Political knowledge and gender stereotypes}},
volume = {31},
year = {2003}
}
@book{Shames2017,
address = {New York},
author = {Shames, Shauna L.},
publisher = {New York University Press},
title = {{Out of the Running: Why Millennials Reject Political Careers and Why it Matters}},
year = {2017}
}
@article{Gleason2019a,
abstract = {Although still a minority, the growing number of women on both the Bench and at the Bar of the U.S. Supreme Court has important implications for judicial decision-making and successful advocacy at the Court. Research in judicial behavior generally focuses on vote direction and the presence of female attorneys in a case. We offer a more nuanced account of how gender impacts both attorney success and judicial decision-making by drawing on work in social and political psychology and utilizing quantitative textual analysis to explore the tension between masculine norms of behavior that are valued in the legal profession and feminine norms of behavior that are expected of women, but devalued in the legal profession. Based on the Court's long-standing disdain for emotional arguments, we examine how the emotional content in 601 party briefs shapes the Court's majority opinions. Our results indicate that male justices evaluate counsel based on their compliance with traditional gender norms-rewarding male counsel for},
author = {Gleason, Shane A. and Jones, Jennifer J. and McBean, Jessica Rae},
doi = {10.1177/1532673X18766466},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Gleason, Jones, McBean - 2019 - The Role of Gender Norms in Judicial Decision-Making at the U.S. Supreme Court The Case of Male and Fema.pdf:pdf},
journal = {American Politics Research},
number = {3},
pages = {494--529},
title = {{The Role of Gender Norms in Judicial Decision-Making at the U.S. Supreme Court: The Case of Male and Female Justices}},
volume = {47},
year = {2019}
}
@book{Kanter2008,
author = {Kanter, Rosabeth Moss},
publisher = {Basic books},
title = {{Men and women of the corporation: New edition}},
year = {2008}
}
@article{Offermann1994,
author = {Offermann, Lynn R. and {Kennedy Jr.}, John K. and Wirtz, Philip W.},
file = {:Users/lotte/Dropbox/PhD/style{\_}experiment/lit/Implicit{\_}leadership{\_}theories{\_}Content{\_}str.pdf:pdf},
isbn = {9789526054766},
journal = {Leadership Quarterly},
number = {1},
pages = {43--58},
title = {{Implicit Leadership Theories: Content, Structure. and Generalizability}},
volume = {5},
year = {1994}
}
@article{Bailey2008,
abstract = {In monetary policy, decision makers seek to influence the expectations of agents in ways that can avoid making abrupt, dramatic, and unexpected decisions. Yet in October 1979, Chairman Paul Volcker led the Federal Reserve's Federal Open Market Committee (FOMC) unanimously to shift its course in managing U.S. monetary policy, which in turn eventually brought the era of high inflation to an end. Although some analysts argue that ‘‘the presence and influence of one individual''—namely, Volcker—is sufficient to explain the policy shift, this overlooks an important feature of monetary policymaking. FOMC chairmen—however, omnipotent they may appear—do not act alone. They require the agreement of other committee members, and in the 1979 revolution, the decision was unanimous. How, then, did Chairman Volcker manage to bring a previously divided committee to a consensus in October 1979, and moreover, how did he retain the support of the committee throughout the following year in the face of mounting political and economic pressure against the Fed? We use automated content analysis to examine the discourse of the FOMC (with this discourse recorded in the verbatim transcripts of meetings). In applying this methodology, we assess the force of the arguments used by Chairman Volcker and find that deliberation in the FOMC did indeed ‘‘matter'' both in 1979 and 1980. Specifically, Volcker led his colleagues in coming to understand and apply the idea of credible commitment in U.S. monetary policymaking.},
annote = {Okay, so the method used here can't},
author = {Bailey, Andrew and Schonhardt-Bailey, Cheryl},
doi = {10.1093/pan/mpn005},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Bailey, Schonhardt-Bailey - 2008 - Does Deliberation Matter in FOMC Monetary Policymaking The Volcker Revolution of 1979.pdf:pdf},
journal = {Political Analysis},
pages = {404--427},
title = {{Does Deliberation Matter in FOMC Monetary Policymaking? The Volcker Revolution of 1979}},
url = {https://doi.org/10.1093/pan/mpn005},
volume = {16},
year = {2008}
}
@article{Gibson1995,
abstract = {This study investigates the emphasis males and females place on leadership behaviors and styles across four countries characterized as two cultural dyads (Norway - Sweden and Australia - U.S.). Previous gender comparisons and cross-cultural studies of leadership are reviewed. A framework for exploring leadership, consisting of five leadership behaviors and six leadership styles, is then presented and tested with questionnaire data from 209 managers across the four countries. Results demonstrate significant effects for gender and country, but no interaction effects, Post-hoc analyses suggest that across all four countries, male emphasize the goal setting dimension, while females emphasize the interaction facilitation dimension. Australians scored significantly differently than leaders in the other countries on interaction facilitation, benevolent autocratic style, and laissez-faire style. These findings are discussed in light of gender characteristics and cultural values.},
author = {Gibson, Cristina B.},
doi = {10.1057/palgrave.jibs.8490847},
journal = {Journal of International Business Studies},
number = {2},
pages = {255--279},
title = {{An Investigation of Gender Differences in Leadership Across Four Countries}},
volume = {26},
year = {1995}
}
@article{Fite1990,
author = {Fite, David and Genest, Marc and Wilcox, Clyde},
file = {:Users/lotte/Dropbox/PhD/topic{\_}project/lit/1532673x9001800406.pdf:pdf},
journal = {American Politics Quarterly},
number = {4},
pages = {492--513},
title = {{Foreign Policy Attitudes}},
volume = {18},
year = {1990}
}
@article{Black2011,
abstract = {Students of linguistics and psychology demonstrate that word choices people make convey information about their emotions and thereby their intentions. Focusing on theory from these related fields we test whether the emotional content of Supreme Court justices' questions and comments made during oral arguments allow us to predict the decisions they make. Using aggregate data from all arguments between 1979 and 2008 and individual-level data from 2004 through 2008 we find justices' use of more unpleasant language towards the attorney representing one side of a case reduces the probability that side will prevail on the merits, both in terms of individual justices' votes and the overall case outcome.},
author = {Black, Ryan C. and Treul, Sarah A. and Johnson, Timothy R. and Goldman, Jerry},
doi = {10.1017/s002238161100003x},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Black et al. - 2011 - Emotions, Oral Arguments, and Supreme Court Decision Making.pdf:pdf},
isbn = {201910:55:00},
journal = {The Journal of Politics},
number = {2},
pages = {572--581},
title = {{Emotions, Oral Arguments, and Supreme Court Decision Making}},
volume = {73},
year = {2011}
}
@article{Erikson2019,
author = {Erikson, Josefina and Josefsson, Cecilia},
doi = {10.1080/00344893.2019.1581077},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Erikson, Josefsson - 2019 - Does Higher Education Matter for MPs in their Parliamentary Work Evidence from the Swedish Parliament.pdf:pdf},
issn = {0034-4893},
journal = {Representation},
number = {1},
pages = {65--80},
publisher = {Taylor {\&} Francis},
title = {{Does Higher Education Matter for MPs in their Parliamentary Work? Evidence from the Swedish Parliament}},
url = {https://doi.org/10.1080/00344893.2019.1581077},
volume = {55},
year = {2019}
}
@book{Steiner2004,
address = {Cambridge},
author = {Steiner, J{\"{u}}rg and B{\"{a}}chtinger, Andr{\'{e}} and Sp{\"{o}}rndli, Markus and Steenbergen, Marco R.},
publisher = {Cambridge University Press},
title = {{Deliberative Politics in Action: Analysing Parliamentary Discourse}},
year = {2004}
}
@article{Pierson2018,
abstract = {Feminist critics of power-sharing argue that power-sharing structures privilege ethnic/ethnonational identity and impede women's descriptive and substantive political representation. This paper extends these arguments to consider the extent to which consociational theory addresses the role of civil society and women's political voice in postconflict societies. We argue that power-sharing is overly concerned with formal representation to the detriment of understanding the role civil society can play in peace building. Whilst we acknowledge the importance of civil society retaining a critical distance from political institutions, we suggest several mechanisms for incorporating civil society into power-sharing arrangements. We argue that a consideration of civil society can highlight the gendered issues that are ignored in power-sharing settings, and we conclude that a broader understanding of both “politics” and “conflict” is required for power-sharing to be more equitable to women's descriptive and substantive representation.},
author = {Pierson, Claire and Thomson, Jennifer},
doi = {10.1080/13537113.2017.1422642},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Pierson, Thomson - 2018 - Allies or opponents Power-sharing, civil society, and gender.pdf:pdf},
issn = {15572986},
journal = {Nationalism and Ethnic Politics},
number = {1},
pages = {100--115},
title = {{Allies or opponents? Power-sharing, civil society, and gender}},
url = {https://doi.org/10.1080/13537113.2017.1422642},
volume = {24},
year = {2018}
}
@article{Valgardsson2021,
abstract = {There are three broad sets of qualities that citizens might expect politicians to display: competence, integrity and authenticity. To be authentic, a politician must be judged to be in touch with the lives and outlooks of ordinary people and previous research has suggested that this expectation has grown more prevalent in recent times. In this article, we use survey evidence from Britain – from citizens, parliamentarians and journalists – to explore which groups are prone to judge politicians by which criteria. While all groups give the highest absolute importance to integrity traits, we establish that distrusting citizens are significantly more likely to prioritise authenticity. For political elites and journalists, we find indications that authenticity is less valued than among citizens: politicians place more relative importance on integrity traits while journalists value competence most. We reflect on these findings and how they help us understand the growing crisis afflicting British politics.},
author = {Valgarðsson, Viktor Orri and Clarke, Nick and Jennings, Will and Stoker, Gerry},
doi = {10.1177/0032321720928257},
file = {:Users/lotte/Dropbox/PhD/style{\_}experiment/lit/0032321720928257.pdf:pdf},
issn = {14679248},
journal = {Political Studies},
keywords = {anti-politics,authenticity,political leadership,political trust},
number = {4},
pages = {858--880},
title = {{The Good Politician and Political Trust: An Authenticity Gap in British Politics?}},
volume = {69},
year = {2021}
}
@article{Barkovic-Parsons2017,
abstract = {We analyse the results of British general elections from 1950 to 2015. In our model, voting is both instrumental and expressive, and is driven both by ideology and the perceived valence of different parties. On most assumptions the model predicts that the safer the seat the lower the swing. The exception is where ideological factors are relatively dominant in instrumental voting, and valence factors are relatively dominant in expressive voting. In this case the highest swings might be in the safest seats. Alternatively swing might peak at intermediate majorities, and this is what we find when we look at swings between Conservative and Labour in seats held by one or other of these parties. We also find that marginals behave more distinctively when the national result is expected to be close or when there has been another general election recently; and that at least some voters have a sense of what is a ‘bellwether' seat i.e. one that would be marginal in a close election. However in those seats where the main contest has been between the Conservatives and Liberal Democrats, the swing is positively related to the closeness of the contest.},
author = {Barkovic-Parsons, Caladan and Hodgson, Robert and Maloney, John},
doi = {10.1007/s11127-017-0438-8},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Barkovic-Parsons, Hodgson, Maloney - 2017 - Are marginals different Evidence from British elections 1950–2015.pdf:pdf},
issn = {15737101},
journal = {Public Choice},
keywords = {British,Election,Marginal,Swing,Voting},
pages = {303--321},
publisher = {Springer US},
title = {{Are marginals different? Evidence from British elections 1950–2015}},
volume = {171},
year = {2017}
}
@article{Bauer2018a,
author = {Bauer, Nichole M.},
doi = {10.1080/1554477X.2016.1268875},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Bauer - 2018 - Untangling the Relationship between Partisanship, Gender Stereotypes, and Support for Female Candidates.pdf:pdf},
issn = {1554-4788},
journal = {Journal of Women, Politics {\&} Policy},
number = {1},
pages = {1--25},
title = {{Untangling the Relationship Between Partisanship, Gender Stereotypes, and Support for Female Candidates}},
volume = {39},
year = {2018}
}
@book{Leston-Bandeira2018,
address = {Oxford},
author = {Leston-Bandeira, Cristina and Thompson, Louise},
publisher = {Oxford University Press},
title = {{Exploring Parliament}},
year = {2018}
}
@article{Tansey2007,
author = {Tansey, Ois{\'{i}}n},
journal = {Political Science and Politics},
number = {765-772},
title = {{Process Tracing and Elite Interviewing: A Case for Non-Probability Sampling}},
volume = {40},
year = {2007}
}
@article{Dasgupta2004,
abstract = {Two studies tested the conditions under which social environments can undermine automatic gender stereotypic beliefs expressed by women. Study 1, a laboratory experiment, manipulated exposure to biographical information about famous female leaders. Study 2, a year-long field study, took advantage of pre-existing differences in the proportion of women occupying leadership positions (e.g., female professors) in two naturally occurring environments-a women's college and a coeducational college. Together, these studies investigated: (a) whether exposure to women in leadership positions can temporarily undermine women's automatic gender stereotypic beliefs, and (b) whether this effect is mediated by the frequency with which female leaders are encountered. Results revealed first that when women were in social contexts that exposed them to female leaders, they were less likely to express automatic stereotypic beliefs about their ingroup (Studies 1 and 2). Second, Study 2 showed that the long-term effect of social environments (women's college vs. coed college) on automatic gender stereotyping was mediated by the frequency of exposure to women leaders (i.e., female faculty). Third, some academic environments (e.g., classes in male-dominated disciplines like science and math) produced an increase in automatic stereotypic beliefs among students at the coed college but not at the women's college-importantly, this effect was mediated by the sex of the course instructors. Together, these findings underscore the power of local environments in shaping women's nonconscious beliefs about their ingroup. {\textcopyright} 2004 Elsevier Inc. All rights reserved.},
author = {Dasgupta, Nilanjana and Asgari, Shaki},
doi = {10.1016/j.jesp.2004.02.003},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Dasgupta, Asgari - 2004 - Seeing is believing Exposure to counterstereotypic women leaders and its effect on the malleability of automat.pdf:pdf},
issn = {00221031},
journal = {Journal of Experimental Social Psychology},
number = {5},
pages = {642--658},
title = {{Seeing is Believing: Exposure to Counterstereotypic Women Leaders and its Effect on the Malleability of Automatic Gender Stereotyping}},
volume = {40},
year = {2004}
}
@incollection{Karpowitz2014g,
abstract = {Do women participate in and influence meetings equally with men? Does gender shape how a meeting is run and whose voices are heard?The Silent Sexshows how the gender composition and rules of a deliberative body dramatically affect who speaks, how the group interacts, the kinds of issues the group takes up, whose voices prevail, and what the group ultimately decides. It argues that efforts to improve the representation of women will fall short unless they address institutional rules that impede women's voices.

Using groundbreaking experimental research supplemented with analysis of school boards, Christopher Karpowitz and Tali Mendelberg demonstrate how the effects of rules depend on women's numbers, so that small numbers are not fatal with a consensus process, but consensus is not always beneficial when there are large numbers of women. Men and women enter deliberative settings facing different expectations about their influence and authority. Karpowitz and Mendelberg reveal how the wrong institutional rules can exacerbate women's deficit of authority while the right rules can close it, and, in the process, establish more cooperative norms of group behavior and more generous policies for the disadvantaged. Rules and numbers have far-reaching implications for the representation of women and their interests.

Bringing clarity and insight to one of today's most contentious debates,The Silent Sexprovides important new findings on ways to bring women's voices into the conversation on matters of common concern.},
annote = {Chapter focus: looks at some mapping of the relationship between descriptive and substantive representation

Thoughts: not particularly useful for me as it is about topical focus and not participation rates or anything, but it is still interesting to note 

Theory
- (p. 172) "For these reasons, gender role theory predicts that when women are the gender minority in discussions of politics, they not only speak less, feel less confi- dent, and exercise less influence than men, they will also be less likely to bring up views that society deems women's concern, and that men may not share. The fewer women in the group, the less we will hear women's distinctive concerns."
- Also look again at the enclave hypothesis again: does gender homogeneity produce a stronger voice for women's distinctive issues},
author = {Karpowitz, Christopher F and Mendelberg, Tali},
booktitle = {The Silent Sex: Gender, Deliberation and Institutions},
chapter = {7},
edition = {First},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Karpowitz, Mendelberg - 2014 - 7. Does Descriptive Representation Facilitate Women's Distinctive Voice.pdf:pdf},
pages = {167--199},
publisher = {Princeton University Press},
title = {{7. Does Descriptive Representation Facilitate Women's Distinctive Voice?}},
url = {https://www.jstor.org/stable/pdf/j.ctt7zvffd.13.pdf?refreqid=excelsior{\%}3A3cab719e534d890f4c58b03cea7b3751},
year = {2014}
}
@article{Kendall2012,
abstract = {We apply a regression discontinuity approach to determine incumbency advantages in the Canadian Parliament, finding that incumbents enjoy a 9.4-11.2{\%} increased probability of winning over non-incumbents. Owing to the presence of multiple parties, an incumbency advantage in terms of vote share does not always translate to an increased probability of winning, because incumbents do not necessarily obtain votes from their closest opponent. Also, under the assumption that strategic exit is not an issue, we are able to split the incumbency advantage into party incumbency and individual candidate incumbency components, finding that the advantage is almost entirely due to the individual. {\textcopyright} Canadian Economics Association.},
author = {Kendall, Chad and Rekkas, Marie},
doi = {10.1111/j.1540-5982.2012.01739.x},
file = {:Users/lotte/Dropbox/PhD/topic{\_}project/lit/Canadian J of Economics - 2015 - Kendall - Incumbency advantages in the Canadian Parliament.pdf:pdf},
issn = {00084085},
journal = {Canadian Journal of Economics},
number = {4},
pages = {1560--1585},
title = {{Incumbency advantages in the Canadian Parliament}},
volume = {45},
year = {2012}
}
@article{Pope2021,
author = {Pope, Jeremy C. and Schmidt, Soren J.},
doi = {10.1111/ajps.12573},
journal = {American Journal of Political Science},
pages = {1--16},
title = {{Father Founders: Did Child Gender Affect Voting at the Constitutional Convention?}},
year = {2021}
}
@article{Campbell2019,
abstract = {Existing research suggests that voters tend to respond positively to legislator independence due to two types of mechanism. First, dissent has an indirect effect, increasing a legislator's media coverage and personal recognition among constituents (profile effects). Secondly, constituents react positively to dissent when this signals that the legislator has matching political or representational preferences (conditional evaluation). This article presents a third effect: Dissent acts as a valence signal of integrity and trustworthiness. Consistent with the valence signalling mechanism, it uses new observational and experimental evidence to show that British voters have a strong and largely unconditional preference for legislators who dissent. The findings pose a dilemma for political systems that rely on strong and cohesive parties.},
author = {Campbell, Rosie and Cowley, Philip and Vivyan, Nick and Wagner, Markus},
doi = {10.1017/S0007123416000223},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Campbell et al. - 2019 - Legislator dissent as a valence signal.pdf:pdf},
issn = {14692112},
journal = {British Journal of Political Science},
number = {1},
pages = {105--128},
title = {{Legislator Dissent as a Aalence Signal}},
volume = {49},
year = {2019}
}
@article{Taylor2018,
author = {Taylor, Eleanor Attar and Scott, Jacqueline},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Taylor, Scott - 2018 - Gender New consensus or continuing battleground.pdf:pdf},
journal = {British Social Attitudes 35},
pages = {56--85},
title = {{Gender: New consensus or continuing battleground?}},
year = {2018}
}
@article{Rudman1999,
author = {Rudman, Laurie A. and Glick, Peter},
journal = {Journal of Personality and Social Psychology},
number = {5},
pages = {1004--10},
title = {{Feminized Management and Backlash toward Agentic Women: The Hidden Costs to Women of a Kinder, Gentler Image of Middle Managers}},
volume = {77},
year = {1999}
}
@incollection{Franceschet2011,
address = {Basingstoke},
author = {Franceschet, Susan},
booktitle = {Gender, Politics and Institutions: Towards a Feminist Institutionalism},
editor = {Krook, Mona Lena and Mackay, Fiona},
pages = {58--78},
publisher = {Palgrave Macmillan},
title = {{Gendered Institutions and Women's Substantive Representation: Female Legislators in Argentina and Chile}},
year = {2011}
}
@article{Thomas1992,
abstract = {Studies of male and female and black and white elected office-holders on local, state, and national levels reveal significant behav-ioral and attitudinal differences between each set of representa-tives. Few, if any of these studies, however, have addressed whether disparities in attitudes toward or behavior concerning constituency service exist. This article seeks to augment the literature on local elected officials by exploring the extent to which gender and race influence these duties. While most work on constituency service has been done on the congressional level, the focus here is the local level simply because that is where the greatest number of female and black politicians exist. Research on the constituency service component of elected office is important because it is a large part of the job we elect our},
author = {Thomas, Sue},
doi = {10.1177/106591299204500112},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Thomas - 1992 - The Effects of Race and Gender On Constituency Service.pdf:pdf},
issn = {10659129},
journal = {Political Research Quarterly},
number = {1},
pages = {169--180},
title = {{The Effects of Race and Gender On Constituency Service}},
volume = {45},
year = {1992}
}
@article{Schwindt-Bayer2006,
author = {Schwindt-Bayer, Leslie A.},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Schwindt-Bayer - 2006 - Still Supermadres Gender and the Policy Priorities of Latin American Legislators.pdf:pdf},
journal = {American Journal of Political Science},
number = {3},
pages = {570--585},
title = {{Still Supermadres? Gender and the Policy Priorities of Latin American Legislators}},
volume = {50},
year = {2006}
}
@book{Thompson2015,
address = {Basingstoke},
author = {Thompson, Louise},
publisher = {Palgrave Macmillan},
title = {{Making British Law}},
year = {2015}
}
@article{Bettinger2005,
author = {Bettinger, Eric P. and Long, Bridget Terry},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Bettinger, Long - 2005 - Do Faculty Serve as Role Models The Impact of Instructor Gender on Female Students.pdf:pdf},
journal = {The American Economic Review},
number = {2},
pages = {152--157},
publisher = {American Economic Association},
title = {{Do Faculty Serve as Role Models? The Impact of Instructor Gender on Female Students}},
volume = {95},
year = {2005}
}
@article{Heilman2001,
abstract = {This review article posits that the scarcity of women at the upper levels of organizations is a consequence of gender bias in evaluations. It is proposed that gender stereotypes and the expectations they produce about both what women are like (descriptive) and how they should behave (prescriptive) can result in devaluation of their performance, denial of credit to them for their successes, or their penalization for being competent. The processes giving rise to these outcomes are explored, and the procedures that are likely to encourage them are identified. Because of gender bias and the way in which it influences evaluations in work settings, it is argued that being competent does not ensure that a woman will advance to the same organizational level as an equivalently performing man.},
author = {Heilman, M. E.},
doi = {10.1111/0022-4537.00234},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Heilman - 2001 - Description and prescription How gender stereotypes prevent women's ascent up the organizational ladder.pdf:pdf},
isbn = {1540-4560},
issn = {00224537},
journal = {Journal of Social Issues},
number = {4},
pages = {657--674},
pmid = {9907},
title = {{Description and Prescription: How Gender Stereotypes Prevent Women's Ascent up the Organizational Ladder}},
volume = {57},
year = {2001}
}
@book{Fieldhouse2020,
author = {Fieldhouse, Ed and Green, Jane and Evans, Geoff and Mellon, Jonathan and Prosser, Christopher},
title = {{British Election Study Internet Panel Wave 19}},
year = {2020}
}
@article{Bonica2018,
abstract = {This paper develops a generalized supervised learning methodology for inferring roll call scores for incumbent and non-incumbent candidates from campaign contribution data. Rather than use unsupervised methods to recover the latent dimension that best explains patterns in giving, donation patterns are instead mapped onto a target measure of legislative voting behavior. Supervised learning methods applied to contribution data are shown to significantly outperform alternative measures of ideology in predicting legislative voting behavior. Fundraising prior to entering office provides a highly informative signal about future voting behavior. Impressively, contribution-based forecasts based on fundraising as a non-incumbent predict future voting behavior with the same accuracy as that achieved by in-sample forecasts based on votes casts during a legislator's first two years in Congress. The combined results demonstrate campaign contributions to be powerful predictors of roll-call measures of ideology and resolve an ongoing debate as to whether contribution records can be used to make accurate within-party comparisons.},
author = {Bonica, Adam},
doi = {10.1111/ajps.12376},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Bonica - 2018 - Inferring Roll-Call Scores from Campaign Contributions Using Supervised Machine Learning.pdf:pdf},
issn = {15405907},
journal = {American Journal of Political Science},
number = {4},
pages = {830--848},
title = {{Inferring Roll-Call Scores from Campaign Contributions Using Supervised Machine Learning}},
volume = {62},
year = {2018}
}
@article{Masters1989,
abstract = {Because contemporary theories of politics discuss the appeal of leaders primarily in verbal terms, it is often difficult to go beyond anecdotes when explaining the effects of televized appearances of leaders and candidates. Experimental studies of the way American viewers respond to televized excerpts of leaders were replicated in France shortly before the legislative elections of March 1986, using comparable expressive displays of Laurent Fabius (then Social Prime Minister), Jacques Chirac (Gaullist Mayor of Paris who became Prime Minister), and Jean Marie LePen (head of the Front Nationale). Although the results show striking similarities in the system of nonverbal behavior in France and the United States, there are cultural differences in the role of anger/threat (which elicits more positive responses from French viewers than Americans) as well as variations in the evocative character of the facial displays of individual leaders. These experimental findings clarify recent discussions concerning the evolution of the French party system, providing insights into the role of political culture as well as leadership "style" in the media age.},
author = {Masters, Roger D and Sullivan, Denis G},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Masters, Sullivan - 1989 - Nonverbal Displays and Political Leadership in France and the United States.pdf:pdf},
journal = {Political Behavior},
number = {2},
pages = {123--156},
title = {{Nonverbal Displays and Political Leadership in France and the United States}},
url = {https://about.jstor.org/terms},
volume = {11},
year = {1989}
}
@article{Peterson2018,
abstract = {Measuring the polarization of legislators and parties is a key step in understanding how politics develops over time. But in parliamentary systems-where ideological positions estimated from roll calls may not be informative-producing valid estimates is extremely challenging. We suggest a new measurement strategy that makes innovative use of the "accuracy" of machine classifiers, i.e., the number of correct predictions made as a proportion of all predictions. In our case, the "labels" are the party identifications of the members of parliament, predicted from their speeches along with some information on debate subjects. Intuitively, when the learner is able to discriminate members in the two main Westminster parties well, we claim we are in a period of "high" polarization. By contrast, when the classifier has low accuracy-and makes a relatively large number of mistakes in terms of allocating members to parties based on the data-we argue parliament is in an era of "low" polarization. This approach is fast and substantively valid, and we demonstrate its merits with simulations, and by comparing the estimates from mm years of House of Commons speeches with qualitative and quantitative historical accounts of the same. As a headline finding, we note that contemporary British politics is approximately as polarized as it was in the mid-s-that is, in the middle of the "postwar consensus". More broadly, we show that the technical performance of supervised learning algorithms can be directly informative about substantive matters in social science.},
author = {Peterson, Andrew and Spirling, Arthur},
doi = {10.1017/pan.2017.39},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Peterson, Spirling - 2018 - Classification Accuracy as a Substantive Quantity of Interest Measuring Polarization in Westminster Systems.pdf:pdf},
journal = {Political Analysis },
pages = {120--128},
title = {{Classification Accuracy as a Substantive Quantity of Interest: Measuring Polarization in Westminster Systems}},
volume = {26},
year = {2018}
}
@article{Beckwith2007a,
abstract = {Studies of women in legislatures indicate that achieving a "critical mass" of women may have the effect of changing the legislative priorities of women, increasing the number of legislative initiatives dealing with women and the passage rate of such initiatives, and altering the legislative priorities of men. In the absence of a critical mass, "token" women may be so constrained by their minority status as to be unable to respond proactively to their environment. Popular wisdom suggests that a critical mass may be necessary for women to make a difference as women in a legislature. Yet, critical mass is both problematic and under-theorized in political science research. The critical mass threshold is debated, the mechanism of effect is unspecified, possible negative consequences are overlooked, and the potential for small numbers of elected women to effect political change on behalf of women is neglected. Beyond sheer numbers, what are the conditions that govern the ability of women legislators to make a difference? We argue that two major contextual factors beyond the sheer numbers are likely to govern the extent to which female legislators serve to represent women. Relying on the secondary literature, this article maps parliamentary and civil society contexts to sheer numbers of women to locate conditions in which female legislators are most likely to have policy successes. T o what extent does women's substantive representation depend upon the sheer numbers of elected women? Activists and scholars often assert a positive relationship between the numbers of women elected to office and public policy outcomes that are woman-friendly and even feminist. The idea of a "critical mass" is the popular and compelling notion that increasing the numbers of women in politics will start a chain reaction, leading to a new dynamic favorable to women. 1 Studies of women in legislatures indicate that achieving a "critical mass" of women may have the effect of changing the legislative priorities of women, increasing the number of legislative initiatives dealing with women and the passage rate of such initiatives, and altering the legislative priorities of men. 2 Sheer numbers of elected women (descrip-tive representation) is expected to facilitate policy-making in women's interests (substantive representation); increasing the numbers of elected women is expected to enhance the likelihood of woman-friendly public policy. Yet, critical mass as a theory is problematic and under-theorized in political science research. 3 First, no threshold number has been established that marks the boundaries between numbers of women too small to have an impact on legislation and numbers large enough to secure policy initiatives representing women's interests. In the literature , the threshold has been variously identified as 15, 20, 25, or 30 percent. 4 Second, the conditions under which some large number of elected women could be translated into substantive representation of women have not been theorized or elucidated. Where representation increases from small to large minorities, as in the United Kingdom in 1997, specific mechanisms for producing substantive, women-friendly, legislative change have not been identified. 5 Research employing critical mass as a concept has not clarified the process by which sheer numbers of women might work to advance women's substantive representation. It is not clear whether sheer numbers of women should have a proportional impact, a curvilinear impact, or an absolute numbers impact on policy-making around women's interests. 6 What is clear is that critical mass},
author = {Beckwith, Karen and Cowell-Meyers, Kimberly},
doi = {10.1017/S153759270707154X},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Beckwith, Cowell-Meyers - 2007 - Sheer Numbers Critical Representation Thresholds and Women's Political Representation.pdf:pdf},
journal = {Perspectives on Politics},
number = {3},
title = {{Sheer Numbers: Critical Representation Thresholds and Women's Political Representation}},
url = {https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms.https://doi.org/10.1017/S153759270707154XDownloadedfromhttps://www.cambridge.org/core.UCL},
volume = {5},
year = {2007}
}
@article{Huang2020,
abstract = {We consider evidence for the assertion that backbench members of parliament (MPs) in the UK have become less distinctive from one another in terms of their speech. Noting that this claim has considerable normative and substantive implications, we review theory and findings in the area, which are ultimately ambiguous on this question. We then provide a new statistical model of distinctiveness that extends traditional eeorts to statistically characterize the "style" of authors and apply it to a corpus of Hansard speeches from mmmm to oooo. In the aggregate, we find no evidence for the claim of more homogeneity. But this hides intriguing covariate eeects: at the MP-level, panel regression results demonstrate that on average, more senior backbenchers tend to be less "diierent" in speech terms. We also show, however, that this pattern is changing: in recent times, it is more experienced MPs who speak most distinctively.},
author = {Huang, Leslie and Perry, Patrick O. and Spirling, Arthur},
doi = {10.1017/pan.2019.49},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Huang, Perry, Spirling - 2020 - A General Model of Author Style with Application to the UK House of Commons, 1935-2018.pdf:pdf},
journal = {Political Analysis},
keywords = {House of Commons,regression,stylometry,text as data},
publisher = {Forthcoming},
title = {{A General Model of Author "Style" with Application to the UK House of Commons, 1935-2018}},
url = {https://doi.org/10.1017/pan.2019.49},
year = {2020}
}
@article{Back2019a,
abstract = {Do female representatives participate less often in legislative debates, and does it matter which topic is debated? Drawing on the role incongruity theory, we hypothesise that women take the parliamentary floor less often because of the gender stereotypes that are likely to guide the behaviour of party representatives. Such underrepresentation is less likely to be present when debates are dealing with policy areas that can be characterised as feminine. By referring to critical mass theory, we expect women to participate less in debates if they are members of parties with fewer female representatives. The results of an analysis of speechmaking among members of parliament in seven European countries show that female members of parliament are less represented in legislative debates, especially when debates deal with topics that can be characterised as masculine. Furthermore, the effect of gender on speechmaking clearly varies across parties. However, the pattern does not follow the logic derived from critica...},
annote = {{\textperiodcentered}      Conducts speech analysis on MPs in seven European countries 
{\textperiodcentered}      Hypothesis: women will take the parliamentary floor less often than men because of the gender stereotypes that are likely to guide behaviour  
{\textperiodcentered}      Hypothesis: this imbalance is less likely to be the case when debates tackle policy areas that can be characterised as ‘feminine' 
{\textperiodcentered}      Hypothesis: similar to critical mass theory, would expect would to participate more in debates where there are more women 
{\textperiodcentered}      Finding: women are less represented in debates, particularly debates on ‘masculine' topics 
{\textperiodcentered}      Finding: the effect of gender on speechmaking varies across parties. Women participate more often in parties with greater gender descriptive representation 
{\textperiodcentered}      Finding: logic doesn't follow critical mass, female MPs take the floor less often when women participants are numerous 
{\textperiodcentered}      Methods: measure the number of speeches delivered in parliament in seven European states. Focusing on only one recent legislative period per parliament. Design is based on a most similar model (e.g. parliamentary systems, European, multiparty/coalition governments). But variation shown in that women are represented to varying degrees in parliament 
{\textperiodcentered}      Methods: look at pages 9-10 for how ‘feminine' and ‘masculine' policy areas are coded for 
{\textperiodcentered}      Links to my research: is also comparative in approach and tackles how women behave, however does not look at what they say, only how frequently they participate 
{\textperiodcentered}      Flagging the importance of the study: debates influence the policymaking process significantly as bills are typically debated by MPs before they vote on them (e.g. B{\"{a}}ck and Debus 2016; Proksch and Slapin 2014). Therefore, if debates have an impact on policy-making, or if debates are used by parties to inform or influence the media and the voters, it is important to see how gender matters in these debates (e.g. do women participate on equal footing with men, do they participate differently to men) 
{\textperiodcentered}      Flagging the significance of the study: even when debates do not significantly influence policy outputs, gendered speech patterns may lead to lower legitimacy for the democratic system 
{\textperiodcentered}      Something to consider: tying in debate speaking time to my own analysis? If legislative floor speaking time is sparse, it matters who is getting to speak and whether it is on an equal footing 
{\textperiodcentered}      Gaps in legislative debate literature: downplayed is the analysis of legislative speechmaking in light of MPs' personal characteristics, e.g. gender. Studies exist that look at women's impact on policy outputs, but most overlook the qualitative dimension of gender equality 
{\textperiodcentered}      Note for self: need to consider the importance of parliamentary rules (e.g. how much access does an MP have on the floor. Look at Proksch and Slapin 2014 for this classification). Longevity in parliament is found to be an important control factor – e.g. MPs who have held seats for longer and more likely to take the floor  
  
Eagly and Karau (2002) role congruity theory of prejudice – suggests that perceived incongruity between traditional female gender roles and leadership roles leads to prejudice and bias against women in leadership positions. Stereotypes are likely to lead from sex-typical social roles, leading to women experiencing glass ceiling 
{\textperiodcentered}      “An important proposition of gender incongruity theory is that men are valued as being agentic, are expected to be more assertive, controlling and dominant as well as prone to act as leader, whereas women are expected to be more communal, to be more concerned with the welfare of other people and to be more helpful, nurturing and sensitive (Eagly and Karau, 2002: 574).”},
author = {B{\"{a}}ck, Hanna and Debus, Marc},
doi = {10.1177/0032321718789358},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/B{\"{a}}ck, Debus - 2019 - When Do Women Speak A Comparative Analysis of the Role of Gender in Legislative Debates.pdf:pdf},
issn = {0032-3217},
journal = {Political Studies},
keywords = {gender,parliamentary behaviour,representation},
number = {3},
pages = {576--596},
title = {{When Do Women Speak? A Comparative Analysis of the Role of Gender in Legislative Debates}},
volume = {67},
year = {2019}
}
@article{Vivyan2015,
abstract = {This article summarises the findings from a study of what constituents want from their local Member of Parliament. We make use of a survey technique known as conjoint analysis, wherein we present a national sample of British voters with profiles of hypothetical MPs who vary randomly in their characteristics, activities and behaviour. We find that voters like MPs who are independent from the party line and who do not focus exclusively on national policy work. MPs' gender and experience matter far less to constituents. Overall, voters want a Parliament made up of strong-minded MPs who see their role as that of a constituency representative. This has important implications for parliamentary democracy in Britain.},
author = {Vivyan, Nick and Wagner, Markus},
doi = {10.1111/1467-923X.12128},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Vivyan, Wagner - 2015 - What do voters want from their local MP.pdf:pdf},
issn = {1467923X},
journal = {Political Quarterly},
keywords = {Constituency service,Members of Parliament,Rebellion,Representation,Survey experiments},
number = {1},
pages = {33--40},
title = {{What Do Voters Want from their Local MP?}},
volume = {86},
year = {2015}
}
@article{Hill1981,
annote = {{\textperiodcentered}      Examines the relationship between political cultures and female representation in the state legislatures to determine if cultural factors have an impact on the electoral fortunes of women.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      Argument: political cultures are important determinants of female representation in state legislatures. Cultures which foster sexual equality and are receptive to social reform should fulfil two necessary conditions for female electoral success. 1) the electorate should take female candidates seriously; 2) female candidates should be encouraged to stand for election 
{\textperiodcentered}      Predict a negative relationship between traditionalistic and moralistic cultures in states 
{\textperiodcentered}      Would expect a higher level of female representation in states that have an established, long-standing tradition of female involvement in political affairs – the idea of women being involved in politics is more deeply socialised/entrenched 
{\textperiodcentered}      Strongest predictor of female representation is the tradition indicator – state which established an early pattern of electing women to the legislature have generally continued to support women's participation in public affairs. Traditionalistic and moralistic political cultures are also related},
author = {Hill, David B},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Hill - 1981 - Political Culture and Female Political Representation.pdf:pdf},
journal = {The Journal of Politics},
number = {1},
pages = {159--168},
title = {{Political Culture and Female Political Representation}},
url = {https://www.jstor.org/stable/2130244},
volume = {43},
year = {1981}
}
@book{Russell2017,
address = {Oxford, UK},
author = {Russell, Meg and Gover, Daniel},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Russell, Gover - 2017 - Legislation at Westminster Parliamentary Actors and Influence in the Making of British Law.pdf:pdf},
publisher = {Oxford University Press},
title = {{Legislation at Westminster: Parliamentary Actors and Influence in the Making of British Law}},
year = {2017}
}
@article{SegrestPurkiss2006,
abstract = {This study empirically examined implicit sources of bias in employment interview judgments and decisions. We examined two ethnic cues, accent and name, as sources of bias that may trigger prejudicial attitudes and decisions. As predicted, there was an interaction between the applicant name and accent that affected participants' favorable judgments of applicant characteristics. The applicant with the ethnic name, speaking with an accent, was viewed less positively by interviewers than the ethnic named applicant without an accent and non-ethnic named applicants with and without an accent. Furthermore, modern ethnicity bias had a negative association with the favorable judgments of the applicants, which, in turn, affected hiring decisions. Implications of the results, limitations of the study, and directions for future research are discussed. {\textcopyright} 2006 Elsevier Inc. All rights reserved.},
author = {{Segrest Purkiss}, Sharon L. and Perrew{\'{e}}, Pamela L. and Gillespie, Treena L. and Mayes, Bronston T. and Ferris, Gerald R.},
doi = {10.1016/j.obhdp.2006.06.005},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Segrest Purkiss et al. - 2006 - Implicit sources of bias in employment interview judgments and decisions.pdf:pdf},
issn = {07495978},
journal = {Organizational Behavior and Human Decision Processes},
keywords = {Decision to hire,Employment interview,Implicit sources of bias,Modern ethnicity bias},
number = {2},
pages = {152--167},
title = {{Implicit sources of bias in employment interview judgments and decisions}},
volume = {101},
year = {2006}
}
@article{Garg2018,
abstract = {Word embeddings are a powerful machine-learning framework that represents each English word by a vector. The geometric relationship between these vectors captures meaningful semantic relationships between the corresponding words. In this paper, we develop a framework to demonstrate how the temporal dynamics of the embedding helps to quantify changes in stereotypes and attitudes toward women and ethnic minorities in the 20th and 21st centuries in the United States. We integrate word embeddings trained on 100 y of text data with the US Census to show that changes in the embedding track closely with demographic and occupation shifts over time. The embedding captures societal shifts—e.g., the women's movement in the 1960s and Asian immigration into the United States—and also illuminates how specific adjectives and occupations became more closely associated with certain populations over time. Our framework for temporal analysis of word embedding opens up a fruitful intersection between machine learning and quantitative social science.},
archivePrefix = {arXiv},
arxivId = {1711.08412},
author = {Garg, Nikhil and Schiebinger, Londa and Jurafsky, Dan and Zou, James},
doi = {10.1073/pnas.1720347115},
eprint = {1711.08412},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Garg et al. - 2018 - Word embeddings quantify 100 years of gender and ethnic stereotypes.pdf:pdf},
isbn = {1720347115},
issn = {10916490},
journal = {Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences of the United States of America},
keywords = {Ethnic stereotypes,Gender stereotypes,Word embedding},
number = {16},
title = {{Word embeddings quantify 100 years of gender and ethnic stereotypes}},
volume = {115},
year = {2018}
}
@article{Druckman2004,
abstract = {One of the most contested questions in the social sciences is whether people behave rationally. A large body of work assumes that individuals do in fact make rational economic, political, and social decisions. Yet hundreds of experiments suggest that this is not the case. Framing effects constitute one of the most stunning and influential demonstrations of irrationality. The effects not only challenge the foundational assumptions of much of the social sciences (e.g., the existence of coherent preferences or stable attitudes), but also lead many scholars to adopt alternative approaches (e.g., prospect theory). Surprisingly, virtually no work has sought to specify the political conditions under which framing effects occur. I fill this gap by offering a theory and experimental test. I show how contextual forces (e.g., elite competition, deliberation) and individual attributes (e.g., expertise) affect the success of framing. The results provide insight into when rationality assumptions apply and, also, have broad implications for political psychology and experimental methods. A re people rational? This question attracts more attention and engenders more controversy than perhaps any other in the social sciences-and for good reason. Rationality assumptions not only serve as the foundation for many analyses of economic, political, and social behavior but also form the basis for most conceptions of democratic responsiveness and competitive markets. Despite widespread application, however, a mass of empirical evidence suggests that people do not act rationally. Framing effects constitute one of the most stunning and influential demonstrations of irrationality (Tversky and Kahneman 1987). A framing effect occurs when different, but logically equivalent, words or phrases cause individuals to alter their preferences. For example, people reject a policy program when told that it will result in 5{\%} unemployment but prefer it when told that it will result in 95{\%} employment. Framing effects violate a basic tenet of rational choice theory that individuals' preferences do not change from alternative ways of eliciting the same preference (e.g., preferences should not depend on whether the programs are described in terms of unemployment or employment). Building on hundreds of framing effect experiments, many social scientists opt for models of decision-making that incorporate framing effects and reject rationality assumptions (e.g., prospect theory; see Tversky and Kahneman 1979). Examples within poli-James N. Druckman is Lippincott Associate Professor and a tical science include studies of voting and public opinion , campaigns, policy-making, foreign-policy decision-making, coalition bargaining, judicial decision-making, and a variety of other topics (see Levy 2003). Framing effects also call into question normative models of democratic governance based on the idea that citizens maintain stable and invariant preferences (Bartels 2003). It is surprising that, despite these broad implications, virtually no work has sought to explore the political conditions under which framing effects occur. In this paper, I specify and test these conditions. I explore how contextual forces-including elite competition and in-terpersonal discussions-and individual attributes condition framing effects. This is particularly important since understanding when framing effects occur will provide insight into when rationality assumptions apply , as opposed to alternative positive and normative approaches. By investigating the significance of con-textual forces, the study also offers novel lessons for political psychology and experimental methods, which have both tended to focus on individual-level variables rather than situational factors.},
author = {Druckman, James N},
doi = {10.1017/S0003055404041413},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Druckman - 2004 - Political Preference Formation Competition, Deliberation, and the (Ir)relevance of Framing Effects.pdf:pdf},
journal = {American Political Science Review},
number = {4},
pages = {671--686},
title = {{Political Preference Formation: Competition, Deliberation, and the (Ir)relevance of Framing Effects}},
volume = {98},
year = {2004}
}
@book{Pitkin1967,
address = {Los Angeles},
author = {Pitkin, Hanna},
isbn = {9780520021563},
pages = {323},
publisher = {University of California Press},
title = {{The Concept of Representation}},
year = {1967}
}
@incollection{Childs2005,
address = {Basingstoke, UK},
annote = {{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 150) “The number of women MPs elected in 2005, as well as their distribution between the parties, reinforce conclusions drawn from previous elections, not least the 1997 general election and the 1999 elections to the devolved institutions, the British political parties are institutionally sexist (Shephard-Robinson and Lovenduski 2002: 1)” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “The feminisation of politics also refers to the transformation of politics, as women's concerns and perspectives move towards the centre of the political agenda (Lovenduski 2005: 12)” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 152) “In the UK supply-side factors have reduced in their explanatory value over time and party demand is now regarded as the key to increasing women's representation (p 153); during the selection process, direct discrimination (where gender-discriminatory questions are posed) and indirect discrimination (where ideas of what constitutes a good MP count against women) have been found to come into play” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 153) “To put it crudely, too many Conservative women candidates were selected for unwinnable seats”
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 156) “With the least comprehensive of the three manifestos, the Conservative Party trail in third place with their coverage of gender equality concerns.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 162) “The Conservative Party also engaged in ‘women's campaigning', although with few high-profile women MPs they relied more heavily on the leader's wife.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 163) “Analyses of Labour's women MPs in the 1997 and 2001 Parliaments have also demonstrated behaviour differences where women have feminised not only the political agenda through the articulation of women's concerns an perspectives (Childs and Whitney 2004; Bird 2004), but also legislation.”},
author = {Childs, Sarah},
booktitle = {Britain Decides: The UK General Election 2005},
editor = {Geddes and Tonge},
pages = {150--167},
publisher = {Palgrave Macmillan},
title = {{Feminising British Politics: Sex and Gender in the Election}},
year = {2005}
}
@article{Krupnikov2020a,
abstract = {The level of legislative turnover in a polity can have significant political consequences. Low turnover may increase the number of legislators who are out of touch with constituents, while high turnover can limit a legislature's ability to fulfill its duties. Focusing on separation of powers arrangements, a factor overlooked by previous studies, we identify institutional conditions that affect turnover. When the executive and legislature are equally responsible for budgetary outcomes, we argue, this creates ambiguous contexts, leaving voters more likely to re-elect incumbents, thereby lowering turnover. We test our predictions using US state-level data. Legislative turnover can have a dramatic effect on a legislature's ability to make policy and to represent the public. A low level of electoral turnover, whether at the national or subnational level, implies high rates of incumbency, which may produce legislators who are out of touch and who make policy choices that are inconsistent with the views of their constituents. On the other hand, high levels of turnover can yield too many inexperienced legislators in office, limiting the ability of legislatures to fulfill their duties (Kousser 2004; Matland and Studlar 2004). Indeed, scholars have long argued that legislative tenure and turnover affect the quality of policy-making, with both high and low levels of turnover associated with poor policy outcomes and low governmental legitimacy (Rosenthal 1998). Although previous studies have identified electoral and institutional factors specific to legislatures that help shed light on patterns of turnover, we argue that the focus on legislatures alone leaves an important gap in the study of legislative turnover. More specifically, the existing literature gives little consideration to how the broader institutional arrangements surrounding a legislature affect turnover. Our goal is to fill this gap. We begin by theorizing that certain types of institutional arrangements within separation of powers systems-in particular, how power and authority are allocated across the legislative and executive branches, along with whether the legislature has the capacity to use this power-can create ambiguous decision contexts in which it is more difficult to assign responsibility for political outcomes. These ambiguous contexts lead voters to cast ballots for incumbents, which in turn reduces the amount of turnover. Based on this theoretical foundation, we analyze whether state-level institutional conditions affect patterns of turnover. Our results and approach demonstrate that to fully understand legislative turnover, we need to consider the broader institutional structure of government. We evaluate our general argument about turnover using data from the US states, which exhibit a striking degree of variation in the level of legislative turnover. While in some states successful reelection rates hover near 100 percent, in other states incumbents are not so lucky. Why would we observe such high levels of variation across states within the same election year? Our goal is to consider how ambiguity produced by separation of powers arrangements affects these state-level differences in legislative turnover.},
author = {Krupnikov, Yanna and Shipan, Charles R.},
doi = {10.1017/psrm.2018.32},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Krupnikov, Shipan - 2020 - Voter uncertainty, political institutions, and legislative turnover.pdf:pdf},
journal = {Political Science Research and Methods},
pages = {14--29},
title = {{Voter uncertainty, political institutions, and legislative turnover}},
url = {https://doi.org/10.1017/psrm.2018.32},
volume = {8},
year = {2020}
}
@article{Vivyan2016,
abstract = {In many political systems legislators face a fundamental trade-off between allocating effort to constituency service and to national policy-making activities, respectively. How do voters want their elected representatives to solve this trade-off? This article provides new insights into this question by developing a conjoint analysis approach to estimating voters' preferences over their legislator's effort allocation. This approach is applied in Britain, where it is found that effort allocation has a significant effect on voter evaluations of legislators, even in a political system where other legislator attributes - in particular, party affiliation - might be expected to predominate. This effect is nonlinear, with voters generally preferring a moderate balance of constituency and national policy work. Preferences over legislator effort allocation are not well-explained by self-interest or more broadly by instrumental considerations. They are, however, associated with voters' local-cosmopolitan orientation, suggesting that heuristic reasoning based on underlying social dispositions may be more important in determining preferences over representative activities.},
author = {Vivyan, Nick and Wagner, Markus},
doi = {10.1111/1475-6765.12119},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Vivyan, Wagner - 2016 - House or home Constituent preferences over legislator effort allocation.pdf:pdf},
issn = {14756765},
journal = {European Journal of Political Research},
keywords = {Conjoint analysis,Constituency service,Effort allocation,Home styles,Instrumental reasoning},
number = {1},
pages = {81--99},
title = {{House or home? Constituent preferences over legislator effort allocation}},
volume = {55},
year = {2016}
}
@article{Lauderdale2016,
abstract = {Edited by Jonathan Katz Existing approaches to measuring political disagreement from text data perform poorly except when applied to narrowly selected texts discussing the same issues and written in the same style. We demonstrate the first viable approach for estimating legislator-specific scores from the entire speech corpus of a legislature, while also producing extensive information about the evolution of speech polarization and politically loaded language. In the Irish D{\'{a}} il, we show that the dominant dimension of speech variation is government-opposition , with ministers more extreme on this dimension than backbenchers, and a second dimension distinguishing between the establishment and anti-establishment opposition parties. In the U.S. Senate, we estimate a dimension that has moderate within-party correlations with scales based on roll-call votes and campaign donation patterns; however, we observe greater overlap across parties in speech positions than roll-call positions and partisan polarization in speeches varies more clearly in response to major political events.},
author = {Lauderdale, Benjamin E. and Herzog, Alexander},
doi = {10.1093/pan/mpw017},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Lauderdale, Herzog - 2016 - Measuring Political Positions from Legislative Speech.pdf:pdf},
journal = {Political Analysis},
pages = {374--394},
title = {{Measuring Political Positions from Legislative Speech}},
volume = {24},
year = {2016}
}
@article{Severs2015,
abstract = {This article situates itself within ongoing scholarly debates on the conditions of democratic representation. It, more precisely, posits traditional concerns for the 'indirectness' of political representation-that is the possibility for citizens' alienation and exclusion from decision-making-against contemporary accounts that conceive of such 'indirectness' as quintessential to democracy; mobilising citizens' judgement and, potentially, drawing them into the decision-making process and making it more inclusive. Juxtaposing these two theoretical accounts with the practice of representation, this article researches-based on 70 semi-structured interviews with members of the Flemish regional parliament-how representatives themselves conceive of representation and deal with its indirectness. Over the past two decades, the concept of political representation has received renewed attention from democratic theorists (Urbinati and Warren, 2008, p. 387). This renewed attention builds from a critical reinterpretation of represen-tation's indirectness, that is the spatial and temporal gap between those represented and their representatives. Traditionally, democratic theorists problematised this in-directness. To them, the lack of coincidence between a people and those involved in decision-making processes carried a sense of alienation, potentially leading to the betrayal of citizens' preferences. As a consequence, they conceived of representative democracy as but an imperfect approximation of direct democracy (e.g. Mayo, 1960, p. 95). Contemporary scholars, in contrast, conceive of representation's indirectness as indispensable to the realisation of democracy. To them, the spatial and temporal},
author = {Severs, Eline and Celis, Karen and Meier, Petra},
doi = {10.1093/pa/gsu014},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Severs, Celis, Meier - 2015 - The Indirectness of Political Representation A Blessing or a Concern A Study of the Conceptions of Members.pdf:pdf},
journal = {Parliamentary Affairs},
pages = {616--637},
title = {{The Indirectness of Political Representation: A Blessing or a Concern? A Study of the Conceptions of Members of the Flemish Regional Parliament}},
url = {https://academic.oup.com/pa/article-abstract/68/3/616/1535078},
volume = {68},
year = {2015}
}
@article{Moser2014,
author = {Moser, Scott and Reeves, Andrew},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Moser, Reeves - 2014 - Taking the Leap Voting, Rhetoric, and the Determinants of Electoral Reform.pdf:pdf},
journal = {Legislative Studies Quarterly},
number = {4},
pages = {467--502},
title = {{Taking the Leap: Voting, Rhetoric, and the Determinants of Electoral Reform}},
volume = {39},
year = {2014}
}
@article{Wilde2005,
abstract = {This study examined cross-cultural similarities and differences in beliefs about men and women of the past, present, and future. These dynamic stereotypes, or beliefs that a groups present characteristics differ from its past or future characteristics, correspond to the actual role change experienced by the group (Diekman {\&} Eagly, 2000). Participants in Germany and the United States perceived that women were increasing in their masculine characteristics from the past to the future, whereas they perceived comparatively more stability in men's characteristics. The largest cross-cultural difference stemmed from beliefs about 1950s women, who were perceived as possessing greater positive masculine personality, negative feminine personality, and less feminine physical traits in Germany than in the United States. This greater nontraditionalism of postwar German women reflects their assumption of stereotypically male-dominated roles immediately after World War II. Consistent with social role theory, perceived role nontraditionalism mediated the relationship between time period and levels of gender-stereotypic characteristics. Copyright {\textcopyright} 2005 Division 35, American Psychological Association.},
author = {Wilde, Annett and Diekman, Amanda B.},
doi = {10.1111/j.1471-6402.2005.00181.x},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Wilde, Diekman - 2005 - Cross-cultural similarities and differences in dynamic stereotypes A comparison between germany and the united s.pdf:pdf},
issn = {03616843},
journal = {Psychology of Women Quarterly},
number = {2},
pages = {188--196},
title = {{Cross-Cultural Similarities and Differences in Dynamic Stereotypes: A Comparison Between Germany and the United States}},
volume = {29},
year = {2005}
}
@book{Valdini2019,
address = {Oxford, UK},
author = {Valdini, Melody E.},
publisher = {Oxford University Press},
title = {{The Inclusion Calculation: Why Men Appropriate Women's Representation}},
year = {2019}
}
@article{Lowande2019a,
abstract = {A vast literature debates the efficacy of descriptive representation in legislatures. Though studies argue it influences how communities are represented through constituency service, they are limited since legislators' service activities are unobserved. Using Freedom of Information Act (FOIA) requests, we collected 88,000 records of communication between members of the U.S. Congress and federal agencies during the 108th–113th Congresses. These legislative interventions allow us to examine members' “follow-through” with policy implementation. We find that women, racial/ethnic minorities, and veterans are more likely to work on behalf of constituents with whom they share identities. Including veterans offers leverage in understanding the role of political cleavages and shared experiences. Our findings suggest that shared experiences operate as a critical mechanism for representation, that a lack of political consensus is not necessary for substantive representation, and that the causal relationships identified by experimental work have observable implications in the daily work of Congress.},
author = {Lowande, Kenneth and Ritchie, Melinda and Lauterbach, Erinn},
doi = {10.1111/ajps.12443},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Lowande, Ritchie, Lauterbach - 2019 - Descriptive and Substantive Representation in Congress Evidence from 80,000 Congressional Inqui(2).pdf:pdf},
issn = {15405907},
journal = {American Journal of Political Science},
number = {3},
pages = {644--659},
title = {{Descriptive and Substantive Representation in Congress: Evidence from 80,000 Congressional Inquiries}},
volume = {63},
year = {2019}
}
@article{Grimmer2013,
abstract = {Politics and political conflict often occur in the written and spoken word. Scholars have long recognized this, but the massive costs of analyzing even moderately sized collections of texts have hindered their use in political science research. Here lies the promise of automated text analysis: it substantially reduces the costs of analyzing large collections of text. We provide a guide to this exciting new area of research and show how, in many instances, the methods have already obtained part of their promise. But there are pitfalls to using automated methods-they are no substitute for careful thought and close reading and require extensive and problem-specific validation. We survey a wide range of new methods, provide guidance on how to validate the output of the models, and clarify misconceptions and errors in the literature. To conclude, we argue that for automated text methods to become a standard tool for political scientists, methodologists must contribute new methods and new methods of validation.},
author = {Grimmer, Justin and Stewart, Brandon M.},
doi = {10.1093/pan/mps028},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Grimmer, Stewart - 2013 - Text as Data The Promise and Pitfalls of Automatic Content Analysis Methods for Political Texts.pdf:pdf},
journal = {Political Analysis},
pages = {267--297},
title = {{Text as Data: The Promise and Pitfalls of Automatic Content Analysis Methods for Political Texts}},
volume = {21},
year = {2013}
}
@article{Hancock2015,
abstract = {Forty participants (20 male) had 3-minute conversations with trained male and female communication partners in a repeated-measures, within-subject design. Eighty 3-minute conversations were transcribed and coded for dependent clauses, fillers, tag questions, intensive adverbs, negations, hedges, personal pronouns, self-references, justifiers, and interruptions. Results suggest no significant changes in language based on speaker gender. However, when speaking with a female, participants interrupted more and used more dependent clauses than when speaking with a male. There was no significant interaction to suggest that the language differences based on communication partner was specific to one gender group. These results are discussed in context of previous research, communication accommodation theory, and general process model for gendered language.},
author = {Hancock, Adrienne B and Rubin, Benjamin A},
doi = {10.1177/0261927X14533197},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Hancock, Rubin - 2015 - Influence of Communication Partner's Gender on Language.pdf:pdf},
journal = {Journal of Language and Social Psychology},
number = {1},
pages = {46--64},
title = {{Influence of Communication Partner's Gender on Language}},
volume = {34},
year = {2015}
}
@article{Celis2015,
author = {Celis, Karen and Erzeel, Silvia and M{\"{u}}gge, Liza},
doi = {10.1017/S1743923X15000501},
file = {:Users/lotte/Dropbox/PhD/topic{\_}project/lit/intersectional-puzzles-understanding-inclusion-and-equality-in-political-recruitment.pdf:pdf},
issn = {17439248},
journal = {Politics and Gender},
number = {4},
pages = {765--770},
title = {{Intersectional Puzzles: Understanding Inclusion and Equality in Political Recruitment}},
volume = {11},
year = {2015}
}
@incollection{Barnes2016g,
abstract = {In democracies, power is obtained via competition. Yet, as women gain access to parliaments in record numbers, worldwide collaboration appears to be on the rise. This is puzzling: why, if politicians can secure power through competition, would we observe collaboration in Congress? Using evidence from 200 interviews with politicians from Argentina and a novel dataset from 23 Argentine legislative chambers over an 18-year period, Gendering Legislative Behavior reexamines traditional notions of competitive democracy by evaluating patterns of collaboration among legislators. Although only the majority can secure power via competition, all legislators - particularly those who do not have power - can influence the policy-making process through collaboration. Tiffany D. Barnes argues that as women have limited access to formal and informal political power, they collaborate more than men to influence policy-making. Despite the benefits of collaboration, patterns of collaboration vary among women because different legislative contexts either facilitate or constrain women's collaboration.},
address = {Cambridge, UK},
annote = {- (p. 79) In this chapter, show that women's numerical representation alone is not sufficient for women to gain power. Does this by comparing women and men's appointments to chamber-wide leadership posts, powerful committees, and committee leadership posts 
- Women are found to be proportionally underrepresented in these positions of power 
- "Women's dispropor- tionate representation in positions of power indicates that women are limited in their ability to shape the legislative agenda and infl uence policy outcomes beyond the limitations imposed by their numeric minority status"

Access to chamber-wide leadership posts
- Chamber president (decides which bills are discussed, when, and how they will come for a vote. As well as presiding over the chamber, moderating floor debates and selecting members to speak)
- (p. 80) Vice president (less powerful than president, but still a prestigious and desirable post) 
- (p. 81) In lower chambers, women have rarely held presidential posts (between 1992-1997 no women held the post). Between 2001 and 2008 women held approimately 10{\%} of presidential posts 
- Women also have limited opportunity to serve as vice president 
- (p. 82) There are graphs on p. 81 that show this: But on the whole it is clear that women do not have equitable opportunities to hold chamber-wide leadership posts 
- (p. 83) Clearly some women have held leadership posts, nonetheless on average it appears women have held less important leadership posts 
- (p. 84) Women's limited access to chamber-wide leadership posts does not bode well for women's overall political power in Argentine chambers 

Access to committee and leadership posts
- Committees are a very important feature of legislative organisation: examine and amend bills, and provide chamber with legislative recommendations 
- Some committees are more powerful than others, or deal with more important issues 
- (p. 88) Uses data from 23 Argentine chambers between 1992 and 2009 to determine whether women are proportionally represented in powerful committees and committee leadership posts 
- (p. 91) Assumption: women would be underrepresented on powerful committees and over represented on less prestigious committees 
- Women's numeric representation in the chamber and committees has increased over time. In 1992, women held 6{\%} of seats - 2006 women held 27{\%} of seats 
- (p. 92) Women are proportionally overrepresented in committees dealing with women/family issues (for example, in 1998 women had 19{\%} of legislative seats but 50{\%} of the appointments to women/family issue committees) 
- For committees dealing with budget/economy and power women are proportionally underrepresented. As women's represented increases the differences become larger and statistically significant 

Multivariate analysis findings
- (p. 98) See p. 97 for full list of control variables Whilst controlling, on average female legislators are far more likely to be appointed to women/family committees (29{\%} chance compared to 9{\%} chance of a male legislator) 
- In other types of committees, male legislators are always privileged in their committee appointments (regardless of the gender composition of the political party) 
- (p. 100) Men more likely to be appointed to budget/economy (16{\%} chance for women, 33{\%} chance for men)
- Men more likely to be appointed to power committees (33{\%} for women, 54{\%} for men)
- (p. 101) "Gender stereotypes often preclude women from serving on powerful committees - despite their experience in office - and result in an inequitable distribution of power." 

Conclusion 
- (p. 107) "Even after years of successful gender quotas, which have helped to increase women's numeric representation in the Argentine legislatures, women remain woefully underrepresented in the most powerful leadership posts."
- "Putting aside whether women's inferior status in the legislature is viewed as socially unacceptable, their subordinate status has serious implications for their ability to infl uence the policy-making process. On average, women hold fewer chamber-wide or powerful committee leadership posts than men. Moreover, they are much less likely to receive powerful committee appointments than are their male colleagues."
- Gender gap cannot be explained by seniority. Even when controlling for legislative seniority, women are systematically less likely to be appointed to powerful committees and powerful leadership posts
- Findings provide strong evidence for why women collaborate: women's marginalisation (both numeric representation and in leadership/committee posts) implies that women do not have the same opportunities as men to influence the policy-making process},
author = {Barnes, Tiffany},
booktitle = {Gendering Legislative Behavior: Institutional Constraints and Collaboration},
chapter = {4},
doi = {10.1017/CBO9781316534281.004},
edition = {First},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Barnes - 2016 - 4. Why Do Women Collaborate Evidence from Women's Marginalisation.pdf:pdf},
pages = {78--115},
publisher = {Cambridge University Press},
title = {{4. Why Do Women Collaborate? Evidence from Women's Marginalisation}},
url = {https://doi.org/10.1017/CBO9781316534281.004},
year = {2016}
}
@article{Box-Steffensmeier2004,
abstract = {Gender differences in vote choice, opinion, and party identification have become a common feature of the American political landscape. We examine the nature and causes of gender differences in partisanship using a time series approach. We show that gender differences are pervasive-existing outside of the context of specific elections or issues-and that they are a product of the interaction of societal conditions and politics. We find that from 1979 to 2000, the partisan gender gap has grown when the political climate moved in a conservative direction, the economy deteriorated, and the percentage of economically vulnerable, single women increased. The gender gap is likely to be a continual feature of the American political landscape: one that shapes everything from elite political behavior to election outcomes.},
author = {Box-Steffensmeier, Janet M. and {De Boef}, Suzanna and Lin, Tse Min},
doi = {10.1017/S0003055404001315},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Box-Steffensmeier, De Boef, Lin - 2004 - The dynamics of the partisan gender gap.pdf:pdf},
issn = {15375943},
journal = {American Political Science Review},
number = {3},
pages = {515--528},
title = {{The dynamics of the partisan gender gap}},
volume = {98},
year = {2004}
}
@article{Eagly2003,
author = {Eagly, A. H. and Johannesen-Schmidt, M. C. and van Engen, M. L.},
journal = {Psychological Bulletin},
number = {4},
pages = {569--591},
title = {{Transformational, transactional, and laissez-faire leadership styles: A meta-analysis comparing women and men}},
volume = {129},
year = {2003}
}
@book{Swers2002,
abstract = {Does electing women have a policy impact? -- Women, the political parties, and the gender gap -- Bill sponsorship : placing women's issues on the national agenda -- Cosponsorship : registering support for women's issues -- Amendments in committees : working behind the scenes for women's issues -- Fighting for women's issues on the floor -- Roll-call voting : taking a public position on women's issues -- Conclusion : does electing women matter? The impact on policy development and democracy.},
address = {Chicago},
author = {Swers, Michele L.},
isbn = {9780226786490},
pages = {194},
publisher = {University of Chicago Press},
title = {{The Difference Women Make: The Policy Impact of Women in Congress}},
year = {2002}
}
@book{Altman1991,
address = {London},
author = {Altman, Douglas G.},
publisher = {Chapman and Hall},
title = {{Practical statistics for medical research}},
year = {1991}
}
@article{Swift2021,
abstract = {Scholars have argued that female legislators are more prone to collaborate than their male counterparts. Though collaboration may be more or less evident in particular situations, we seek to more clearly establish the mechanism behind women's collaborative activity using the framework of marginalization. In this paper, we use cosponsorship data from 74 state legislative chambers from 2011–2014 to analyze collaborative patterns and mobilizing institutions. We find female legislators are more collaborative than men, and that their collaborative advantage strengthens in chambers where women are systematically excluded from leadership positions. The advantage also extends to bipartisan collaboration, but only in less polarized settings with women's caucuses. Furthermore, our findings imply that as women are integrated into leadership collaboration will actually decline, especially within their own party. We believe these results are important for understanding both the roots of collaborative behavior among female legislators and consequences of chambers that marginalize women from leadership positions.},
author = {Swift, Clint S. and {Van der Molen}, Kathryn},
doi = {10.1017/spq.2020.9},
issn = {1532-4400},
journal = {State Politics {\&} Policy Quarterly},
keywords = {comparative legislatures,gender politics,legislative,legislative behavior,legislator preferences},
number = {4},
pages = {355--379},
title = {{Marginalization and Mobilization: The Roots of Female Legislators' Collaborative Advantage in the States}},
volume = {21},
year = {2021}
}
@article{Ohmura2018,
abstract = {Research on parliamentary careers has paid little attention to variations in pre-parliamentary career patterns and their value in explaining legislators' parliamentary success. Using sequence and cluster analysis, this article identifies typical career tracks taken by Party Animals, Local Heroes, Late Bloomers, Land Legislators, High-Flyers and Career Changers based on a comprehensive dataset of German parliamentarians' biographies (1998–2014). The analysis confirms the role of the party as the primary career facilitator before and within parliament. Nonetheless both Career Changers and High-Flyers climb the greasy pole all the way to the national parliament without much service to the party. The former type, however, suffers from a lack of networks and experience, which is reflected in the limited career success within parliament. This article demonstrates that the use of sequence analysis on career paths offers a promising approach in distinguishing and explaining the opportunities, choices and obstacles MPs face in parliament.},
author = {Ohmura, Tamaki and Bailer, Stefanie and Mei$\beta$ner, Peter and Selb, Peter},
doi = {10.1080/01402382.2017.1323485},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Ohmura et al. - 2018 - Party animals, career changers and other pathways into parliament.pdf:pdf},
issn = {17439655},
journal = {West European Politics},
keywords = {Career,career capital,legislative studies,sequence analysis},
number = {1},
pages = {169--195},
publisher = {Routledge},
title = {{Party animals, career changers and other pathways into parliament}},
url = {http://doi.org/10.1080/01402382.2017.1323485},
volume = {41},
year = {2018}
}
@article{Evans2012,
abstract = {Recent debates within the gender and politics field have reflected a shift to consider how, when, where, why and by whom the representation of women's interests occurs (Lovenduski 2008). Indeed, Celis et al. have suggested that those who seek to act on behalf of women may not necessarily be female (2008). This possibility is significant and requires both conceptual and empirical analysis. This article begins this process by adopting a case study approach to comparing the ways in which men and women MPs articulate women's interests. {\textcopyright} 2012 Copyright McDougall Trust, London.},
author = {Evans, Elizabeth},
doi = {10.1080/00344893.2012.686688},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Evans - 2012 - From Finance To Equality the Substantive Representation of Women's Interests By Men and Women Mps in the House of Commons.pdf:pdf},
issn = {00344893},
journal = {Representation},
number = {2},
pages = {183--196},
title = {{From Finance To Equality: the Substantive Representation of Women's Interests By Men and Women MPs in the House of Commons}},
volume = {48},
year = {2012}
}
@article{Och2019,
author = {Och, Malliga},
doi = {10.1093/pa/gsy016},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Och - 2019 - Conservative Feminists An Exploration of Feminist Arguments in Parliamentary Debates of the Bundestag.pdf:pdf},
journal = {Parliamentary Affairs},
keywords = {cdu,conservative governments,feminist policies,germany,leave,parental,s representation,women},
pages = {353--378},
title = {{Conservative Feminists? An Exploration of Feminist Arguments in Parliamentary Debates of the Bundestag}},
volume = {72},
year = {2019}
}
@article{Chattopadhyay2004,
abstract = {This paper uses political reservations for women in India to study the impact of women's leadership on policy decisions. Since the mid-1990's, one third of Village Council head positions in India have been randomly reserved for a woman: In these councils only women could be elected to the position of head. Village Councils are responsible for the provision of many local public goods in rural areas. Using a dataset we collected on 265 Village Councils in West Bengal and Rajasthan, we compare the type of public goods provided in reserved and unreserved Village Councils. We show that the reservation of a council seat affects the types of public goods provided. Specifically, leaders invest more in infrastructure that is directly relevant to the needs of their own genders.},
author = {Chattopadhyay, Raghabendra and Duflo, Esther},
doi = {10.1111/j.1468-0262.2004.00539.x},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Chattopadhyay, Duflo - 2004 - Women as policy makers Evidence from a randomized policy experiment in India.pdf:pdf},
issn = {00129682},
journal = {Econometrica},
keywords = {Affirmative action,Decentralization,Gender,Political economy},
number = {5},
pages = {1409--1443},
title = {{Women as policy makers: Evidence from a randomized policy experiment in India}},
volume = {72},
year = {2004}
}
@article{Curtice2019,
author = {Curtice, John and Clery, Elizabeth and Perry, Jane and Phillips, Miranda and Rahim, Nilufer},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Curtice et al. - 2019 - British Social Attitudes 2019.pdf:pdf},
isbn = {9781527244481},
journal = {British Social Attitudes 36},
title = {{British Social Attitudes 2019}},
year = {2019}
}
@article{Butler2021,
abstract = {Substantial evidence exists that members of the US Congress vary in their lawmaking effectiveness. Less known, however, is whether constituents are sufficiently informed and inclined to hold their representatives accountable, based on their effectiveness. We conduct two separate survey experiments, informing some constituents about lawmakers' effectiveness and comparing their responses to those with the baseline level of information. We find that voters demonstrate little knowledge of their elected officials' lawmaking effectiveness. When presented with objective and credible information about lawmaking effectiveness, however, respondents express greater approval of more effective lawmakers. Effects are strongest among ideological moderates, but are even pronounced among partisans, who approve of effective representatives of the opposing party, and disapprove of ineffective representatives from their own party.},
author = {Butler, Daniel M. and Hughes, Adam G. and Volden, Craig and Wiseman, Alan E.},
doi = {10.1017/psrm.2021.66},
file = {:Users/lotte/Dropbox/projects/productivity{\_}experiment/lit/do-constituents-know-or-care-about-the-lawmaking-effectiveness-of-their-representatives.pdf:pdf},
issn = {20498489},
journal = {Political Science Research and Methods},
keywords = {Accountability,US Congress,legislative effectiveness,representation,survey experiments},
number = {Forthcoming},
pages = {1--10},
title = {{Do constituents know (or care) about the lawmaking effectiveness of their representatives?}},
year = {2021}
}
@article{Carli1995,
abstract = {Participants viewed a videotape of either a male or female confederate delivering a persuasive message using a high task, social, submissive, or dominant nonverbal style. Participants were influenced more after viewing the social and task styles than the dominant or submissive styles. Participants liked task and social confederates more than dominant confederates and considered submissive confederates to be less competent than the other 3 styles. Although both likableness and competence were predictive of influence, likableness was a more important determinant of influence for female than male speakers when the audience was male. Consequently, with a male audience, women exhibiting a task style were less influential and likable than men exhibiting that style. Men were not more influential than women when displaying dominance.},
annote = {IN GENERAL: METHODS USEFUL! 

Methods useful: participants viewed a videotape of male/female confederates delivering a persuasive message using a high task, social, submissive or dominant verbal style

Study addresses: 
1) whether a dominant nonverbal style is a more effective influence strategy for men than women, particularly with a male audience? 
2) Whether women are more influential than men when their nonverbal style combines competence with warmth than when they are merely competent 
3) Examines whether there is a relation between influenc and perceived competence and likableness for male and female influence agents 

(p. 1032) Suggested that, because of their lower status, dominant women should be less influential than dominant men 

Method: pre-test questionnaire was administered to 95 male and 114 female undergraduates 

Got each of the four confederates to perform a message in each of the four nonverbal styles (dominant, submissive, social or task). After watching these participants rated the speaker on a 9-point scale for likeability, trustworthiness, competency, persuasiveness, powerfulness, knowledgeableness, confidence, condenscending, influence, anxious, intelligent, intimidating, threatening, group-orientated, friendly and believeable 

Uses a principal-components factor analysis with varimax rotation},
author = {Carli, Linda L. and Lafleur, Suzanne J. and Loeber, Christopher C.},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Carli, Lafleur, Loeber - 1995 - Nonverbal Behavior, Gender, and Influence.pdf:pdf},
journal = {Journal of Personality and Social Psychology},
number = {6},
pages = {1030--1041},
title = {{Nonverbal Behavior, Gender, and Influence}},
volume = {68},
year = {1995}
}
@article{Beckwith2011a,
author = {Beckwith, Karen},
doi = {10.1017/S1743923X11000195},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Beckwith, Western - 2011 - Interests, Issues, and Preferences Women's Interests and Epiphenomena of Activism.pdf:pdf},
journal = {Politics {\&} Gender},
number = {3},
pages = {424--429},
title = {{Interests, Issues, and Preferences: Women's Interests and Epiphenomena of Activism}},
volume = {7},
year = {2011}
}
@article{Eggers2017a,
abstract = {Previous researchers have speculated that incumbency effects are larger when voters have weaker partisan preferences, but evidence for this relationship is surprisingly weak. We offer a fresh look at the question by examining the United Kingdom's multiparty system. In general, the electoral value of incumbency should depend on the proportion of voters who are nearly indifferent between the parties competing for incumbency; in a multiparty system, that proportion may differ across constituencies depending on which parties are locally competitive. After first showing that UK voters in recent decades have stronger preferences between Conservatives and Labour than between Conservatives and Liberals, we show that incumbency effects are larger in close contests between Conservatives and Liberals than in close contests between Conservatives and Labour. By documenting how partisanship influences incumbency effects, our analysis shows that the comparative study of incumbency effects offers broader insights into electoral accountability across political systems.},
author = {Eggers, Andrew C. and Spirling, Arthur},
doi = {10.1086/690617},
file = {:Users/lotte/Dropbox/PhD/topic{\_}project/lit/690617.pdf:pdf},
issn = {14682508},
journal = {Journal of Politics},
number = {3},
pages = {903--920},
title = {{Incumbency Effects and the Strength of Party Preferences: Evidence from Multiparty Elections in the United Kingdom}},
volume = {79},
year = {2017}
}
@article{Bergqvist2018,
abstract = {ABSTRACTThis article addresses the question of why male politicians continue to be relatively unlikely to act in favor of gender-equality policy change, despite the advances in gender equality in recent decades. Drawing together literature on men and masculinities, feminist institutionalism and women's substantive representation, we present a theoretical argument in which we distinguish between an internal and an external mandate to push for gender-equality policy change. We argue that both these mandates apply to female politicians but not to their male colleagues. As a consequence, a gendered leeway exists: men have more leeway than women in political maneuvering. We illustrate this argument by analyzing high-ranked party representatives within the self-labelled feminist Swedish Social Democratic Party. This article contributes theoretically to the launching of a research agenda on the role of men in processes of gender-equality policy adoption.},
author = {Bergqvist, Christina and Bjarneg{\aa}rd, Elin and Zetterberg, P{\"{a}}r},
doi = {10.1080/21565503.2016.1229627},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Bergqvist, Bjarneg{\aa}rd, Zetterberg - 2018 - The gendered leeway male privilege, internal and external mandates, and gender-equality poli.pdf:pdf},
issn = {2156-5503},
journal = {Politics, Groups, and Identities},
number = {4},
pages = {576--592},
publisher = {Taylor {\&} Francis},
title = {{The Gendered Leeway: Male Privilege, Internal and External Mandates, and Gender-Equality Policy Change}},
volume = {6},
year = {2018}
}
@article{Freiberg2010,
author = {Freiberg, Arie and Carson, W. G.},
journal = {The Australian Journal of Public Administration},
number = {2},
pages = {152--164},
title = {{The Limits to Evidence-Based Policy: Evidence, Emotion and Criminal Justice}},
volume = {69},
year = {2010}
}
@article{Weinberg2021,
abstract = {Like many public service workers, politicians must manage the emotions of others as well as themselves in order to facilitate cooperation or goal accomplishment. Coined by Arlie Hochschild, this type of work is known as emotional labour. This article analyses a unique data set on the emotional labour and occupational wellbeing of over 500 elected politicians in the United Kingdom to understand how this important feature of public service plays out in political office. On one hand, all three facets of emotional labour (emotion work, personal efficacy, and false-face acting) are found to be prevalent among elected politicians, with self-reported levels of emotional labour differing among men and women. On the other hand, emotion work and personal efficacy appear to improve job satisfaction and occupational pride among politicians, but false-face acting increases symptoms of occupational burnout. These findings raise important questions about the nature of political institutions and the sustainability of political work.},
author = {Weinberg, James},
doi = {10.1177/1369148120959044},
file = {:Users/lotte/Dropbox/PhD/style{\_}experiment/lit/1369148120959044.pdf:pdf},
issn = {1467856X},
journal = {British Journal of Politics and International Relations},
keywords = {emotional labour,gender,occupational wellbeing,parliament,political work,politicians},
number = {3},
pages = {430--450},
title = {{Emotional Labour and Occupational Wellbeing in Political Office}},
volume = {23},
year = {2021}
}
@misc{Mason2019,
author = {Mason, Rowena},
booktitle = {The Guardian},
title = {{PM branded a disgrace after he says best way to honour Jo Cox is to deliver Brexit}},
url = {https://tinyurl.com/yxsnc3le},
year = {2019}
}
@article{Mulac1986,
abstract = {One-minute transcripts of 30 university students' first in-class public speeches earlier (Mulac {\&} Lundell, 1982a) demonstrated the Gender-Linked Language Effect: females rated higher on Socio-Intellectual Status and Aesthetic Quality; males higher on Dynamism. For the present study, these transcripts were analyzed linguistically by 11 trained coders for 35 language features selected as potential discriminators of speaker gender. Discriminant analysis results showed that a combination of 20 of these features could account for 99{\%} of the between-gender variance, permitting 100{\%} accuracy of gender prediction. Multiple regression analyses demonstrated that 13 of the gender-discriminating language features predicted the three attributional dimensions in ways consistent with the Gender-Linked Language Effect.},
annote = {Not really particularly releveant - very linguistic in focus},
author = {Mulac, Anthony and Lundell, Louisa and Bradac, James J.},
doi = {10.1080/03637758609376131},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Mulac, Lundell, Bradac - 1986 - Malefemale language differences and attributional consequences in a public speaking situation Toward an.pdf:pdf},
journal = {Communications Monographs},
number = {2},
pages = {115--129},
title = {{Male/female language differences and attributional consequences in a public speaking situation: Toward an explanation of the gender-linked language effect}},
url = {http://www.tandfonline.com/action/journalInformation?journalCode=rcmm20},
volume = {53},
year = {1986}
}
@article{Pearson2013,
abstract = {When women run for office, they win at the same rate as men. A significant body of research substantiating this claim has been touted by scholars and women's groups alike. Gender neutral outcomes, however, mask important sex differences in congressional candidacies. Indeed, extensive research has revealed a gender gap in political ambition: women are more hesitant to run for office and are more concerned about their credentials and viability than similarly situated men. {\textcopyright} 2013 The Women and Politics Research Section of the American Political Science Association.},
author = {Pearson, Kathryn and McGhee, Eric},
doi = {10.1017/S1743923X13000433},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Pearson, McGhee - 2013 - What It Takes to Win Questioning Gender Neutral Outcomes in U.S. House Elections.pdf:pdf},
issn = {1743923X},
journal = {Politics {\&} Gender},
number = {4},
pages = {439--462},
title = {{What It Takes to Win: Questioning "Gender Neutral" Outcomes in U.S. House Elections}},
volume = {9},
year = {2013}
}
@article{Diekman2006,
abstract = {Role congruity theory (e.g., Kagly {\&} Diekman, 2005) posits that a group will be positively evaluated when its characteristics are perceived to align with the requirements of the group's typical social roles. Social roles may thus form the basis of norms that prescribe valued behavior for men and women. Three experiments explored the relationship between perceived social roles and the prescriptive content of gender stereotypes by examining perceptions of cross-temporal role change. In the first study, participants evaluated the gender-stereotypic traits of past, present, and future men and women. In the second study, participants evaluated descriptions of consensually perceived trends for men and women. In the third study, participants read experimentally manipulated descriptions of role changes in a novel society and evaluated the traits of future citizens. Perceptions of cross-temporal changes in social roles (whether naturally occurring or experimentally manipulated) were associated with differential valuing of role-congruent characteristics. In general, participants' responses reflected a pattern of anticipated accommodation to shifts in social roles, with greater value projected for characteristics that facilitate role success. Copyright {\textcopyright} 2006 Division 35, American Psychological Association.},
author = {Diekman, Amanda B. and Goodfriend, Wind},
doi = {10.1111/j.1471-6402.2006.00312.x},
file = {::},
issn = {03616843},
journal = {Psychology of Women Quarterly},
number = {4},
pages = {369--383},
title = {{Rolling with the Changes: A Role Congruity Perspective on Gender Norms}},
volume = {30},
year = {2006}
}
@article{Slapin2008,
abstract = {Recentadvancesin computationalcontentanalysishaveprovidedscholarspromisingnewwaysforestimatingpartypositions. However, existingtext-based methods face challenges in producingvalid and reliable time-series data. This article proposes a scaling algorithm called WORDFISH to estimate policy positions based on word frequencies in texts. The technique allows researchers to locate parties in one or multiple elections. We demonstrate the algorithm by estimating the positions ofGerman political parties from 1990 to 2005 using word frequencies in party manifestos. The extracted positions reflect changes in the party system more accurately than existing time-series estimates. In addition, the method allows researchers to examine which words are important for placing parties on the left and on the right. We find that words with strong political connotations are the best discriminators between parties. Finally, a series ofrobustness checks demonstrate thatthe estimated positions are insensitive to distributional assumptions and document selection.},
author = {Slapin, Jonathan B. and Proksch, Sven-Oliver},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Slapin, Proksch - 2008 - A Scaling Model for Estimating Time-Series Party Positions from Texts.pdf:pdf},
journal = {American Journal of Political Science},
number = {3},
pages = {705--722},
title = {{A Scaling Model for Estimating Time-Series Party Positions from Texts}},
volume = {52},
year = {2008}
}
@article{Connell2006,
abstract = {The “glass ceiling” model of gender equity has its weaknesses. Therefore, a multiple-dimensions approach to gender is proposed. This essay reports on a field study of organizational gender arrangements in 10 public sector worksites in New South Wales, Australia. Despite equal opportunity measures, gender divisions of labor persist in several forms. Processes that sustain and undermine these divisions are identified. Authority patterns are being reconfigured, with restructuring and rising numbers of women in management resulting in local turbulence in gender relations. Emotions of gender transition are identified, with considerable diversity in reactions among men. An emerging pattern, the “depolarized workplace,” is described. A cultural trend toward workplace gender neutrality is observable. Proposals are made for better practice in gender equity work, including richer ways for public organizations to study their own gender regimes.},
author = {Connell, Raewyn},
doi = {10.1111/j.1540-6210.2006.00652.x},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Connell - 2006 - Glass ceilings or gendered institutions Mapping the gender regimes of public sector worksites.pdf:pdf},
isbn = {00333352, 15406210},
issn = {00333352},
journal = {Public Administration Review},
number = {6},
pages = {837--849},
title = {{Glass ceilings or gendered institutions? Mapping the gender regimes of public sector worksites}},
volume = {66},
year = {2006}
}
@article{Norris1997,
abstract = {British legislators face overloaded schedules with conflicting priorities: the puzzle is to explain why they devote so much of their time to constituency service. This paper aims to compare the incentives facing members due to their career structures, role orientations, social backgrounds and constituency demands. This paper re-examines these explanations based on the British Candidate Survey and personal interviews with MPs in the 1992 British general election. {\textcopyright} 1997, Taylor {\&} Francis Group, LLC.},
author = {Norris, Pippa},
doi = {10.1080/13572339708420508},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Norris - 1997 - The puzzle of constituency service.pdf:pdf},
issn = {17439337},
journal = {Journal of Legislative Studies},
number = {2},
pages = {29--49},
title = {{The puzzle of constituency service}},
volume = {3},
year = {1997}
}
@article{Salmond2014,
abstract = {Over time, people have been losing interest in politics. Some believe this to be one of the largest challenges facing democracy today. What causes some citizens to be more engaged than others? This paper argues that national-level political institutions are important in shaping the tone of political debate between election campaigns. Some countries have regular, accessible debates between political leaders; in others the debate is rarer and harder to follow. Parliamentary question time (QT) is a prominent forum for regular elite-level debate, and QTs featuring open, accessible debate should help induce citizens to engage with politics by providing them with an information-laden political spectacle. The data show that these open QTs are associated with higher levels of political knowledge , partisanship, and turnout.},
author = {Salmond, Rob},
doi = {10.1080/13572334.2014.895121},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Salmond - 2014 - Parliamentary Question Times How Legislative Accountability Mechanisms Affect Mass Political Engagement.pdf:pdf},
journal = {The Journal of Legislative Studies},
number = {3},
pages = {321--341},
title = {{Parliamentary Question Times: How Legislative Accountability Mechanisms Affect Mass Political Engagement}},
volume = {20},
year = {2014}
}
@article{Koenig2011,
abstract = {This meta-analysis examined the extent to which stereotypes of leaders are culturally masculine. The primary studies fit into 1 of 3 paradigms: (a) In Schein's (1973) think manager-think male paradigm, 40 studies with 51 effect sizes compared the similarity of male and leader stereotypes and the similarity of female and leader stereotypes; (b) in Powell and Butterfield's (1979) agency-communion paradigm, 22 studies with 47 effect sizes compared stereotypes of leaders' agency and communion; and (c) in Shinar's (1975) masculinity-femininity paradigm, 7 studies with 101 effect sizes represented stereotypes of leadership-related occupations on a single masculinity-femininity dimension. Analyses implemented appropriate random and mixed effects models. All 3 paradigms demonstrated overall masculinity of leader stereotypes: (a) In the think manager-think male paradigm, intraclass correlation = .25 for the women-leaders similarity and intraclass correlation = .62 for the men-leaders similarity; (b) in the agency-communion paradigm, g = 1.55, indicating greater agency than communion; and (c) in the masculinity-femininity paradigm, g = 0.92, indicating greater masculinity than the androgynous scale midpoint. Subgroup and meta-regression analyses indicated that this masculine construal of leadership has decreased over time and was greater for male than female research participants. In addition, stereotypes portrayed leaders as less masculine in educational organizations than in other domains and in moderate- than in high-status leader roles. This article considers the relation of these findings to Eagly and Karau's (2002) role congruity theory, which proposed contextual influences on the incongruity between stereotypes of women and leaders. The implications for prejudice against women leaders are also considered.},
annote = {{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 616) “Fuelling the mismatch is an inconsistency between the predominantly communal qualities (e.g., nice, compassionate) that people associate with women and predominantly agentic qualities (e.g., assertive, competitive) that they believe are required for success as a leader.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “leadership is generally associated with masculinity” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “stereotypes often are a potent barrier to women's advancement to positions of leadership.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 617) “women are regarded as the nicer, kinder sex and thus have a cultural stereo- type that is in general more positive than that of men.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “communion the more important theme in the female stereotype and agency the more important theme in both leader and male stereotypes.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 618) “Another possibility is that the increase of women leaders might produce less masculine and more androgynous beliefs about leadership. Evidence of the increase of women leaders abounds, including growth over time in women's emergence as leaders in field and laboratory studies of leader emergence in initially leaderless groups (Eagly {\&} Karau, 1991).” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “Empirical research thus has demonstrated that an increase in the number of women leaders can produce a more androgynous concept of leadership and thereby reduce bias toward current and potential women leaders.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 619) “In sum, leader stereotypes may have become less masculine over time. If the change in leader stereotypes is related to increases of women in leadership roles, then the number of women leaders should be related to the masculinity of leadership.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “As a result, women leaders, particularly as newcomers entering male-dominated roles, can encounter resistance, especially from men (Eagly {\&} Carli, 2007).” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “Leadership may be less masculine, for example, in female-dominated fields such as elementary education, nursing, or librarianship (U.S. Department of Labor, 2010b). Because these fields are thought to require traditionally feminine skills, such as warmth, compassion, and caring for others (Cejka {\&} Eagly, 1999; Glick, 1991), the characteristics that people associate with leader- ship roles in these occupations are likely to incorporate more communal attributes.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 634) “Specifically, people viewed leaders as quite similar to men but not very similar to women, as more agentic than communal, and as more masculine than feminine.”},
author = {Koenig, Anne M. and Eagly, Alice H. and Mitchell, Abigail A. and Ristikari, Tiina},
doi = {10.1037/a0023557},
file = {:Users/lotte/Dropbox/PhD/style{\_}experiment/lit/Are{\_}Leader{\_}Stereotypes{\_}Masculine{\_}A{\_}Meta.pdf:pdf},
isbn = {0033-2909$\backslash$r1939-1455},
issn = {00332909},
journal = {Psychological Bulletin},
keywords = {Gender roles,Gender stereotypes,Leadership,Management,Meta-analysis},
number = {4},
pages = {616--642},
pmid = {21639606},
title = {{Are Leader Stereotypes Masculine? A Meta-Analysis of Three Research Paradigms}},
volume = {137},
year = {2011}
}
@article{McDowell2015,
abstract = {Occupation segregation is a persistent aspect of the labour market, and scholars have often researched what happens when women and men enter into what are seen to be 'non-traditional' work roles for their sex. Research on men within women's roles has concentrated mainly on the challenges to a masculine identity, while research on workplace language has focused on women's linguistic behaviour in masculine occupations. To date, there has been relatively little research into the linguistic behaviour of men working in occupations seen as women's work (e.g., nursing, primary school teaching). To address this gap, this article focuses on men's discursive behaviour and identity construction within the feminized occupation of nursing. Empirical data collected by three male nurses in a hospital in Northern Ireland is explored using discourse analysis and the Community of Practice paradigm. This paper discusses how the participants linguistically present themselves as nurses by performing relational work and creating an in-group with their nurse colleagues by actively using an inherently 'feminine' discourse style. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]},
annote = {{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 273) “This paper discusses how the participants linguistically present themselves as nurses by performing relational work and creating an in-group with their nurse colleagues by actively using an inherently ‘feminine' discourse style.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      Occupations are continually presented by society to fit one gender or the other 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 274) “Throughout this current article the terms ‘masculinized' and ‘feminized' are utilized as a short-hand label to describe jobs typically gendered due to their staff composition. A job is classed as female dominated (feminized) where female staff composition is more than 70 per cent and male dominated (masculinized) where male staff composition is more than 70 per cent (Huppatz and Goodwin, 2013).” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “This gender dichotomy has formed stereotypes of masculine and feminine behaviour (both linguistic and non- linguistic), with the ideology that women and men should behave according to what is socially appropriate for their gender.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 276) “It is widely accepted now amongst scholars that gender is performative and can be actively constructed and displayed (Butler 1990; Kelan 2010).”   
{\textperiodcentered}      “As gender is socially constructed, gen- der identity is not something one has but does, and workplaces are local spaces where people can over- or under-perform their gender (Holmes, 2006; Mullany, 2007).” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “Stereotypical masculine strategies are said to include interruption, topic control, swearing, aggravated comments, avoidance of personal topics and self-disclosure, boastful storytelling and unsupportive conversational behaviour in regard to a lack of backchannels and delayed minimal responses (Cameron, 2007; Holmes, 2006; McDowell {\&} Schaffner, 2011).” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “Adams et al. (2010) classifies this linguistic behaviour as masculinity-establishing discourse. Terms such as these, or more com- monly used ‘normative feminine' or ‘normative masculine' speech, are still employed by many scholars to describe certain linguistic behaviours despite the acceptance that gender can be placed on a spectrum (Angouri, 2011; Kelan, 2010).” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 277) “Evidence of adapting one's language to the surrounding context has been found in studies of the workplace or one's work role (Baxter, 2010; Cameron, 2000; Holmes, 2006; Mullany, 2007; Schnurr, 2008).” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 278) “In this type of research, the data collection method must be as unobtrusive as possible to reduce the possibility of Observer's Paradox (OP), which occurs when researcher presence affects speakers' behaviour (Cameron, 2001) leading to somewhat inauthentic speech (i.e., a speaker changes how they would interact normally as they are aware they are under observation, such as swearing less).”},
author = {McDowell, Joanne},
doi = {10.1111/gwao.12078},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/McDowell - 2015 - Masculinity and non-traditional occupations Men's talk in women's work.pdf:pdf},
isbn = {1468-0432},
issn = {14680432},
journal = {Gender, Work and Organization},
keywords = {Community of practice,Discourse analysis,Femininity,Masculinity,Nurses},
number = {3},
pages = {273--291},
title = {{Masculinity and non-traditional occupations: Men's talk in women's work}},
volume = {22},
year = {2015}
}
@phdthesis{Shaw2002,
abstract = {This thesis investigates the linguistic practices of politicians in one of the oldest and most powerful of all British institutions: the House of Commons. After the general election of 1997 record numbers of women were elected to parliament. This rapid increase in women's representation led to much speculation in politics and the media about how new women MPs would adapt to and change British politics. At the same time it is clear that men and women MPs are not treated equally. Women are marginalised by sexist barracking within the chamber and portrayed negatively by the media. Theoretical and methodological insights gained from language and gender research are used to explore whether this inequality extends to the differential access to and use of linguistic resources by women and men in the debating chamber. The central questions of the thesis are: what factors contribute to a participant being more or less powerful in this context, and how salient is gender to the construction of that power? Viewing the debating chamber as a 'Community of Practice' (Eckert and McConnell-Ginet 1992), and drawing upon the insights of MPs from interview data, I describe the interactional norms of the House of Commons as part of the ethnographic approach to this research. Using data from a 60-hour video corpus of House of Commons speech events I then undertake an analysis of floor apportionment in debates. I identify adversarial linguistic features in parliamentary question time sessions and examine their use by women and men. I also undertake an analysis of the functions and use of humour and irony in the debating chamber. Finally, a comparative study is undertaken with the Scottish Parliament. I describe the parliamentary procedures and historical development of the Scottish Parliament before analysing floor apportionment, the use of adversarial language, and humour and irony in this forum.},
annote = {Chapter 6: The use of adversarial linguistic features in parliamentary Question Time sessions 
  
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 157) “Typically, women are though to bring a more 'consensual' style to politics. The analysis of adversarial (or possibly consensual) features in the speeches of male and female MPs may refute or support these claims.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      Notes how PMQs are considered to be more adversarial than debates “because they offer MPs in all parties the opportunity to scrutinise government policies.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 162) “The rules in the debating chamber about the use of depersonalised third person address forms have been devised in order to make exchanges less direct, less personal and therefore less adversarial. This itself suggests that the forum is adversarial, as participants must be linguistically constrained to maintain order.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “In a similar way, Jennifer Coates's (1994) research on male and female discourse styles in professional contexts identifies the use of the speech act 'directive' as a powerful device: 'Typically powerful participants will demonstrate their power (i.e. their ability to ignore the face-needs of their addressees) by using direct commands' (1994: 76).” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 163) PMQs more adversarial than most: “The main political parties directly face each other across the benches in a typically combative way, and MPs may not cross lines on the floor (two swords' width apart) that were originally put in place in order to prevent MPs from duelling in the chamber.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “Linguistic constraints are placed upon MPs including the indirect mode of address they must adopt and the prohibition of the use of taboo words or unparliamentary language. This means that MPs have to develop strategies in order to be adversarial without breaking these rules.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 164) “ 
{\textperiodcentered}      When question time starts the Speaker calls the MP whose question is first on the order paper. That MP stands up and says 'number one, Madam Speaker'; the Minister then stands up and answers the question. As the Minister finishes answering, MPs who wish to ask supplementary questions stand up to signal their intention to the Speaker. The MP who asked the original question is usually asked to speak first. A number of supplementary questions are sometimes allowed by the Speaker and this is the opportunity for opposition MPs to highlight weaknesses in government policy.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “PMQT is typically described as the most adversarial speech event in parliament. This is because the Prime Minister and the Leader of the Opposition have a number of exchanges about government policy in relation to topical issues. It is also the session that gets the most coverage in the press, and is usually one of the few times in the week that parliament is broadcast on TV and radio news.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 171) “Questions are often long, structurally complex and contain many assertions and presuppositions, and their function is typically not only to find out information but also to criticise, demean or insult political opponents and their political parties.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 174) “One of the ways in which these contrasts are strengthened is by the use of pronouns to establish group identities and allegiances in order to emphasise the differences between ‘us' and ‘them'. For example in Transcript 13, line 42, the Prime Minister says 'they think it doesn't matter that these families are getting more money' contrasting what 'they' (the opposition) think with what 'we' (the government) think.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “The Prime Minister often uses the pronoun 'we' to refer to the government whereas Hague rarely refers to his party in this way. This probably reflects the fact that Hague is in a less powerful position than the Prime Minister whereas every time the Prime Minister refers to 'we the government' he is reinforcing his position as the most powerful person in the debating chamber.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 175) “The second way in which these descriptions are adversarial is that opponents are often referred to in a way that attributes them with morally accountable behaviour, and this is often linked to the truth or veracity of their claims.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 176) “Typically the most adversarial exchanges are between Conservative Party MPs and government Ministers. Conducive questions are common, although they are not always responded to in the direct, unmitigated way in which Blair responds to Hague in Transcripts 12 and 13.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 179) “However, although she is technically asking the Prime Minister a question, the function of her turn is not to find something out but rather to announce something and give the Prime Minister the opportunity to talk about a successful government innovation.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 181) “In some cases when Labour MPs ask government Ministers questions the function of the question is purely to criticise the opposition, so the question is extremely adversarial but not directed at the Minister who is answering the question.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 184) “The Minister replies using few adversarial features. Although she does establish contrasts by using the pronoun 'we' and referring to 'our view' she does not attack the previous government or describe her opponents in an aggravated way.”
{\textperiodcentered}      “Table 9 shows that 82 {\%} (164) of questions in the eleven DQT and PMQT sessions were asked by male MPs and 18 {\%} (36) of questions were asked by women MPs. In this sample the number of questions asked is exactly in proportion to the representation of men and women MPs in parliament (82{\%} and 18{\%} respectively).”
{\textperiodcentered}      “Table 11 shows that in Prime Minister's question times 86{\%} of questions were asked by male MPs and 14{\%} by female MPs. This means that only one in seven questions in PMQT were asked by women which is not representative of the one fifth of women MPs in the House of Commons.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 191) “Seven adversarial features were used, these were: opposing stances between MPs (such as the 'up' and 'down' or pro and con stances identified in section 6.3.); positive and negative contrasts (typically between the actions of the speaker's party and the opposing party); the use of personal pronouns to strengthen these contrasts (such as we, they, them and us); aggravated descriptions; descriptions which hold the other side morally accountable; personal attacks on MPs; and truth or veracity claims.”
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 196) “Figure 8 shows that out of the 100 questions asked in PMQT and DQT sessions, PMQT sessions contained more adversarial questions (58) and fewer non- adversarial questions (42), whilst the DQT sessions contained more non- adversarial questions (57) and fewer adversarial questions (43). This shows that out of the two types of session and as suggested at the beginning of this chapter, PMQT sessions are more adversarial than DQT sessions.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 204) “The finding that most women MPs who asked questions did not adopt an adversarial linguistic style in question times bears out claims made by language and gender researchers (such as Coates 1991, 1993; Holmes 1992, 1995; Jones 1980 and Tannen 1984, 1986) that women avoid using a 'typically competitive, argumentative and verbally aggressive style' (Holmes 1992: 131).”},
author = {Shaw, Sylvia},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Shaw - 2002 - Language and Gender in Political Debates in the House of Commons.pdf:pdf},
school = {University of London},
title = {{Language and Gender in Political Debates in the House of Commons}},
year = {2002}
}
@article{Gabriel2017,
abstract = {Emotional appeals have always been an important instrument in the mobilization of political support in modern societies. As found in several experimental studies from the United States, the emotions displayed by leading politicians in their televised public appearances have an impact on the political attitudes and behaviors of the public. Positive emotions such as joy or happiness, pride, and amusement elicit a more positive assessment of politicians, whereas showing negative emotions such as anger or outrage often diminishes the public's support. This transfer of emotions from sender to recipient has been described as ''emotional contagion.'' However, under specific circumstances, emotions expressed by politicians can result in counter-empathic reactions among recipients. To examine the role of emotions between political leaders and the public in an institutional and cultural setting outside the United States, this article presents experimental findings on the impact of emotions expressed by two leading German politicians on the German public. The study used emotional displays by Chancellor Angela Merkel and former parliamentary leader of the Left Party, Gregor Gysi, observing how their assessments by the German public changed in response to these displays. Consistent with existing research, we discovered positive effects on the evaluation of both politicians when they displayed positive emotions. However, the impact of negative emotions is different for Merkel and Gysi and can be described as contagion in the former and counter-contagion in the latter case. Furthermore, we found that individual recognition of the expressed emotions modified the effect they had on the evaluation of some leadership characteristics.},
author = {Gabriel, Oscar W and Masch, Lena},
doi = {10.1017/pls.2017.15},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Gabriel, Masch - 2017 - Displays of emotion and citizen support for Merkel and Gysi How emotional contagion affects evaluations of leade.pdf:pdf},
journal = {Politics and the Life Sciences},
keywords = {Leadership qualities,candidate orientation,emotional contagion,emotions,personalization,survey experiments},
number = {2},
pages = {80--103},
title = {{Displays of emotion and citizen support for Merkel and Gysi How emotional contagion affects evaluations of leadership}},
volume = {36},
year = {2017}
}
@article{Lyall2009,
author = {Lyall, Jason},
doi = {0022002708330881},
journal = {Journal of Conflict Resolution},
number = {3},
pages = {331--362},
title = {{Does Indiscriminate Violence Incite Insurgent Attacks?: Evidence from Chechnya}},
volume = {53},
year = {2009}
}
@article{Gilardi2015,
abstract = {This article investigates the supply side of women's political representation by focusing on how the election of female politicians affects the motivation of women to run for office in other units. The analysis relies on an original data set of over 1,500 municipal elections in Switzerland, starting with the first election after the introduction of women's suffrage. In the first election in which women could participate, the election of a woman in a given municipality was associated in the next election with an additional female candidate in 10{\%} of its neighbors. The relationship decreases over time, fades away after 16 years, and is driven primarily by new female candidates in units where no female incumbents are running for reelection. These findings suggest that role models are important for improving women's representation, but only in its early stages. This conclusion could be relevant for understanding the political representation of other underrepresented groups.},
author = {Gilardi, Fabrizio},
doi = {10.7910/DVN/26570},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Gilardi - 2015 - The Temporary Importance of Role Models for Women's Political Representation.pdf:pdf},
journal = {American Journal of Political Science},
number = {4},
pages = {957--970},
title = {{The Temporary Importance of Role Models for Women's Political Representation}},
volume = {59},
year = {2015}
}
@article{Bradley1952,
author = {Bradley, Ralph Allan and Terry, Milton E.},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Bradley, Terry - 1952 - Rank Analysis of Incomplete Block Designs I. The Method of Paired Comparisons.pdf:pdf},
journal = {Biometrika},
number = {3},
pages = {324--345},
title = {{Rank Analysis of Incomplete Block Designs: I. The Method of Paired Comparisons}},
url = {https://www.jstor.org/stable/pdf/2334029.pdf},
volume = {39},
year = {1952}
}
@article{Farhang2002,
abstract = {This article assesses how the institutional context of decision making on three-judge panels of the federal Court of Appeals affects the impact that gender and race have on judicial decisions. Our central question is whether and how racial minority and women judges influence legal policy on issues thought to be of particular concern to women and minorities when serving on appellate panels which decide cases by majority rule. Proper analysis of this question requires investigating whether women and minority judges influence the decisions of other panel members. We find that the norm of unanimity on panels grants women influence over outcomes even when they are outnumbered on a panel.},
author = {Farhang, Sean and Wawro, Gregory},
doi = {10.1093/jleo/ewh035},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Farhang, Wawro - 2004 - Institutional Dynamics on the U.S. Court of Appeals Minority Representation Under Panel Decision Making.pdf:pdf},
journal = {The Journal of Law, Economics {\&} Organisation},
number = {2},
pages = {299--330},
title = {{Institutional Dynamics on the U.S. Court of Appeals: Minority Representation Under Panel Decision Making}},
url = {https://gspp.berkeley.edu/assets/uploads/research/pdf/JLEO{\_}Final{\_}Paper.pdf},
volume = {20},
year = {2004}
}
@article{Dowling2015,
abstract = {W hen the 113th Congress convened in January 2013, women occupied only 17.9{\%} of the 435 seats in the U.S. House, 1 ranking the United States 80th globally in terms of the percentage of women serving in the lower legislative assembly. 2 The underrepresentation of women is particularly puzzling, as political scientists since the 1990s have consistently shown that women candidates are not of demonstrably less quality than men on average (see Fulton},
author = {Dowling, Conor M and Miller, Michael G},
doi = {10.1017/S1743923X14000555},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Dowling, Miller - 2015 - Can Information Alter Perceptions about Women's Chances of Winning Office Evidence from a Panel Study.pdf:pdf},
journal = {Politics {\&} Gender},
pages = {55--88},
title = {{Can Information Alter Perceptions about Women's Chances of Winning Office? Evidence from a Panel Study}},
url = {http://www.ipu.org/wmn-e/classif.htm},
volume = {11},
year = {2015}
}
@book{Harmer2021,
address = {Bristol},
author = {Harmer, Emily},
publisher = {Bristol University Press},
title = {{Women, Media, and Elections: Representation and Marginalization in British Politics}},
year = {2021}
}
@article{Burgess1999,
abstract = {The authors discussed the ways in which the distinction between the descriptive and prescriptive components of gender stereotypes may provide a context for thinking about the role of gender stereotyping in sex discrimination and sexual harassment. They reviewed the research literature involving the descriptive and prescriptive components of gender stereotypes, with particular emphasis on research published since the American Psychological Association's 1991 amicus brief in Price Waterhouse v. Hopkins (1989). They suggested that incidents of sex discrimination that involve disparate treatment are more likely to reflect the prescriptive component of gender stereotypes and that incidents of sex discrimination that result in disparate impact are more likely to reflect the descriptive component. The authors discussed the implications of this distinction for sex discrimination and sexual harassment litigation.},
author = {Burgess, Diana J and Borgida, Eugene},
doi = {10.1037/1076-8971.5.3.665},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Burgess, Borgida - 1999 - Who Women Are, Who Women Should Be Descriptive and Prescriptive Gender Stereotyping in Sex Discrimination.pdf:pdf},
journal = {Psychology, Public Policy and Law},
number = {3},
pages = {665--692},
title = {{Who Women Are, Who Women Should Be: Descriptive and Prescriptive Gender Stereotyping in Sex Discrimination}},
url = {https://www.researchgate.net/publication/232572772},
volume = {5},
year = {1999}
}
@article{Welch1997,
author = {Welch, Don D.},
journal = {Southern California Interdisciplinary Law Journal},
pages = {55--88},
title = {{Ruling with the Heart: Emotion-Based Public Policy}},
volume = {6},
year = {1997}
}
@article{Young2012,
abstract = {An increasing number of studies in political communication focus on the ?sentiment? or ?tone? of news content, political speeches, or advertisements. This growing interest in measuring sentiment coincides with a dramatic increase in the volume of digitized information. Computer automation has a great deal of potential in this new media environment. The objective here is to outline and validate a new automated measurement instrument for sentiment analysis in political texts. Our instrument uses a dictionary-based approach consisting of a simple word count of the frequency of keywords in a text from a predefined dictionary. The design of the freely available Lexicoder Sentiment Dictionary (LSD) is discussed in detail here. The dictionary is tested against a body of human-coded news content, and the resulting codes are also compared to results from nine existing content-analytic dictionaries. Analyses suggest that the LSD produces results that are more systematically related to human coding than are results based on the other available dictionaries. The LSD is thus a useful starting point for a revived discussion about dictionary construction and validation in sentiment analysis for political communication.$\backslash$nAn increasing number of studies in political communication focus on the ?sentiment? or ?tone? of news content, political speeches, or advertisements. This growing interest in measuring sentiment coincides with a dramatic increase in the volume of digitized information. Computer automation has a great deal of potential in this new media environment. The objective here is to outline and validate a new automated measurement instrument for sentiment analysis in political texts. Our instrument uses a dictionary-based approach consisting of a simple word count of the frequency of keywords in a text from a predefined dictionary. The design of the freely available Lexicoder Sentiment Dictionary (LSD) is discussed in detail here. The dictionary is tested against a body of human-coded news content, and the resulting codes are also compared to results from nine existing content-analytic dictionaries. Analyses suggest that the LSD produces results that are more systematically related to human coding than are results based on the other available dictionaries. The LSD is thus a useful starting point for a revived discussion about dictionary construction and validation in sentiment analysis for political communication.},
author = {Young, Lori and Soroka, Stuart},
doi = {10.1080/10584609.2012.671234},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Young, Soroka - 2012 - Affective News The Automated Coding of Sentiment in Political Texts.pdf:pdf},
issn = {10584609},
journal = {Political Communication},
keywords = {content analysis,media tone,methodology},
number = {2},
pages = {205--231},
title = {{Affective News: The Automated Coding of Sentiment in Political Texts}},
volume = {29},
year = {2012}
}
@techreport{Leeper2018,
abstract = {Conjoint analysis is an increasingly prominent tool for studying political preferences. The method powerfully disentangles patterns in respondents' favorability toward complex, multidi-mensional objects, such as political candidates or public policies. Most conjoint analyses rely upon a fully randomized conjoint design to generate average marginal component effects (AM-CEs), which measure the degree to which a given value of a conjoint profile feature increases or decreases respondents' support for the overall profile relative to a baseline, averaging across all respondents and all other profile features. While the AMCE has a clear causal interpretation, most published conjoint analyses also use AMCEs to simply describe preferences, often including comparisons of AMCEs between subgroups of respondents. We show how this descriptive use of conditional AMCEs can be substantially misleading about the degree of agreement or disagreement between subgroups due the simple, but often forgotten, property that interactions are sensitive to the reference category used in regression analysis. This leads to inferences about subgroup differences in preferences that have arbitrary sign, size, and significance. We demonstrate the problem using examples drawn from the published literature and provide suggestions for improved reporting and interpretation using two quantities of interest: the marginal mean and the omnibus F-test. Given the rapidly accelerating use of conjoint analyses, this paper makes an important contribution by highlighting pitfalls and presenting advice for best practice in the analysis and presentation of conjoint experiments.},
author = {Leeper, Thomas J and Hobolt, Sara B and Tilley, James},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Leeper, Hobolt, Tilley - 2018 - Measuring Subgroup Preferences in Conjoint Experiments.pdf:pdf},
title = {{Measuring Subgroup Preferences in Conjoint Experiments}},
url = {https://s3.us-east-2.amazonaws.com/tjl-sharing/assets/MeasuringSubgroupPreferences.pdf},
year = {2018}
}
@article{Hoeken2001,
abstract = {Claims about the occurrence of future events play an important role in pragmatic argumentation. Such claims can be supported by inductive arguments employing anecdotal, statistical, or causal evidence. In an experiment, the actual and perceived persuasiveness of these three types of evidence were assessed. A total of 324 participants read a newspaper article in which it was claimed that the building of a cultural centre would be profitable. This claim was supported by either anecdotal, statistical or causal evidence. The statistical evidence proved to be more convincing than the anecdotal and causal evidence. Although the latter two evidence types were equally unconvincing, the anecdotal evidence was perceived as less persuasive than the causal evidence. Therefore, the actual and perceived persuasiveness of the evidence did not correspond. These results partly replicate the results obtained in previous experiments. They also underscore the need to distinguish between the perceived and the actual persuasiveness of an argument. {\textcopyright} 2001 Kluwer Academic Publishers.},
author = {Hoeken, Hans},
doi = {10.1023/A:1012075630523},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Hoeken - 2001 - Anecdotal, statistical, and causal evidence Their perceived and actual persuasiveness.pdf:pdf},
issn = {15728374},
journal = {Argumentation},
keywords = {Evidence,Experiment,Persuasion},
pages = {425--437},
title = {{Anecdotal, statistical, and causal evidence: Their perceived and actual persuasiveness}},
volume = {15},
year = {2001}
}
@article{Bachtiger2014,
abstract = {(eds.), Oxford Handbook of Legislative Studies, Oxford: Oxford University Press. According to the Online Etymology Dictionary, the word "parliament" has its origin in the Old French word "parlement", denoting an assembly where elected or appointed members discuss and debate political issues. Yet, despite the central role of speech and debate in parliament, parliamentary speech has not figured prominently on the scholarly agenda in contemporary Political Science. As Proksch and Slapin (2012) note: "Participation in legislative debates is among the most visible activities of members of parliament (MPs), yet debates remain an understudied form of legislative behavior." The conventional view holds that parliamentary debate does not have any impact on policy-making and is little more than the "public displays of the policy platforms of both government and opposition" (Brennan and Hamlin 1993:447). Consequently, the purpose of parliamentary debate seems largely symbolic. In the last two decades, however, scholars have begun to refine as well as to challenge the conventional view. Not only is legislative speech more varied than commonly assumed, some scholars also argue that under specific conditions, legislative speech may be much more than the sterile argumentative confrontation of government and opposition and even display features that have normative appeal. Three approaches can be distinguished: a strategic and partisan-rhetoric approach (anchored in rational choice theory), a deliberative approach, and a discourse approach. The strategic and partisan-rhetoric approach provides a systematization and extension of the conventional view: starting from the assumption that legislative speech is cheap talk and its main purpose partisan and electoral, it offers some intriguing insights in its variability, especially by adopting a comparative approach and by exploring the effects of 1},
author = {B{\"{a}}chtiger, Andr{\'{e}}},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/B{\"{a}}chtiger - 2014 - Debate and Deliberation in Parliament.pdf:pdf},
journal = {The Oxford Handbook of Legislative Studies},
pages = {145--166},
title = {{Debate and Deliberation in Parliament}},
year = {2014}
}
@article{Cassese2018a,
abstract = {Research on negative campaigning has largely overlooked the role of stereotypes. In this study, we argue that the gender and partisan stereotypes associated with traits and policy issues interact with a candidate's gender and partisanship to shape the effectiveness of campaign attacks. We draw on expectancy-violation theory to argue that candidates may be evaluated more harshly when attacks suggest the candidate has violated stereotypic assumptions about their group. Thus, attacks on a candidate's “home turf,” or those traits or issues traditionally associated with their party or gender, may be more effective in reducing support for the attacked candidate. We use two survey experiments to examine the effects of stereotype-based attacks—a Trait Attack Study and an Issue Attack Study. The results suggest that female candidates are particularly vulnerable to trait based attacks that challenge stereotypically feminine strengths. Both male and female candidates proved vulnerable to attacks on policy issues stereotypically associated with their party and gender, but the negative effects of all forms of stereotype-based attacks were especially large for democratic women. Our results offer new insights into the use of stereotypes in negative campaigning and their consequences for the electoral fortunes of political candidates.},
author = {Cassese, Erin C. and Holman, Mirya R.},
doi = {10.1007/s11109-017-9423-7},
file = {:Users/lotte/Dropbox/PhD/style{\_}experiment/lit/Cassese-Holman2018{\_}Article{\_}PartyAndGenderStereotypesInCam.pdf:pdf},
issn = {01909320},
journal = {Political Behavior},
keywords = {Gender,Issue ownership,Negative campaigning,Partisanship,Stereotypes,Traits,Vote choice},
number = {3},
pages = {785--807},
publisher = {Springer US},
title = {{Party and Gender Stereotypes in Campaign Attacks}},
volume = {40},
year = {2018}
}
@article{Epitropaki2004,
abstract = {The present empirical investigation had a 3-fold purpose; (a) to cross-validate L. R. Offermann, J. K. Kennedy, and P. W. Wirtz's (1994) scale of Implicit Leadership Theories (ILTs) in several organizational settings and to further provide a shorter scale of ILTs in organizations; (b) to assess the generalizability of ILTs across different employee groups, and (c) to evaluate ILTs' change over time. Two independent samples were used for the scale validation (N 1 = 500 and N 2 = 439). A 6-factor structure (Sensitivity, Intelligence, Dedication, Dynamism, Tyranny, and Masculinity) was found to most accurately represent ILTs in organizational settings. Regarding the generalizability of ILTs, although the 6-factor structure was consistent across different employee groups, there was only partial support for total factorial invariance. Finally, evaluation of gamma, beta, and alpha change provided support for ILTs' stability over time.},
author = {Epitropaki, Olga and Martin, Robin},
doi = {10.1037/0021-9010.89.2.293},
file = {:Users/lotte/Dropbox/PhD/style{\_}experiment/lit/Implicit{\_}Leadership{\_}Theories{\_}in{\_}Applied{\_}Settings{\_}F.pdf:pdf},
issn = {00219010},
journal = {Journal of Applied Psychology},
number = {2},
pages = {293--310},
pmid = {15065976},
title = {{Implicit Leadership Theories in Applied Settings: Factor Structure, Generalizability, and Stability Over Time}},
volume = {89},
year = {2004}
}
@article{Buser2014,
abstract = {Gender differences in competitiveness have been hypothesized as a poten-tial explanation for gender differences in education and labor market outcomes. We examine the predictive power of a standard laboratory experimental meas-ure of competitiveness for the later important choice of academic track of sec-ondary school students in the Netherlands. Although boys and girls display similar levels of academic ability, boys choose substantially more prestigious academic tracks, where more prestigious tracks are more math-and science-intensive. Our experimental measure shows that boys are also substantially more competitive than girls. We find that competitiveness is strongly positively correlated with choosing more prestigious academic tracks even conditional on academic ability. Most important, we find that the gender difference in com-petitiveness accounts for a substantial portion (about 20{\%}) of the gender dif-ference in track choice. JEL Codes: C9, I20, J24, J16.},
author = {Buser, Thomas and Niederle, Muriel and Oosterbeek, Hessel},
doi = {10.1093/qje/qju009},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Buser, Niederle, Oosterbeek - 2014 - Gender, competitiveness, and career choices.pdf:pdf},
isbn = {4933197725},
issn = {15314650},
journal = {Quarterly Journal of Economics},
number = {3},
pages = {1409--1447},
pmid = {16852277},
title = {{Gender, Competitiveness, and Career Choices}},
volume = {129},
year = {2014}
}
@article{Banwart2005,
abstract = {Throughout the literature much of the research on political campaign debates has focused on presidential debates and has largely ignored non-presidential debates, particularly those featuring candidates competing in mixed-gender races. The purpose of this study is to draw attention to these non-presidential debates and particularly those in which gender may play a pivotal role. Through our analysis of four debates—two gubernatorial and two U.S. Senate debates—we advance the notion of debatestyle as a useful analytic scheme to examine the verbal content of female and male candidate debate dialogue. While few differences in female and male debatestyles ultimately emerged, results of the current study indicate that female and male political candidates, when engaged in debate, adopt a strategy of gendered adaptiveness that offers important contributions to both research on political debates as well as research on gender and politics.},
annote = {{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 353) “Through our analysis of four debates—two gubernatorial and two U.S. Senate debates—we advance the notion of debatestyle as a useful analytic scheme to examine the verbal content of female and male candidate debate dialogue. While few differences in female and male debatestyles ultimately emerged, results of the current study indicate that female and male political candidates, when engaged in debate, adopt a strategy of gendered adaptiveness that offers important contributions to both research on political debates as well as research on gender and politics.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 354) Values of lower than presidential level debate analysis: “For example, below the presidential level female candidates are seeking—and being elected to— public office in greater numbers; and, these candidates engage frequently in campaign debates, most often with a male opponent.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “Women's verbal communication, also referred to as “feminine language” (Bate {\&} Bowker, 1997), is considered a way in which relationships can be established and maintained (Bate {\&} Bowker, 1997; Tannen, 1990; Wood, 1994), promoting such feelings of understanding, equality, support, closeness, and inclusivity.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “Women's style is also personal, consisting of “details, personal disclosures, anecdotes, and concrete reasoning” (Wood, 1994, p. 142), and incorporates the use of hedges, tag questions, and adjective and adverb qualifiers (Bate {\&} Bowker, 1997; Wood, 1994).” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “Men's verbal communication is considered a tool for establishing control and status (Tannen, 1990; Wood, 1994), including more assertions than questions and a focus on goals/tasks (Bate {\&} Bowker, 1997; Wood, 1994). Men may interrupt to establish dominance, speak more abstractly, indicate little sympathy (Wood, 1994), and use non-standard speech for emphasis (Bate {\&} Bowker, 1997), but will rarely use qualifiers (Bate {\&} Bowker, 1997; Wood, 1994).” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 355) “Campbell (1989) has advanced a model of rhetoric grounded in women's lived experiences. Developed through analysis of the rhetorical strategies employed by nineteenth-century female American rhetors, Campbell described the “feminine style” as rhetoric “that displays a personal tone, uses personal experiences, anecdotes and examples as evidence, exhibits inductive structure, emphasizes audience participation, and encourages identification between speaker and audience” (p. 13).” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “Blankenship and Robson (1995), examining various speeches and utterances of a number of contemporary female political leaders, also described a feminine style in political discourse very similar to Campbell's model.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “Dow and Tonn (1993) applied Campbell's model of feminine style to the rhetoric of Ann Richards, finding that the Texas Governor's speeches were characterized largely by “use of narrative, concrete examples, analogies, and anecdotes as primary evidence sources; personal tone and encouragement of audience participation with an alternative political philosophy reflecting feminine ideals of care, nurturance, and family relationship” (p. 289).” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “Importantly, Campbell points out that although the feminine style emerged from the rhetoric and experiences of women, “it was not and is not today a style exclusive to women, either as speakers or as audiences” (p. 12). The ability for males, as well as females, to adopt a feminine style is developed more fully by Jamieson (1995) who argues that the narrative structure of mediated messages may actually allow males to employ the feminine style more successfully.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “Edelsky and Adams (1990) studied six mixed-gender state and local debates and found clear differences between male and female candidates' communication patterns as “men got better treatment (safer turn spaces, extra turns, more follow-ups on their topics) and they took control of more resources (more time for their positions, and more of the ‘aggressive' speaking)” (p. 186).”
{\textperiodcentered}      “Thus, the categories included: use of negative attacks, types of appeals used (logical, emotional, source credibility), structure of appeals used (inductive, deductive), content of appeals, emphasis of message (focus on issues, candidate image, campaign strategy), character traits emphasized, issues emphasized, use of “incumbent” and “challenger” strategies, and use of “feminine” and “masculine” strategies.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 360) Looked at the types of attacks – direct against opponent, direct against another politician, direct against another party, indirect against government/other parties, indirect/implicit attack without specific mention of the object of the attack 
{\textperiodcentered}      Types of attack included – personal characteristics, issues stands/consistency of opponent, opponent's group affiliations/associations, opponent's backgrounds/qualifications, opponents past positions – “Our results indicated no significant differences between female and male candidates' use of negative attacks in the debates.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “Our second research question asked if female and male candidates would differ in the types of appeals used in their debate responses. To answer this question we compared female and male candidates on the type of appeals used (logical, emotional, source credibility), use of fear appeals, appeal structure (inductive, deductive), and content of appeal (partisan, issue-related, personal characteristics, link with demo- graphic groups). Again, our results indicated no significant differences in the use of appeals by female and male candidates in their debate responses.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “The third research question asked if female and male candidates would differ in the types of issues emphasized. First, the segment was coded for whether it emphasized issues, images, or campaign strategy. Our results indicated no significant differences in the dominant emphasis of the debate segments; both female and male candidates emphasized issues (females: 69, 82{\%}; males 68, 82{\%}) over candidate images (females: 9, 11{\%}; males: 7, 8{\%}) or campaign strategies (females: 6, 7{\%}; males: 8, 10{\%}) in their debate segments. The debate segments were then analyzed for the presence of specific issue discussion. While the candidates talked predominantly about taxes (females: 31, 37{\%}; males: 29, 35{\%}), the economy (females: 24, 29{\%}; males: 27, 33{\%}), and education (females: 26, 31{\%}; males: 23, 28{\%}), they did not talk about any issues at significantly different levels.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 361) “The fifth and sixth research questions asked whether female and male candidates would differ in the type of strategies used in their responses. To answer these questions the debate responses were analyzed for the use of incumbency and challenger strategies and for the use of feminine and masculine strategies. No significant differences emerged between the candidates' use of incumbent and challenger strategies; also, no significant differences emerged between the candidates' use of feminine and masculine strategies.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “In their use of incumbent and challenger strategies included in their debate responses, female Republicans (13, 32{\%}) were more likely to stress their own accomplishments than were male Democrats (5, 13{\%}), $\chi$2(1, N = 81) = 4.32, p = .038. When examining the use of feminine and masculine strategies, female Republicans (16, 39{\%}) were more likely to use anecdotes as evidence, a feminine strategy, than were male Democrats (6, 15{\%}),$\chi$2(1, N = 81) = 5.91, p = .015.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 363) “Our findings indicated no differences when comparing overall female and male debatestyles. Slight differences were found both by party affiliation and level of office, although female and male candidate debatestyles are predominantly similar when compared within these race descriptives. Even with very few differences emerging, we argue these results are both informative and an important addition to the study of gender and politics.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “In short, it appears that female candidates incorporate typically masculine attributes into their debate dialogue just as frequently as their male opponents, and male candidates incorporate typically feminine attributes in their debate dialogue just as frequently as their female opponents. Thus, we propose that when female and male candidates meet face-to-face on the debate stage, both seem mindful of gendered stereotypes and approach their debate task by generating a dialogue of gendered adaptiveness.”
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 370) “While the results of this study suggest there are far more similarities in female and male candidate debatestyles, it does present important findings. The study demonstrates that a certain communication style is apparent in political campaign debates between female and male candidates. Importantly, although the typical clash and aggressive nature of a debate might suggest this is a forum in which female candidates must adjust and orient themselves to an entirely different manner of communicating, we in fact have found that a certain gendered adaptiveness occurs in campaign debates for both female and male candidates. In other words, not one specific typology—masculine or feminine—seems to dominate.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “For instance, while female and male candidates use logical appeals and a deductive structure of reasoning, they discuss stereotypically masculine and feminine issues at almost identical frequencies. Although masculine character traits (e.g., aggressiveness) are much more frequently emphasized by both female and male candidates than are feminine character traits, both female and male candidates develop their debate responses by using feminine communication strategies (e.g., use of personal tone) more frequently than masculine communication strategies.”},
author = {Banwart, Mary Christine and McKinney, Mitchell S.},
doi = {10.1080/10510970500319443},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Banwart, McKinney - 2005 - A Gendered Influence in Campaign Debates Analysis of Mixed-gender United States Senate and Gubernatorial Deba.pdf:pdf},
journal = {Communication Studies},
number = {4},
pages = {353--373},
title = {{A Gendered Influence in Campaign Debates? Analysis of Mixed-gender United States Senate and Gubernatorial Debates}},
volume = {56},
year = {2005}
}
@article{Lloren2015,
abstract = {To what extent does the inclusion of marginalised groups in policymaking institutions influence policy outcomes? This article examines whether and under which conditions female legislators are more likely to represent women's interests compared with male legislators. Building on the literature on women's substantive representation, it is argued that the advocacy of women's interests by female representatives depends on a number of factors, namely party affiliation, contact with women's organisations, electoral district, and seniority. This argument is evaluated using vote-level fixed-effect models based on a unique data set from a direct democratic context that combines representatives' voting behaviour, women's voting preferences, and recommendations from feminist groups. The findings show that female legislators defend feminist interests more than their male colleagues but that they only marginally respond to women's electoral preferences. Moreover, gender has its most visible effect within the populist party.},
author = {Lloren, Anouk},
doi = {10.1080/13572334.2014.966643},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Lloren - 2015 - Women's Substantive Representation Defending Feminist Interests or Women's Electoral Preferences.pdf:pdf},
issn = {17439337},
journal = {Journal of Legislative Studies},
keywords = {Switzerland,representation,roll call votes,women's electoral preferences,women's interests},
number = {2},
pages = {144--167},
publisher = {Taylor {\&} Francis},
title = {{Women's Substantive Representation: Defending Feminist Interests or Women's Electoral Preferences?}},
url = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13572334.2014.966643},
volume = {21},
year = {2015}
}
@article{Lovenduski2003,
abstract = {The entry of the 1997 cohort of Labour women into public life offers a test case of whether, and under what conditions, women politicians have the capacity to 'make a substantive difference'. We outlines the theory of the politics of presence and discuss how to operationalise this in a testable model. We, use the British Representation Study survey of 1,000 national politicians (including parliamentary candidates and elected Members of Parliament) conducted in the 2001 general election. The analysis centres on the impact of gender on five scales measuring attitudes and values on issues that commonly divide British party politics. Once we control for party, there are no significant differences among women and men politicians across the value scales concerning the free market economy, Europe, and moral traditional-ism. Yet on the values most directly related to women's interests-namely the affirmative action and the gender equality scales-women and men politicians differ significantly within each party, even after controlling for other common social background variables that explain attitudes, such as their age, education, and income. The conclusion considers why these findings matter for the composition of parliament, the public policy agenda and for women's roles as political leaders.},
author = {Lovenduski, Joni and Norris, Pippa},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Lovenduski, Norris - 2003 - Westminster Women the Politics of Presence.pdf:pdf},
journal = {Political Studies},
pages = {84--102},
title = {{Westminster Women: the Politics of Presence}},
volume = {51},
year = {2003}
}
@article{Bachtiger2010,
author = {B{\"{a}}chtiger, Andr{\'{e}} and Niemeyer, Simon and Neblo, Michael and Steenbergen, Marco R. and Steiner, J{\"{u}}rg},
doi = {10.1111/j.1467-9760.2009.00342.x},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/B{\"{a}}chtiger et al. - 2010 - Disentangling Diversity in Deliberative Democracy Competing Theories, Their Blind Spots and Complementarities.pdf:pdf},
issn = {09638016},
journal = {Journal of Political Philosophy},
number = {1},
pages = {32--63},
title = {{Disentangling Diversity in Deliberative Democracy: Competing Theories, Their Blind Spots and Complementarities}},
volume = {18},
year = {2010}
}
@article{Bonneau2020,
author = {Bonneau, Chris W. and Kanthak, Kristin},
doi = {10.1080/21565503.2018.1528159},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Bonneau, Kanthak - 2020 - Stronger together political ambition and the presentation of women running for office.pdf:pdf},
issn = {2156-5503},
journal = {Politics, Groups, and Identities},
keywords = {Election aversion,Hillary Clinton,experiment,political ambition,presidential election},
number = {3},
pages = {576--594},
publisher = {Taylor {\&} Francis},
title = {{Stronger together: political ambition and the presentation of women running for office}},
url = {https://doi.org/10.1080/21565503.2018.1528159},
volume = {8},
year = {2020}
}
@article{Jansa2018,
abstract = {Research on policy reinvention tends to focus on whether policies become more or less comprehensive over time while neglecting to explain copying policy language verbatim. We argue that the extent to which lawmakers reinvent policy depends on the resources available to them. Lawmakers serving in more professional state legislatures have greater capacity to reinvent policies. In contrast, lawmakers serving in less professional settings are more likely to copy policy language. As evidence, we gather bill texts of 12 policies that diffused across the 50 states between 1982 and 2014. Using cosine similarity scores to measure language copying, we find that less professional legislatures copy more text from previous adopters, and that the likeliest culprit is a lack of funding for staff assistance. The findings have implications for states' ability to amend policies to suit their own citizens' needs.},
author = {Jansa, Joshua M and Hansen, Eric R and Gray, Virginia H},
doi = {10.1177/1532673X18776628},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Jansa, Hansen, Gray - 2018 - Copy and Paste Lawmaking Legislative Professionalism and Policy Reinvention in the States.pdf:pdf},
journal = {American Politics Research},
keywords = {legislative professionalism,policy reinvention,state politics,text analysis},
number = {0},
pages = {1--29},
title = {{Copy and Paste Lawmaking: Legislative Professionalism and Policy Reinvention in the States}},
url = {https://doi.org/10.1177/1532673X18776628},
volume = {00},
year = {2018}
}
@article{Hohmann2020a,
abstract = {This paper analyzes the conditions affecting male Members of Parliaments' (MPs) proclivity for representing women's interests. It particularly explores whether the presence of female MPs has an effect on men's parliamentary behavior. Three contrasting effects are discussed in the literature: (1) A spillover effect which postulates that men will become more likely to act on behalf of women if the number of female MPs increases, (2) a group-threat effect which creates a hostile backlash among male MPs, or (3) a specialization effect which makes male MPs less likely to represent women because this is typically seen as a function that should be fulfilled by female MPs. Empirically, this paper analyzes the representation of women's issues in parliamentary questions tabled in the German Bundestag (1998-2013) by using automated content analysis. The results support the specialization hypothesis and show that male MPs reduce their intensity of women's representation if the proportion of female MPs is high.},
author = {H{\"{o}}hmann, Daniel},
doi = {10.1111/spsr.12392},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/H{\"{o}}hmann - 2020 - When Do Men Represent Women's Interests in Parliament How the Presence of Women in Parliament Affects the Legislativ.pdf:pdf},
issn = {16626370},
journal = {Swiss Political Science Review},
keywords = {Representation,gender,male MPs,parliamentary questions,women's interests},
number = {1},
pages = {31--50},
title = {{When Do Men Represent Women's Interests in Parliament? How the Presence of Women in Parliament Affects the Legislative Behavior of Male Politicians}},
volume = {26},
year = {2020}
}
@book{Volden2014f,
address = {Cambridge},
annote = {Chapter 2: Measuring Legislative Effectiveness 
  
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 19) “Specifically, we consider: (1) how many bills each legislator introduces (BILL), and how many of those bills (2) receive action in committee (AIC), (3) pass out of committee and receive action on the floor of the House (ABC), (4) pass the House (PASS), and (5) ultimately become law (LAW).” 
  
Chapter 4: The Tale of Three Minorities 
  
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 89) “Most succinctly, the consensus-building activities of women in Congress pay particular dividends when they are in the minority party, during which time the fate of their legislative proposals in committee and on the floor rests crucially on gaining support from those across the aisle.” 
  
The Legislative Effectiveness of Women in Congress 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 90) “Scholarship on the role of women in legislatures has made significant contributions in uncovering when and why women run for political office, how voters respond to male and female candidates, and how men and women differ in their proposals and legislative styles upon entering the legislature.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “Many scholars have identified gender as an important variable for explaining political behaviour in legislative institutions. For example, numerous studies have demonstrated that female legislators are more likely than their male counterparts to sponsor legislation that focuses on “women's issues,” such as education, child care, and family health.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 91) “Additional gender differences have also been found in such areas as leadership styles, constituency service, and communication patterns in hearings.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “Taken together, this literature collectively points to substantial differences between the behaviours of male and female members of Congress and state legislatures, such as in women's desires to build consensus across party lines.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “On the one hand, scholars have uncovered numerous potential institutional limitations that women face in their day- to-day lawmaking, especially as minority participants in a classically “old boys club.” Yet, in many cases, female legislators have not been found to be systematically less effective than men in their lawmaking roles.” – Chapter 2 shows women are more effective lawmakers than men 
{\textperiodcentered}      How do women face these challenges and succeed?: “First, there is a great deal of emphasis on how women in legislatures feel they must work harder than men to achieve similar lawmaking success.” – “A nationwide survey conducted by the Center for American Women and Politics (CAWP) shows this pattern most starkly, with 74 percent of female state legislators reporting working harder than their male colleagues” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 92) “Second, the propensity of women to engage in consensus-building activities may bolster their legislative effectiveness. Previous research has argued that there are significant differences between the political approaches employed by male and female lawmakers, with women being more collaborative and con- sensual, and men being more individualistic and competitive.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “For example, surveys characterize women in state legislatures as “more committed team players than men” and find that “gender differences are more pronounced with respect to activities that involve communication and compromise.”” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “Moreover, we argue that these behavioural tendencies interact in important ways with the political party effects found to be so significant in Chapter 3. Although these feminized strategies of cooperation, conciliation, and consensus building may be undervalued and therefore hinder female legislators in some settings, such leadership approaches may be quite valuable under certain political circumstances.23 Specifically, cooperation and consensus building may help female legislators effectively work with members in the majority party, even when they themselves are members of the minority party.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 93) Hypothesis: women in the minority party would be more effective, women and men in the majority party would be equally effective 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 94) “women are about 10 percent more effective as lawmakers than are men” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “Women in the majority party are only about 5 percent more effective than majority-party men, perhaps explaining why such an effect is not detected as being statistically significant.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 96) “It is possible that the consensus-building activities of women were more valuable among majority-party women during the less-polarized early Congresses of the 1970s and 1980s than the more- polarized Congresses of recent years.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “Such analyses show, for example, that controlling for all these other factors, women introduce 1.89 more bills on average than do men. Given that the average number of introductions for men is 17.4 bills per Congress, women introduce about 11 percent more pieces of legislation than do men. This is consistent with the behavioural claims of women exerting higher effort than men and of women adopting a larger agenda, perhaps in their role as “surrogate representatives” for all women.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 98) “In terms of the number of sponsored bills that become law, minority-party women have an enhanced lawmaking rate of 26 percent beyond that achieved by minority-party men.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “In contrast, there is no significant difference between the overall lawmaking production of men and women in the majority party. This is not to say that women get more done when in the minority party than when they are in the majority party.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “To paraphrase Marjorie Holt's sentiment, it appears that minority-party women do, indeed, believe they've got to play the game in order to win. And they do so effectively.”},
author = {Volden, Craig and Wiseman, Alan},
publisher = {Cambridge University Press},
title = {{Legislative Effectiveness in the United States Congress}},
year = {2014}
}
@article{Aaldering2018b,
abstract = {Conventional wisdom holds that party leaders matter in democratic elections. As very few voters have direct contact with party leaders, media are voters' primary source of information about these leaders and, thus, the likely origin of leader effects on party support. Our study focuses on these supposed electoral effects of the media coverage of party leaders. We examine the positive and negative effects of specific leadership images in Dutch newspapers on vote intentions. To this end, we combine an extensive automated content analysis of leadership images in the media with a panel data set, the Dutch 1Vandaag Opinion Panel (1VOP), consisting of more than fifty thousand unique respondents and 110 waves of interviews conducted between September 2006 and September 2012. The results confirm that media coverage of party leaders' character traits affects voters: Positive mediated leadership images increase support for the leader's party, while negative images decrease this support. However, this influence is not unconditional: During campaign periods, positive leadership images have a stronger effect, while negative images no longer have an impact on subsequent vote intentions.},
author = {Aaldering, Loes and {Van Der Meer}, Tom and {Van Der Brug}, Wouter},
doi = {10.1177/1940161217740696},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Aaldering, Van Der Meer, Van Der Brug - 2018 - Mediated Leader Effects The Impact of Newspapers' Portrayal of Party Leadership on Electo.pdf:pdf},
journal = {The International Journal of Press/Politics},
keywords = {Western Europe,content analysis,election campaign,media effects,panel data,political leadership,voting behavior},
number = {1},
pages = {70--94},
title = {{Mediated Leader Effects: The Impact of Newspapers' Portrayal of Party Leadership on Electoral Support}},
url = {https://doi.org/10.1177/1940161217740696},
volume = {23},
year = {2018}
}
@article{Benoit2016,
abstract = {E mpirical social science often relies on data that are not observed in the field, but are transformed into quantitative variables by expert researchers who analyze and interpret qualitative raw sources. While generally considered the most valid way to produce data, this expert-driven process is inherently difficult to replicate or to assess on grounds of reliability. Using crowd-sourcing to distribute text for reading and interpretation by massive numbers of nonexperts, we generate results comparable to those using experts to read and interpret the same texts, but do so far more quickly and flexibly. Crucially, the data we collect can be reproduced and extended transparently, making crowd-sourced datasets intrinsically reproducible. This focuses researchers' attention on the fundamental scientific objective of specifying reliable and replicable methods for collecting the data needed, rather than on the content of any particular dataset. We also show that our approach works straightforwardly with different types of political text, written in different languages. While findings reported here concern text analysis, they have far-reaching implications for expert-generated data in the social sciences. P olitical scientists have made great strides toward greater reproducibility of their findings since the publication of Gary King's influential article Replication, Replication (King 1995). It is now standard practice for good professional journals to insist that authors lodge their data and code in a prominent open access repository. This allows other scholars to repli-cate and extend published results by reanalyzing the data, rerunning and modifying the code. Replication of an analysis, however, sets a far weaker standard than reproducibility of the data, which is typically seen as a fundamental principle of the scientific method. Here, we propose a step towards a more comprehensive scientific replication standard in which the mandate is to replicate data production, not just data analysis. This shifts attention from specific datasets as the essential scientific objects of interest, to the published and reproducible method by which the data were generated. We implement this more comprehensive replication standard for the rapidly expanding project of analyzing},
author = {Benoit, Kenneth and Conway, Drew and Lauderdale, Benjamin E. and Laver, Michael and Mikhaylov, Slava},
doi = {10.1017/S0003055416000058},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Benoit et al. - 2016 - Crowd-sourced Text Analysis Reproducible and Agile Production of Political Data.pdf:pdf},
journal = {American Political Science Review},
number = {2},
pages = {278--295},
title = {{Crowd-sourced Text Analysis: Reproducible and Agile Production of Political Data}},
volume = {110},
year = {2016}
}
@article{Knobloch-Westerwick2013,
abstract = {An experiment with 243 young communication scholars tested hypotheses derived from role congruity theory regarding impacts of author gender and gender typing of research topics on perceived quality of scientific publications and collaboration interest. Participants rated conference abstracts ostensibly authored by females or males, with author associations rotated. The abstracts fell into research areas perceived as gender-typed or gender-neutral to ascertain impacts from gender typing of topics. Publications from male authors were associated with greater scientific quality, in particular if the topic was male-typed. Collaboration interest was highest for male authors working on male-typed topics. Respondent sex did not influence these patterns. Keywords gender and science, women in science, public perception of scientists, psychology of communication, culture and science Article},
author = {Knobloch-Westerwick, Silvia and Glynn, Carroll J. and Huge, Michael},
doi = {10.1177/1075547012472684},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Knobloch-Westerwick, Glynn, Huge - 2013 - The Matilda Effect in Science Communication An Experiment on Gender Bias in Publication Qualit.pdf:pdf},
journal = {Science Communication},
number = {5},
pages = {603--625},
title = {{The Matilda Effect in Science Communication: An Experiment on Gender Bias in Publication Quality Perceptions and Collaboration Interest}},
volume = {35},
year = {2013}
}
@article{Wust2014,
abstract = {The article analyses the degree of substantive representation by immigrant-origin MPs in Germany's national and state parliaments. To test the expectation that an immigration background increases the likelihood of engaging with migration-related topics, an analysis is undertaken of all parliamentary questions (PQs) formally asked by immigrant-origin MPs in Germany's national and state parliaments between 1987 and 2009. By controlling for several time-invariant and time-variant factors, the longitudinal analysis confirms that a visible immigration background results in asking more migration-related PQs. While several contextual, party-political and personal (career) factors influence the likelihood of asking such questions in parliament, there is no evidence for a decrease over time. Presence effects are significant and of lasting nature. This means that the parliamentary presence of immigrant-origin MPs with a visible background goes beyond sheer symbolic representation.},
author = {W{\"{u}}st, Andreas M.},
doi = {10.1080/13572334.2014.907601},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/W{\"{u}}st - 2014 - A Lasting Impact On the Legislative Activities of Immigrant-origin Parliamentarians in Germany.pdf:pdf},
issn = {17439337},
journal = {Journal of Legislative Studies},
keywords = {Germany,immigrants,longitudinal,parliamentarians,parliamentary questions},
number = {4},
pages = {495--515},
publisher = {Taylor {\&} Francis},
title = {{A Lasting Impact? On the Legislative Activities of Immigrant-origin Parliamentarians in Germany}},
volume = {20},
year = {2014}
}
@article{Burgoon2016,
author = {Burgoon, Judee K.},
doi = {10.4135/9781483376493.n117},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Burgoon - 2015 - Expectancy Violations Theory.pdf:pdf},
isbn = {9781118540190},
journal = {The International Encyloprdia of Interpersonal Communication},
pages = {1--9},
title = {{Expectancy Violations Theory}},
year = {2015}
}
@article{Johnston2019,
author = {Johnston, Ron and Pattie, Charles and Hartman, Todd},
doi = {10.1080/17457289.2019.1582534},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Johnston, Pattie, Hartman - 2019 - Spending, canvassing and electoral success in marginal constituencies England and Scotland in 2017.pdf:pdf},
title = {{Spending, canvassing and electoral success in marginal constituencies: England and Scotland in 2017}},
url = {https://www.tandfonline.com/action/journalInformation?journalCode=fbep20},
year = {2019}
}
@article{Pedersen2019,
abstract = {Across parliamentary democracies, elected representatives constitute the link between citizens and government. MPs can connect with voters via the party label, or through personalized forms of representation, which is seen to be increasing in importance. However, scholars disagree on what explains variation in MPs' use of personalized representation strategies. In this article, we argue that politicians use different strategies to personalize the link between themselves and citizens: a constituency-oriented and a person-oriented strategy. To test our argument, we develop a new and novel dataset with behavioral measures of personalized representation. Using a content analyses of 698 British and Danish MPs' personal websites, we demonstrate that the use of personalization strategies is conditional on the incentives MPs face in terms of electoral insecurity, candidate selection procedures, and the electoral context of the system. Our findings show that the level and type of personalized politics vary across political systems and may pose different types of challenges to party democracies.},
author = {Pedersen, Helene Helboe and VanHeerde-Hudson, Jennifer},
doi = {10.1016/j.electstud.2019.02.010},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Pedersen, VanHeerde-Hudson - 2019 - Two strategies for building a personal vote Personalized representation in the UK and Denmark.pdf:pdf},
issn = {02613794},
journal = {Electoral Studies},
keywords = {Communication strategies,Electoral incentives,MP websites,Party democracy,Personalized politics},
pages = {17--26},
publisher = {Elsevier},
title = {{Two strategies for building a personal vote: Personalized representation in the UK and Denmark}},
volume = {59},
year = {2019}
}
@article{Wojcik2018,
abstract = {Why and when do legislators vote together on policy? Do legislators decide to vote similarly mainly because of
social influence or similarity? I contribute to the literature by offering a social network theory of voting. It is argued
that close social ties help to establish reputations and to aid the flow of information among peer legislators, leading
to increased influence and increased rates of co-voting among them. I examine the relative effects of information
exchange networks and social exchange networks on rates of co-voting, controlling for similarities among legislators.
The data include legislative votes from 2010 to 2014 in the Brazilian Chamber of Deputies. The results suggest that
social influence stemming from social relationships exert substantial effects on rates of congressional co-voting.},
author = {Wojcik, Stefan},
doi = {10.1177/1065912917722417},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Wojcik - 2018 - Do Birds of a Feather Vote Together, or Is It Peer Influence.pdf:pdf},
journal = {Political Research Quarterly },
number = {1},
pages = {75--87},
title = {{Do Birds of a Feather Vote Together, or Is It Peer Influence?}},
volume = {71},
year = {2018}
}
@incollection{Barnes2016c,
abstract = {In democracies, power is obtained via competition. Yet, as women gain access to parliaments in record numbers, worldwide collaboration appears to be on the rise. This is puzzling: why, if politicians can secure power through competition, would we observe collaboration in Congress? Using evidence from 200 interviews with politicians from Argentina and a novel dataset from 23 Argentine legislative chambers over an 18-year period, Gendering Legislative Behavior reexamines traditional notions of competitive democracy by evaluating patterns of collaboration among legislators. Although only the majority can secure power via competition, all legislators - particularly those who do not have power - can influence the policy-making process through collaboration. Tiffany D. Barnes argues that as women have limited access to formal and informal political power, they collaborate more than men to influence policy-making. Despite the benefits of collaboration, patterns of collaboration vary among women because different legislative contexts either facilitate or constrain women's collaboration.},
address = {Cambridge, UK},
annote = {- (p. 143) Patterns of collaboration not only variation across chambers (chapter 5) they also vary within chambers (chapter 6) 
- (p. 144) In addition to women's issues legislation, Barnes suggests that other legislative contexts that vary within chambers also influence when women collaborate. Particilarly three factors vary significantly in the Argentine legislatures: 1) affiliation with the governor; 2) seniority status; 3) women's issues legislation 

Note to self: Look at affiliation with the governor if I decide this is interesting

Seniority 
- (p. 152) Senior women may be more willing to help newcomers learn to navigate the legislative process. In doing so, they are likely to engage in more formal collaboration such as cosponsorship and informal collaboration such as mentoring 
- Senior women are also more likely to have developed networks over time; making them more likely than junior women to collaborate 
- Senior women may be more willing than junior women to defy party norms by cosponsoring with women outside their own political parties 
Hypothesis: Female legislators with seniority are more likely than junior women to collaborate with female colleagues both in their own parties and in other political parties 
Findings: (p. 155) Senior women are more likely to collaborate with women than both men and their junior female colleagues 
- (p. 156) Senior women are more likely than junior women to collaborate with other women. However, the effect of seniority is much stronger in districts with weak party constraints than in districts with stronger party constraints
- Therefore, districts with strong party constraints pressure even senior women's ability to collaborate 

Women's issue legislation
- Findings: (p. 164) All legislators ar emore likely to collaborate with women on women's issues, there are still important differences between men and women, between legislators facing different partisan constraints and between legislators from different chambers with different gender compositions 

Conclusion
- (p. 171) Differences between senior and junior women's behaviour is striking given that seniority indicates only one additional term in office (might expect seniority would be even more important in other legislative contexts) 
- All legislators are far more likely to collaborate with female colleagues on women's issues, and this pattern is especially strong among female legislators
- Women's collaboration patterns are still structured by the larger legislative context such that women from districts with strong party disciplien behave more similarly to their male colleagues than do women from districts with weak discipline},
author = {Barnes, Tiffany},
booktitle = {Gendering Legislative Behavior: Institutional Constraints and Collaboration},
chapter = {6},
doi = {10.1017/CBO9781316534281.006},
edition = {First},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Barnes - 2016 - 6. When Do Women Collaborate Explaining Within-Chamber Variation.pdf:pdf},
pages = {143--176},
publisher = {Cambridge University Press},
title = {{6. When Do Women Collaborate? Explaining Within-Chamber Variation}},
url = {https://doi.org/10.1017/CBO9781316534281.006},
year = {2016}
}
@article{Saalfeld1995,
abstract = {Rational-choice theory, especially in its neo-institutionalist variants, is a useful tool for the explanation of legislative behaviour. It allows to generate testable hypotheses about the link between the motives of individual parliamentarians, institutional structures and policies. Based on a general theory of action, rational-choice explanations are deductive and reductionist making them particularly useful for the comparative study of parliaments. Many criticisms of rational-choice theory do not apply in the well-structured, competitive context of democratic parliamentary politics. Analytical tools like the concept of the 'legislative firm' or the 'interest-group approach of government' help to generate explanations of the link between institutions and policy outputs that are not ad hoc and can be tested against a broad array of empirical data.},
author = {Saalfeld, Thomas},
doi = {10.1080/13572339508420414},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Saalfeld - 1995 - Rational-choice theory in legislative studies Models of politics without romanticism.pdf:pdf},
issn = {1743-9337},
journal = {The Journal of Legislative Studies},
number = {1},
pages = {32--64},
title = {{Rational-choice theory in legislative studies: Models of politics without romanticism}},
url = {https://www.tandfonline.com/action/journalInformation?journalCode=fjls20},
volume = {1},
year = {1995}
}
@article{Black2016,
abstract = {A B S T R AC T The legal brief is a primary vehicle by which lawyers seek to persuade appellate judges. Despite wide acceptance that briefs are important, empirical scholarship has yet to establish their influence on the Supreme Court or fully explore justices' preferences regarding them. We argue that emotional language conveys a lack of credibility to justices and thereby diminishes the party's likelihood of garnering justices' votes. The data concur. Using an automated textual analysis program, we find that parties who employ less emotional language in their briefs are more likely to win a justice's vote, a result that holds even after controlling for other features correlated with success, such as case quality. These findings suggest that advocates seeking to influence judges can enhance their credibility and attract justices' votes by employing measured, objective language. How can attorneys establish credibility and influence Supreme Court justices? Scholarship on judicial decision making identifies a variety of factors that influence appellate judges, such as ideological goals},
annote = {This has the full list of included words from the LIWC dictionary in the Appendix!},
author = {Black, Ryan C. and Hall, Matthew E. K. and Owens, Ryan J. and Ringsmuth, Eve M.},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Black et al. - 2016 - The Role of Emotional Language in Briefs before the US Supreme Court.pdf:pdf},
journal = {Journal of Law and Courts},
number = {377-407},
publisher = {Casillas},
title = {{The Role of Emotional Language in Briefs before the US Supreme Court}},
volume = {4},
year = {2016}
}
@book{Goplerud2016,
annote = {This could be very cool to apply to gender in the Commons: hypothesis for my own work being that women would receive more 'heckling' as a response in debates},
author = {Goplerud, Max and Knox, Dean and Lucas, Christopher},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Goplerud, Knox, Lucas - 2016 - The Rhetoric of Parliamentary Debate.pdf:pdf},
pages = {1--32},
publisher = {Working Paper},
title = {{The Rhetoric of Parliamentary Debate}},
year = {2016}
}
@article{Gerber2015,
abstract = {By gathering a representative sample of citizens from all 27 EU Member States, the deliberative poll Europolis created the opportunity for the inclusion of a wide variety of European voices. Taking up claims of difference democrats who argue that informal hurdles to participation can endure even after individuals gain formal access to the floor, this article argues for an extended approach to evaluate equality in deliberative minipublics. Specifically, it assesses whether participants contributed in roughly equal measures to the discussion and whether their discussion partners considered their contributions on equal merits. In doing so, the article adds to the small but growing literature on deliberation that expresses reservations about taking the willingness to engage with others' claims for granted. In order to account for the intrinsically relational aspect of interpersonal communication, measures of social network analysis are introduced as possible tools to evaluate participation equality in deliberative encounters.},
author = {Gerber, Marl{\`{e}}ne},
doi = {10.1111/1467-9248.12183},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Gerber - 2015 - Equal partners in dialogue Participation equality in a transnational deliberative poll (Europolis).pdf:pdf},
issn = {14679248},
journal = {Political Studies},
keywords = {Deliberative polling,Equal participation,European public,Social network analysis,Working class},
number = {S1},
pages = {110--130},
title = {{Equal partners in dialogue? Participation equality in a transnational deliberative poll (Europolis)}},
volume = {63},
year = {2015}
}
@article{Brescoll2011,
abstract = {Although past research has noted the importance of both power and gender for understanding volubility-the total amount of time spent talking-in organizations , to date, identifying the unique contributions of power and gender to volubility has been somewhat elusive. Using both naturalistic data sets and experiments, the present studies indicate that while power has a strong, positive effect on volubility for men, no such effect exists for women. Study 1 uses archival data to examine the relationship between the relative power of United States senators and their talking behavior on the Senate floor. Results indicate a strong positive relationship between power and volubility for male senators, but a non-significant relationship for female senators. Study 2 replicates this effect in an experimental setting by priming the concept of power and shows that though men primed with power talk more, women show no effect of power on volubility. Mediation analyses indicate that this difference is explained by women's concern that being highly voluble will result in negative consequences (i.e., backlash). Study 3 shows that powerful women are in fact correct in assuming that they will incur backlash as a result of talking more than others-an effect that is observed among both male and female perceivers. Implications for the literatures on volubility, power, and previous studies of backlash are discussed. Given its centrality to psychology, impression formation, and interpersonal interactions, the study of volubility-the total amount of time spent talking in group contexts-has generated a considerable amount of research over the last fifty years. Individuals mostly base their judgments of others' traits (e.g., how dominant they are) or states (e.g., whether they are a manager or a subordinate) on others' verbal and nonverbal behaviors. Thus how much an individual talks in interpersonal interactions is a key way in which we not only draw inferences about that person but also in how we interact with him or her.},
annote = {{\textperiodcentered}      Looks at the relationship between gender, power and time spent talking 
{\textperiodcentered}      Findings: power has a strong, positive effect on volubility for men, no such effect exists for women 
{\textperiodcentered}      First section examines archival data of US senators and their talking behaviour on the Senate floor 
{\textperiodcentered}      Second section replicate this in an experimental setting by priming the concept of power and shows that though men primed with power talk more, women show no effect on power on volubility 
{\textperiodcentered}      The different is believed to be that women are concerned that being highly voluble will result in negative consequences (i.e. backlash) 
{\textperiodcentered}      Third section shows that powerful women are in fact correct in assuming that they incur backlash as a result of talking more than others 
{\textperiodcentered}      Theoretically: high-power individuals should talk more than low-power individuals, regardless of gender, because power licences those individuals to talk for a greater amount of time relative to other individuals in the group 
{\textperiodcentered}      Nonetheless, research suggests women are less likely to engage in aggressive or dominant behaviours (e.g. Steffen 1986; Archer 2009) 
{\textperiodcentered}      Hypothesis: women are less voluble than men in organisations simple because they are less likely to engage in behaviours that are dominant or aggressive (e.g. talking more than others in a group setting) 
{\textperiodcentered}      Differences between power, gender and volubility may result from the differences in how men and women approach leadership: women have been seen to lead in more democratic, non-hierarchical fashions than men (Helgelsen 1995), which men are more hierarchical (Pratto et al. 1997) and may behave in ways that reinforce their positions in the hierarchy. Women put more emphasis on relationships with others (Maltz and Borker, 1982; Coates, 1986; Edelsky, 1993; Gayle, Preiss, and Allen, 1994; Mast, 2002) 
{\textperiodcentered}      Findings: power impacts speaking time for men and women 
{\textperiodcentered}      Findings: when utilising data from the US Senate, found a real difference between power and volubility, however this relationship only existed between men and power and not women. Results from experimental design show that women are concerned about the potential backlash that may result from appearing to talk too much. Also found that powerful women who speak disproportionality longer than others in an organisational setting was rated as significantly less competent and less suitable for leadership than a male CEO who talked from an equivalent amount of time 
 },
author = {Brescoll, Victoria L},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Brescoll - 2011 - Who Takes the Floor and Why Gender, Power, and Volubility in Organizations.pdf:pdf},
journal = {Administrative Science Quarterly},
keywords = {gender,organizations,power,stereotyping,volubility},
number = {4},
pages = {622--641},
title = {{Who Takes the Floor and Why: Gender, Power, and Volubility in Organizations}},
volume = {56},
year = {2011}
}
@article{Broockman2017,
abstract = {Influential theories depict politicians as, alternatively, strongly constrained by public opinion, able to shape public opinion with persuasive appeals, or relatively unconstrained by public opinion and able to shape it merely by announcing their positions. To test these theories,we conducted unique field experiments in cooperation with sitting politicians inwhich U.S. state legislators sent constituents official communications with randomly assigned content. The legislators sometimes stated their issue positions in these letters, sometimes supported by extensive arguments but sometimes minimally justified; in many cases, these issue positions were at odds with voters'. An ostensibly unrelated survey found that voters often adopted the positions legislators took, even when legislators offered little justification. Moreover, voters did not evaluate their legislators more negatively when representatives took positions these voters had previously opposed, again regardless of whether legislators provided justifications. The findings are consistent with theories suggesting voters often defer to politicians' policy judgments.},
author = {Broockman, David E. and Butler, Daniel M.},
doi = {10.1111/ajps.12243},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Broockman, Butler - 2017 - The Causal Effects of Elite Position-Taking on Voter Attitudes Field Experiments with Elite Communication.pdf:pdf},
issn = {15405907},
journal = {American Journal of Political Science},
number = {1},
pages = {208--221},
title = {{The Causal Effects of Elite Position-Taking on Voter Attitudes: Field Experiments with Elite Communication}},
volume = {61},
year = {2017}
}
@article{Gill2004,
author = {Gill, Michael J.},
file = {:Users/lotte/Dropbox/PhD/style{\_}experiment/lit/1-s2.0-S0022103103001835-main.pdf:pdf},
journal = {Journal of Experimental Social Psychology},
number = {5},
pages = {619--632},
title = {{When Information Does Not Deter Stereotyping: Prescriptive Stereotyping Can Foster Bias Under Conditions That Deter Descriptive Stereotyping}},
volume = {40},
year = {2004}
}
@article{Baesler1994,
author = {Baesler, J. E. and Burgoon, J. K.},
journal = {Communication Research},
pages = {582--602},
title = {{The Temporal Effects of Story and Statistical Evidence on Belief Change}},
volume = {21},
year = {1994}
}
@article{Franceschet2014,
abstract = {This article investigates whether and how gender shapes access to elite political networks, using the case of Argentina, the first country in the world to adopt a national-level quota law in 1991. Quotas have significantly improved women's access to elected office, without altering either the gendered hierarchies or gendered power networks that govern political advancement. We find that while men and women elected to the national congress have considerable political experience, men are more likely to have held executive office, particularly posts that provide access to resources that sustain clientelism. We further find that female legislators are less likely to be married and have children than male legislators, indicating that women's domestic responsibilities circumscribe their political careers.},
annote = {{\textperiodcentered}      Investigates whether gender shapes access to political networks in Argentina 
{\textperiodcentered}      Quotas have significantly improved women's access to elected office, without altering either the gendered hierarchies or gendered power networks that govern political advancement 
{\textperiodcentered}      Findings: while men and women elected to the national congress have considerable political experience, men are more likely to have held executive office, particularly posts that provide access to resources that sustain clinetelism 
{\textperiodcentered}      Findings: female legislators are less likely to be married and have children than male legislators, indicating that women's domestic responsibilities circumscribe their political careers},
author = {Franceschet, Susan and Piscopo, Jennifer M},
doi = {10.1177/0010414013489379},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Franceschet, Piscopo - 2014 - Sustaining Gendered Practices Power, Parties, and Elite Political Networks in Argentina.pdf:pdf},
journal = {Comparative Political Studies},
keywords = {Argentina,candidate backgrounds,gender,legislative politics,political recruitment,women},
number = {1},
pages = {85--110},
title = {{Sustaining Gendered Practices? Power, Parties, and Elite Political Networks in Argentina}},
url = {http://journals.sagepub.com/doi/pdf/10.1177/0010414013489379},
volume = {47},
year = {2014}
}
@article{Blei2003,
abstract = {We describe latent Dirichlet allocation (LDA), a generative probabilistic model for collections of discrete data such as text corpora. LDA is a three-level hierarchical Bayesian model, in which each item of a collection is modeled as a finite mixture over an underlying set of topics. Each topic is, in turn, modeled as an infinite mixture over an underlying set of topic probabilities. In the context of text modeling, the topic probabilities provide an explicit representation of a document. We present efficient approximate inference techniques based on variational methods and an EM algorithm for empirical Bayes parameter estimation. We report results in document modeling, text classification, and collaborative filtering, comparing to a mixture of unigrams model and the probabilistic LSI model.},
author = {Blei, David M. and Ng, Andrew Y. and Jordan, Michael I.},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Blei, Ng, Jordan - 2003 - Latent Dirichlet Allocation.pdf:pdf},
journal = {Journal of Machine Learning Research},
pages = {993--1022},
title = {{Latent Dirichlet Allocation}},
volume = {3},
year = {2003}
}
@incollection{Karpowitz2014i,
abstract = {Do women participate in and influence meetings equally with men? Does gender shape how a meeting is run and whose voices are heard?The Silent Sex shows how the gender composition and rules of a deliberative body dramatically affect who speaks, how the group interacts, the kinds of issues the group takes up, whose voices prevail, and what the group ultimately decides. It argues that efforts to improve the representation of women will fall short unless they address institutional rules that impede women's voices. Using groundbreaking experimental research supplemented with analysis of school boards, Christopher Karpowitz and Tali Mendelberg demonstrate how the effects of rules depend on women's numbers, so that small numbers are not fatal with a consensus process, but consensus is not always beneficial when there are large numbers of women. Men and women enter deliberative settings facing different expectations about their influence and authority. Karpowitz and Mendelberg reveal how the wrong institutional rules can exacerbate women's deficit of authority while the right rules can close it, and, in the process, establish more cooperative norms of group behavior and more generous policies for the disadvantaged. Rules and numbers have far-reaching implications for the representation of women and their interests. Bringing clarity and insight to one of today's most contentious debates,The Silent Sexprovides important new findings on ways to bring women's voices into the conversation on matters of common concern.},
annote = {- (p. 16) Reasons why gender and descriptive representation alone may not aid women: lack of seniority, party of individuals, structural barriers 

Key questions: When do numbers change the masculine environment, give women a more equal effective voice, and lead to meaningful increases in women's substantive representation? Why do small numbers of women sometimes succeed?
- Institutions matter

Book focus
- (p. 18) Show why numbers in isolation are not sufficient, rather the combined effects of numbers and institutions 
- (p. 29) Key questions: under what conditions will women achieve an effective voice in deliberating bodies? Does equalising the number of women help to equalise women's participation and representation? How can institutions facilitate womens authority?

Gender differences
- (p. 19) "Women tend to have more empathy than men (Baron- Cohen 2003). They are more likely than men to cooperate when there are no strategic incentives to do so (Eckel and Grossman 1998) and generally display somewhat more communal orientations (Huddy, Cassese, and Lizotte 2008, 33)."
- (p. 20) Women's participation affects not only what decisions are made but also how they are made (e.g. kinder, gentler politics) 

Findings
- (p. 29) High numbers of women do aid women's representation, but it all depends (e.g. on the decision rule and nors of discussion that such rules generate) 
- "Unanimous rule signals the need to include everyone. Majority rule produces a more competitive dynamic that aids each gender when it is the majority in the group. While we know a great deal about how these rules affect the inclusion of a generic individual's preferences and ideas, we know very little about how they affect gendered interaction and the inclusion of women's preferences and ideas. Our study explains why these decision rules affect men and women as men and women." 
- (p. 30) "Our main findings are that majority rule is bad for women's substantive,
symbolic, and authoritative representation as long as women are the gender minority. Conversely, majority rule is a boon for women when they make up a large majority of the group. Unanimous rule aids women when women are the gender minority, as they benefit from the norms of inclusion that unanimous rule produces. However, unanimous rule provides no advantage to women when they are the gender majority, as it also empowers the male minority."

Methods
- (p. 30) Experimental design: vary the group's gender composition and the group's decision rule},
author = {Karpowitz, Christopher F and Mendelberg, Tali},
booktitle = {The Silent Sex: Gender, Deliberation and Institutions},
chapter = {1},
edition = {First},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Karpowitz, Mendelberg - 2014 - 1. The Problem.pdf:pdf},
pages = {8--32},
publisher = {Princeton University Press},
title = {{1. The Problem}},
url = {https://www.jstor.org/stable/pdf/j.ctt7zvffd.7.pdf?refreqid=excelsior{\%}3A3cab719e534d890f4c58b03cea7b3751},
year = {2014}
}
@book{Sones2005,
address = {London, UK},
annote = {Chapter 3: How women do politics 
  
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 46) Suggests that women may prefer constituency work 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 47) “Persuasion is another key skill that women politicians have.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 49) “Women across the parties do offer support to one another to achieve change.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 50) Theresa May: “Theresa May admits to working with women across the parties to get more women into Parliament. She says ‘I'm not somebody who naturally would claim to be a member of the great sisterhood here in the House of Commons; I think we're all her to do a job and we get on and do that job. But by definition almost, the issue of bringing women into Parliament is something that all women across parties have an interest in.'” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 52) “Melanie Johnson agrees: ‘I think women are far better at admitting that they don't know the answer than the men.'” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 53) “Women MPs believe they have used their experiences of life to bring a more feminised agenda to the chamber.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 55) “There is a stereotypical view that women are more consensual in their approach to politics; that they do not like the confrontation or jousting. Some firmly believe this to be the case but others would take issue with this view and point out that men may also find the aggressive approach to achieve political change difficult, and that women too can enjoy confrontational politics.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 58) “Cheryl Gillan thinks women stick at it: ‘Women are very persistent and tenacious, and I think that women – far more than men – when they hit their brick wall, stand back and think, Hmm now, can I tunnel under this brick wall; if I take a run at it can I get over it in on go? I think were actually slightly better at working our way towards a goal after we've been initially told we can't do that, or it cannot be done.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 59) “Theresa May thinks the differences attributed to the sexes are real: ‘I would hope that there wasn't that much difference about it. I've always taken the view that women tend to be interested in delivery, and less interested in talking about things. There's an obvious advantage to that, and the disadvantage to that is that when you're dealing with a lot men, they prefer to have all the talking done; and I think that's one of the problems. Certainly I found in the past that I didn't probably do enough sort of going into corners with people and sitting down and talking to them about what was happening because I just wanted to get on with it and get it done.'” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 60) “Some see women as being less egotistical than their male colleagues.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 131) Theresa May: ‘I guess it just comes with the territory. I don't mind about the shoes, I like buying shoes, I love shoes, so I'm quite happy on the shoe front. I wasn't so happy at being described as an old crone the other day by somebody in the media.'” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 148) “Theresa May realises that it may not be fashionable for Conservative MPs to be feminists but she says she is one: ‘Now this has always been a difficult question for Conservatives to answer because of the sort of image about what feminism is about. I think the honest answer is, Yes, I am a feminist in the sense that I think we should treat men and women equally, and we should say that the opportunities should be open to women as well as to men. And if feminism is about that, then yes, I am.”},
author = {Sones, Boni and Moran, Margaret and Lovenduski, Joni},
publisher = {Politico's Publishing},
title = {{Women in Parliament: The New Suffragettes}},
year = {2005}
}
@article{Quinn2010a,
abstract = {Previous methods of analyzing the substance of political attention have had to make several restrictive assumptions or been prohibitively costly when applied to large-scale political texts. Here, we describe a topic model for legislative speech, a statistical learning model that uses word choices to infer topical categories covered in a set of speeches and to identify the topic of specific speeches. Our method estimates, rather than assumes, the substance of topics, the keywords that identify topics, and the hierarchical nesting of topics. We use the topic model to examine the agenda in the U.S. Senate from 1997 to 2004. Using a new database of over 118,000 speeches (70,000,000 words) from the Congressional Record, our model reveals speech topic categories that are both distinctive and meaningfully interrelated and a richer view of democratic agenda dynamics than had previously been possible. W hat are the subjects of political conflict and attention? How does the mix of topic attention change over time? How do we know? These questions are fundamental to much of political science , including studies of legislative representation (Lowi},
annote = {In general would be good to return to this when I'm further down the line},
author = {Quinn, Kevin M. and Monroe, Burt L. and Colaresi, Michael and Crespin, Michael H. and Radev, Dragomir R.},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Quinn et al. - 2010 - How to Analyze Political Attention with Minimal Assumptions and Costs.pdf:pdf},
journal = {American Journal of Political Science},
number = {1},
pages = {209--228},
publisher = {Baumgartner},
title = {{How to Analyze Political Attention with Minimal Assumptions and Costs}},
url = {http://www.legislativespeech.org.lution},
volume = {54},
year = {2010}
}
@book{Cox1987,
abstract = {This is available as an e-book in the library.},
address = {Cambridge},
author = {Cox, Gary W.},
publisher = {Cambridge University Press},
title = {{The Efficient Secret: The Cabinet and the Development of Political Parties in Victorian England}},
year = {1987}
}
@article{Hameleers2017,
abstract = {How can we explain the persuasiveness of populist messages, and who are most susceptible to their effects? These questions remain largely unanswered in extant research. This study argues that populist messages are characterized by assigning blame to elites in an emotionalized way. As previous research pointed at the guiding influence of blame attributions and emotions on political attitudes, these message characteristics may explain populism's persuasiveness. An experiment using a national sample (N = 721) was conducted to provide insights into the effects of and mechanisms underlying populist blame attribution with regard to the European and national levels of governance. The results show that emotionalized blame attributions influence both blame perceptions and populist attitudes. Identity attachment moderates these effects: Emotionalized blame attributions have the strongest effects for citizens with weaker identity attachments. These insights allow us to understand how populist messages affect which citizens.},
author = {Hameleers, Michael and Bos, Linda and de Vreese, Claes H.},
doi = {10.1177/0093650216644026},
file = {:Users/lotte/Dropbox/PhD/style{\_}experiment/lit/0093650216644026.pdf:pdf},
issn = {15523810},
journal = {Communication Research},
keywords = {(media) populism,political communication,populist attitudes,populist blame attribution,responsibility attribution},
number = {6},
pages = {870--900},
title = {{“They Did It”: The Effects of Emotionalized Blame Attribution in Populist Communication}},
volume = {44},
year = {2017}
}
@article{Clinton2006,
abstract = {Understanding the dynamics of lawmaking in the United States is at the center of the study of American politics. A fundamental obstacle to progress in this pursuit is the lack of measures of policy output, especially for the period prior to 1946. The lack of direct legislative accomplishment measures makes it difficult to assess the performance of our political system. We provide a new measure of legislative significance and accomplishment. Specifically, we demonstrate how item-response theory can be combined with a new dataset that contains every public statute enacted between 1877 and 1994 to estimate "legislative importance" across time. Although the resulting estimates and associated standard errors provide new opportunities for scholars interested in analyzing U.S. policymaking since 1877, the methodology we present is not restricted to Congress, the United States, or lawmaking. {\textcopyright} 2006, Midwest Political Science Association.},
author = {Clinton, Joshua D. and Lapinski, John S.},
doi = {10.1111/j.1540-5907.2006.00181.x},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Clinton, Lapinski - 2006 - Measuring legislative accomplishment, 1877-1994.pdf:pdf},
issn = {00925853},
journal = {American Journal of Political Science},
number = {1},
pages = {232--249},
title = {{Measuring legislative accomplishment, 1877-1994}},
volume = {50},
year = {2006}
}
@book{Thelander1986,
address = {Malmo},
author = {Thelander, Kerstin},
isbn = {9138617331},
pages = {182},
publisher = {Liber Forlag},
title = {{Politikersprak i konsperspektiv}},
year = {1986}
}
@article{Dittmar2015,
author = {Dittmar, Kelly},
doi = {10.1017/S1743923X15000495},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Dittmar - 2015 - Encouragement is not Enough Addressing Social and Structural Barriers to Female Recruitment.pdf:pdf},
issn = {17439248},
journal = {Politics and Gender},
number = {4},
pages = {759--765},
title = {{Encouragement is not Enough: Addressing Social and Structural Barriers to Female Recruitment}},
volume = {11},
year = {2015}
}
@article{Queneau2006,
author = {Queneau, Herv{\'{e}}},
journal = {The Social Science Journal},
pages = {681--688},
title = {{Is the Long-Term Reduction in Occupational Sex Segregation Still Continuing in the United States?}},
volume = {43},
year = {2006}
}
@article{Eagly2020,
abstract = {This meta-analysis integrated 16 nationally representative U.S. public opinion polls on gender stereotypes (N = 30,093 adults), extending from 1946 to 2018, a span of seven decades that brought considerable change in gender relations, especially in women's roles. In polls inquiring about communion (e.g., affectionate, emotional), agency (e.g., ambitious, courageous), and competence (e.g., intelligent, creative), respondents indicated whether each trait is more true of women or men, or equally true of both. Women's relative advantage in communion increased over time, but men's relative advantage in agency showed no change. Belief in competence equality increased over time, along with belief in female superiority among those who indicated a sex difference in competence. Contemporary gender stereotypes thus convey substantial female advantage in communion and a smaller male advantage in agency but also gender equality in competence along with some female advantage. Interpretation emphasizes the origins of gender stereotypes in the social roles of women and men.},
author = {Eagly, Alice H and Nater, Christa and Miller, David I and Kaufmann, Mich{\`{e}}le and Sczesny, Sabine},
doi = {10.1037/amp0000494},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Eagly et al. - 2020 - Gender stereotypes have changed A cross-temporal meta-analysis of U.S. public opinion polls from 1946 to 2018.pdf:pdf},
issn = {0003066X},
journal = {American Psychologist},
keywords = {Agency,Communion,Competence,Gender stereotypes,Public opinion polls},
number = {3},
pages = {301--315},
pmid = {31318237},
title = {{Gender Stereotypes Have Changed: A Cross-Temporal Meta-Analysis of U.S. Public Opinion Polls From 1946 to 2018}},
volume = {75},
year = {2020}
}
@article{Shorrocks2020,
abstract = {We compare gender gaps in attitudes towards redistribution and social spending across generations in the USA and Britain. We show that the US context, characterized by lower welfare provision, results in consistent or even widening gender gaps for generations born post-1925. On the other hand, the British context, characterized by higher welfare provision relative to the USA, exhibits a narrowing and closing of the gender gap for younger generations, for two out of three indicators of spending preferences. These findings provide some, albeit mixed, evidence that women are more consistently in favour of social spending and redistribution than men in contexts characterized by low welfare provision such as the USA. Where there are higher levels of social support, we argue women could become increasingly more likely to express a preference for levels of spending and redistribution that is similar to men's, narrowing the gender gap among younger generations.},
author = {Shorrocks, Rosalind and Grasso, Maria T.},
doi = {10.1017/S1755773920000120},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Shorrocks, Grasso - 2020 - The attitudinal gender gap across generations Support for redistribution and government spending in contexts.pdf:pdf},
issn = {17557747},
journal = {European Political Science Review},
keywords = {Gender gap,Generations,Socialization},
number = {3},
pages = {289--306},
title = {{The attitudinal gender gap across generations: Support for redistribution and government spending in contexts of high and low welfare provision}},
volume = {12},
year = {2020}
}
@book{Carroll2013,
address = {Oxford},
author = {Carroll, Susan J. and Sanbonmatsu, Kira},
publisher = {Oxford University Press},
title = {{More Women Can Run: Gender and Pathways to the State Legislatures}},
year = {2013}
}
@book{Elgie2015,
address = {Basingstoke},
author = {Elgie, Robert},
publisher = {Palgrave Macmillan},
title = {{Studying Political Leadership: Foundations and Contending Accounts}},
year = {2015}
}
@article{Celis2014a,
abstract = {Gender equality is not fully realised when it is restricted to ethnic majority men and women. This article examines how gender quotas as a form of equality policy affect ethnic minority groups, in particular, the gender balance among ethnic minority candidates for political office. Our analysis focuses on the selection of ethnic minority candidates in Belgium, where legally binding quotas exist, and in the Netherlands, where they do not. Drawing on 23 interviews with central actors in four main parties in each country, we find that the process of ethnic minority candidate selection is highly gendered: in both countries, ethnic minority women are represented in larger numbers than ethnic minority men. But gender quotas play a lesser role in this than the more general concern for diversity on electoral lists, the institutionalisation of gender/ethnicity within political parties and the strategic choices of party leaders. {\textcopyright} The Author(s) 2014.},
author = {Celis, Karen and Erzeel, Silvia and M{\"{u}}gge, Liza and Damstra, Alyt},
doi = {10.1177/0192512113507733},
file = {:Users/lotte/Dropbox/PhD/topic{\_}project/lit/0192512113507733.pdf:pdf},
issn = {01925121},
journal = {International Political Science Review},
keywords = {Candidate selection,ethnicity,gender,gender quotas,intersectionality,political representation},
number = {1},
pages = {41--54},
title = {{Quotas and intersectionality: Ethnicity and gender in candidate selection}},
volume = {35},
year = {2014}
}
@article{Druckman2013a,
abstract = {Competition is a defining element of democracy. One of the most noteworthy events over the last quarter-century in U.S. politics is the change in the nature of elite party competition: The parties have become increasingly polarized. Scholars and pundits actively debate how these elite patterns influence polarization among the public (e.g., have citizens also become more ideologically polarized?). Yet, few have addressed what we see as perhaps more fundamental questions: Has elite polarization altered the way citizens arrive at their policy opinions in the first place and, if so, in what ways? We address these questions with a theory and two survey experiments (on the issues of drilling and immigration). We find stark evidence that polarized environments fundamentally change how citizens make decisions. Specifically, polarization intensifies the impact of party endorsements on opinions, decreases the impact of substantive information and, perhaps ironically, stimulates greater confidence in those-less substantively grounded-opinions. We discuss the implications for public opinion formation and the nature of democratic competition. {\textcopyright} 2013 American Political Science Association.},
author = {Druckman, James N. and Peterson, Erik and Slothuus, Rune},
doi = {10.1017/S0003055412000500},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Druckman, Peterson, Slothuus - 2013 - How Elite Partisan Polarization Affects Public Opinion Formation(2).pdf:pdf},
issn = {15375943},
journal = {American Political Science Review},
number = {1},
pages = {57--79},
title = {{How Elite Partisan Polarization Affects Public Opinion Formation}},
volume = {107},
year = {2013}
}
@article{Escobar-Lemmon2005,
abstract = {We examine factors that affect the supply of and demand for female cabinet ministers in Latin America and seek to understand the frequency with which women join cabinets and the types of portfolios women receive. Our analysis covers 18 Latin American democracies from 1980 to 2003. We find that presidents from parties of the left appoint more women. Increases in the percentage of women in the legislature and higher human development correlate with more women in the cabinet. Intense partisan competition increases the likelihood that a cabinet will contain a woman. Women are more likely to receive high-prestige cabinet posts from leftist presidents and when the percentage of women in the legislature increases. In addition, an international diffusion effect appears to explain the rapid expansion of women in Latin American cabinets. {\textcopyright} 2005 by the Midwest Political Science Association.},
author = {Escobar-Lemmon, Maria and Taylor-Robinson, Michelle M.},
doi = {10.1111/j.1540-5907.2005.00158.x},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Escobar-Lemmon, Taylor-Robinson - 2005 - Women ministers in Latin American government When, where, and why.pdf:pdf},
issn = {00925853},
journal = {American Journal of Political Science},
number = {4},
pages = {829--844},
title = {{Women Ministers in Latin American Government: When, Where, and Why?}},
volume = {49},
year = {2005}
}
@article{Pedrini2015,
abstract = {Even though culture is seen as an important aspect of deliberation, empirical research on culture's effects on deliberation is almost completely absent. This paper offers one of the first systematic empirical studies of cultural underpinnings on deliberation. It explores two conceptions of culture, namely ‘holistic' vs. ‘contextual'. In the ‘holistic' approach, culture is assumed to be a constant, while the ‘contextual' approach assumes adaptive rationality of actors to different contexts. As an extension of the ‘contextual' approach, this paper also explores the effects of different compositions of cultural groups on the quality of deliberation. The effects of the two approaches are evaluated by linking linguistic groups in the committee and plenary debates of the Swiss parliament to a broad variety of deliberative standards. The findings reveal that linguistic groups do not differ much in their deliberative behaviour, which defies ‘holistic' approaches to culture. Rather, the results underline that speech culture is highly contextdriven, which is indicative of a ‘contextual' approach to culture. However, culture still plays a role, but mainly in the context of group composition: the proportion of minority-language speakers affects several deliberative indicators such as respect, common good orientation and clarifying questions.},
annote = {{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 1) “Deliberative behaviour is defined as follows: participants justify their claims, are oriented towards the common good, ask questions, are respectful and empathic, and submit constructive proposals for how a problem can be solved.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 2) “Does culture have an ‘holistic' influence, as suggested by Gambetta (1998), in that linguistic groups have different “speech cultures” (Young, 1996)? Or, do linguistic groups adapt their “speech cultures” to various institutional contexts and the topics under discussion? Or, as a psychological extension of a ‘contextual' approach, do different compositions of cultural groups influence the speech culture of the entire discussion group?” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 10) In order to measure the quality of discourse in parliamentary debates the following are measured: 
                        i.         Respect: “Respect is one of the crucial and untouched elements of deliberative theory (Mansbridge, 2010). The updated DQI measures respect in two dimensions. First, ‘respect toward groups' measures whether the groups that are to be helped are degraded (0), treated neutrally (1), or with explicit respect. Second, ‘respect toward demands and counterarguments' measures whether speakers degrade (0), treat neutrally (1), value (2), or agree with positions and counterarguments (3). Both indicators are recoded in order to focus on positive respect levels. Speeches that value groups or demands and counterarguments are assigned a value of one and all others are recoded as zero.” 
                       ii.         Interactivity: “Deliberation requires that participants listen to each other and that they engage with one another. Interactivity is captured by the indicator ‘reference toward other participants' arguments'. It measures whether discourse participants respond to other participants' arguments.” 
                     iii.         Level of Justification: “High deliberative quality requires that speakers give complete justifications for their demands. The indicator distinguishes between five levels of justification: no justification (0), inferior justification where the linkage between reasons and conclusions is incomplete (1), qualified justification where the linkage is complete (2), sophisticated justification (broad) when at least two completed justifications are provided (3), and sophisticated (in-depth) when the justification is explored in depth. For the analysis, the indicator was recoded so that a score of one is given to sophisticated justifications (broad and in-depth) which mirror ideal discourse on this indicator.” 
                     iv.         (p. 11) Content of justification: “This indicator measures whether arguments are made in terms of narrow constituency or group interests (0), whether there are neutral statements (1), or whether there is a reference to the common good in utilitarian or collective terms (2a) or in terms of the difference principle (2b). The indicator was dichotomized so that appeals to the common good receive a score of one and all other categories receive a score of zero.” 
                       v.         Constructive politics: “This indicator refers to the idea that ideal deliberation should arrive at a rational consensus. In this regard, the indicator distinguishes between four levels of constructivity: positional politics (0), alternative proposals (1), consensus and compromise appeals (2), and mediating proposals (3). This indicator is recoded so that speeches with a mediating proposal receive a value of one and all other categories receive a score of zero.” 
                     vi.         Questioning: “This dimension is not a category of the original DQI although rigorous questioning is a key element of deliberation. It is an attempt to explore whether Gambetta's (1998) distinction between “Claro!” and “analytical” culture holds empirically. Two variables are coded: clarifying questions refer to questions where participants ask for information or clarification; rhetorical questions refer to questions where participants do not expect answers and use rhetoric. According to Gambetta, “Claristas” are expected to score low on clarifying questions since they do not want to appear ignorant.” 
                    vii.         Storytelling: “Following Stromer-Galley (2007), I measure whether participants use personal experiences or specific examples. Since true personal experiences were extremely rare in the debates I analysed, I consider them together with descriptions of the actual situation of linguistic groups. An additional category has been created in order to capture what I define as victimized stories. Victimized stories are stories where participants see themselves as victims or use groups as victims in order to bolster their justifications. Minorities can use them as a resource to further enhance awareness of their positions.”
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 20) “However, there is an unexpected result for women with regard to storytelling: female MPs make less use of storytelling than their male counterparts. This tends to contradict the claims of feminist authors that storytelling is a feminine means of expression (e.g. Sanders, 1997; Young, 1996).”},
author = {Pedrini, Seraina},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Pedrini - 2015 - Does Culture Matter for Deliberation Linguistic Speech Cultures and Parliamentary Deliberation in Switzerland.pdf:pdf},
journal = {Journal of Public Deliberation},
number = {1},
pages = {1--27},
title = {{Does Culture Matter for Deliberation? Linguistic Speech Cultures and Parliamentary Deliberation in Switzerland}},
url = {http://www.publicdeliberation.net/jpd/vol11/iss1/art8},
volume = {11},
year = {2015}
}
@article{Togeby1994,
abstract = {Conventional wisdom holds that women are more peace-loving or more pacific than men. Most of our knowledge about the gender gap in foreign policy attitudes originates from the United States, but it cannot be taken for granted that these results can be generalized to other countries. This article examines gender differences in foreign policy attitudes in Denmark; it discusses the systemic factors behind such gender differences as well as the systemic factors that cause foreign policy attitudes to influence elections. By the 1980s a clear gender gap in foreign policy attitudes had developed in Denmark. Several explanations for this gender gap are examined in the article: the theory about women's greater distance to foreign policy, the theory about specific women's values, and the theory about the political and feminist radicalization of women. The article concludes that Denmark's gender gap in foreign policy attitudes in Denmark in the late 1980s was due primarily to a general left-wing mobilization of women. Paradoxically, however, this development also seems linked to a revitalization of traditional women's values. The discussion of the systemic causes of the gender gap and of its election impact centers around three factors: the salience of foreign policy, the political mobilization of women, and the available political alternatives in a given election. {\textcopyright} 1994, Sage Publications. All rights reserved.},
author = {Togeby, Lise},
doi = {10.1177/0022343394031004002},
file = {:Users/lotte/Dropbox/PhD/topic{\_}project/lit/424593.pdf:pdf},
issn = {14603578},
journal = {Journal of Peace Research},
number = {4},
pages = {375--392},
title = {{The Gender Gap in Foreign Policy Attitudes}},
volume = {31},
year = {1994}
}
@article{Burden2017,
abstract = {We re-deploy a list experiment conducted a decade ago to reassess the degree to which the American public opposes electing a woman as president. We find that opposition has been cut in half from approximately 26{\%} to 13{\%}. In addition, opposition is now concentrated in specific sociodemographic categories rather than being evenly distributed. Newly developed statistical methods that permit multivariate analysis of list experiment data reveal that resistance has all but disappeared among Democratic-leaning groups in the electorate. These patterns appear to reflect the reduction of uncertainty among groups most favorable toward the recent success of Democratic women.},
author = {Burden, Barry C. and Ono, Yoshikuni and Yamada, Masahiro},
doi = {10.1086/691799},
file = {:Users/lotte/Dropbox/projects/productivity{\_}experiment/lit/691799.pdf:pdf},
issn = {14682508},
journal = {Journal of Politics},
number = {3},
pages = {1073--1078},
title = {{Reassessing Public Support for a Female President}},
volume = {79},
year = {2017}
}
@book{Walsh2001,
address = {Abingdon-on-Thames},
author = {Walsh, Clare},
isbn = {0582418925},
pages = {236},
publisher = {Routledge},
title = {{Gender and Discourse: Language and Power in Politics, the Church and Organisations}},
year = {2001}
}
@book{Thomas1994,
abstract = {The number of women in public office increased dramatically in recent elections, especially in state legislatures where one-fifth of the seats are now held by women. How Women Legislate offers a uniquely comprehensive and timely study of the effects women have had on legislation and the lawmaking process, analyzing the differences between women's and men's backgrounds before entering public office, and differences in their agendas, priorities, working styles, and leadership once they are in office. Arguing that there is a significant difference in legislative outcomes when the number of women in a given legislature reaches a certain threshold, the author provides one of the first analyses of the overall effects of women on the laws that are passed and on the way legislative business is done.},
address = {Oxford, UK},
annote = {Asks questions about how women in legislative office have impacted on political processes and products, and, if so, is that impact similar to or different from the impact of men? Whatever the impact, how should it be judged and evaluated? What about the political, social, and cultural environments helps us to understand why and how women participate as they do? 

Note to self: read chapters 2, 4, 5 and 6; don't read chapter 3

Chapter 4:
- focuses on which aspects of institutions allow the emergence or repression of women's unique conditions 
- Book argues that institutional environments with higher proportions of women will be best for the development of women's voices and policy priorities
- Psychology and sociology literatures are rich with analyses of how institutional environments develop norms of behaviour related to the behaviour of their dominant groups 
- (p 87) When the relationship between minority and majority groups approaches balances, members of the minority are freer to display distinctive behaviours 
- Kanter: the closer women and men are to the same proportion in groups, the less women feel constrained in their actions and the less their behaviour is unnatural 
- "relative numbers of socially or culturally different people in a group are seen as critical in shaping interaction dynamics." 
- (p. 89) In cases where there are more women and supportive colleagues (other women) female representatives might be encouraged to speak out and participate more},
author = {Thomas, Sue},
isbn = {9780195085075},
pages = {1--205},
publisher = {Oxford University Press},
title = {{How Women Legislate}},
year = {1994}
}
@article{Holman2021,
abstract = {Not all pieces of legislation introduced for consideration are equally likely to be successful. The characteristics of legislation's cosponsors can influence bill passage rates. Despite facing marginalization in legislative bodies and more electoral vulnerability, women are effective lawmakers. We argue that one way by which women overcome marginalization and gendered expectations of performance is bill success from legislation cosponsored with other women. Testing this expectation on bills (140,000+) introduced in U.S. state legislatures in forty states in 2015, we find increased bill success from women's cosponsorship with each other and women from the other party. Using variation in the share of women in legislative chambers and in legislative leadership, we find evidence to suggest that women's success emerges both from marginalization and gendered opportunities.},
author = {Holman, Mirya R. and Mahoney, Anna and Hurler, Emma},
doi = {10.1177/10659129211020123},
issn = {10659129},
journal = {Political Research Quarterly},
keywords = {bill success,collaboration,cosponsorship,legislatures,marginalization,women in politics},
title = {{Let's Work Together: Bill Success via Women's Cosponsorship in U.S. State Legislatures}},
year = {2021}
}
@article{Kanthak2010,
abstract = {Political scientists are keenly interested in how diversity influences politics, yet we know little about how diverse groups of political actors interact. We advance a unified theory of colleague valuation to address this puzzle. The theory explains how minority group size affects how members of a political organization differentially value majority and minority group colleagues, predicting that the effect of preference divergence on individual-level colleague valuation is greatest when the minority group is smallest We test this prediction using member-to-member leadership political action committee (PAC) contributions in the U.S. House of Representatives. The results obtain strong, albeit not uniform, support for the theory, demonstrating that the gender gap in colleague valuations declines as preference divergence increases in all but one instance. In contrast to conventional wisdom, the theory and evidence indicate that women serving in the U. S. House of Representatives receive less support from men colleagues as their ranks increase.},
annote = {Reread this potentially},
author = {Kanthak, Kristin and Krause, George A.},
doi = {10.1111/j.1540-5907.2010.00467.x},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Kanthak, Krause - 2010 - Valuing Diversity in Political Organizations Gender and Token Minorities in the U.S. House of Representatives.pdf:pdf},
isbn = {1540-5907},
issn = {00925853},
journal = {American Journal of Political Science},
number = {4},
pages = {839--854},
title = {{Valuing Diversity in Political Organizations: Gender and Token Minorities in the U.S. House of Representatives}},
volume = {54},
year = {2010}
}
@article{Rudman2001a,
abstract = {Experiment 1 unexpectedly found sex differences in evaluative gender stereotypes (only men associated male with potency and only women associated female with warmth). Experiment 2 dramatically reduced sex differences in gender-potency judgments when measures were redesigned to avoid implying that potency was positive (the concepts, strong and weak, were represented by evaluatively matched words; e.g., destroy vs. feeble, loud vs. quiet, and mighty vs. gentle). Experiment 3 tested the hypothesis that these sex differences were in the service of self-esteem but found no correlation between own-gender-favorable stereotyping and implicit self-esteem. Rather, participants showed a correlation between linking self to the favorable potency trait and linking own gender to that trait. Experiment 4 confirmed the correlation between implicit self-concept and gender stereotype using the contrast between potency and warmth for the implicit stereotype measure. In concert, results suggest that people possess implicit gender stereotypes in self-favorable form because of the tendency to associate self with desirable traits.},
author = {Rudman, Laurie A. and Greenwald, Anthony G. and McGhee, Debbie E.},
doi = {10.1177/0146167201279009},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Rudman, Greenwald, McGhee - 2001 - Implicit self-concept and evaluative implicit gender stereotypes Self and ingroup share desirable tra.pdf:pdf},
issn = {01461672},
journal = {Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin},
number = {9},
pages = {1164--1178},
title = {{Implicit self-concept and evaluative implicit gender stereotypes: Self and ingroup share desirable traits}},
volume = {27},
year = {2001}
}
@article{Garrett2015,
abstract = {Scholars have suggested that interest groups affect the diffusion of innovations across states by creating a network of information between the states that aids in the spread of policy ideas. Still, the unique role that interest groups play in policy diffusion networks is not fully understood, in large part because the current methodology for studying diffusion cannot parse out interest group influence. We address this problem by analyzing the actual text of legislation, moving away from binary adoption to a more nuanced measure of policy similarity. This allows us to distinguish whether states emulate other states or interest group model legislation. We use text similarity scores in a social network analysis to explore whether early-adopting states or interest groups are more central to the network. We apply this analytical framework to two policies-abortion insurance coverage restrictions and self-defense statutes. Based on this analysis, we find that a fundamentally different picture of policy diffusion networks begins to emerge-one where interest group model legislation plays a central role in the diffusion of innovations.},
author = {Garrett, Kristin N and Jansa, Joshua M},
doi = {10.1177/1532440015592776},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Garrett, Jansa - 2015 - Interest Group Influence in Policy Diffusion Networks.pdf:pdf},
journal = {State Politics {\&} Policy Quarterly},
keywords = {interest groups,model legislation,network analysis,policy diffusion,text analysis},
number = {3},
pages = {387--417},
title = {{Interest Group Influence in Policy Diffusion Networks}},
url = {https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/pdf/10.1177/1532440015592776},
volume = {15},
year = {2015}
}
@article{Eagly1984,
abstract = {According to stereotypic beliefs about the sexes, women are more communal (selfless and concerned with others) and less agentic (self-assertive and motivated to master) than men. These beliefs were hypothesized to stem from perceivers' observations of women and men in differing social roles: (a) Women are more likely than men to hold positions of lower status and authority, and (b) women are more likely than men to be homemakers and are less likely to be employed in the paid work force. Experiments 1 and 2 failed to support the hypothesis that observed sex differences in status underlie belief in female communal qualities and male agentic qualities. Experiment 3 supported the hypothesis that observed sex differences in distribution into homemaker and employee occupational roles account for these beliefs. In this experiment, subjects perceived the average woman and man stereo-typically. Female and male homemakers were perceived as high in communion and low in agency. Female and male employees were perceived as low in communion and high in agency, although female employees were perceived as even more agentic than their male counterparts. Experiments 4 and 5 examined perceptions that might account for the belief that employed women are especially agentic: (a) A double burden of employment plus family responsibilities did not account for this belief, and (b) freedom of choice about being employed accounted for it reasonably well. Gender stereotypes, like other social stereotypes , reflect perceivers' observations of what people do in daily life. If perceivers often observe a particular group of people engaging in a particular activity, they are likely to believe that the abilities and personality attributes required to carry out that activity are typical of that group of people. For example, if perceivers consistently observe women caring for chil},
author = {Eagly, Alice H. and Steffen, Valerie J.},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Eagly, Steffen - 1984 - Gender Stereotypes Stem From the Distribution of Women and Men Into Social Roles.pdf:pdf},
journal = {Journal or Personality and Social Psychology},
number = {4},
pages = {735--754},
title = {{Gender Stereotypes Stem From the Distribution of Women and Men Into Social Roles}},
volume = {46},
year = {1984}
}
@book{James2013,
address = {New York},
author = {James, Gareth and Witten, Daniela and Hastie, Trevor and Tibshirani, Robert},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/James et al. - 2013 - An Introduction to Statistical Learning.pdf:pdf},
isbn = {9781461471370},
publisher = {Springer},
title = {{An Introduction to Statistical Learning}},
year = {2013}
}
@article{Proksch2018,
abstract = {Comparative scholars of legislative politics continue to face the challenge of measuring a key theoretical concept: conflict at the level of legislative bills. We address this challenge with a multilingual sentiment-based approach and show that such a measure can effectively capture different types of parliamentary con- flict. We also demonstrate that an automated translation of the dictionary yields valid results and therefore greatly facilitates comparative work on legislatures. Our applications show that a sentiment approach recovers government-oppo- sition dynamics in various settings. The use of a simple, translatable sentiment dictionary opens up the possibility of studying legislative conflict in bill debates across languages and countries.},
author = {Proksch, Sven Oliver and Lowe, Will and W{\"{a}}ckerle, Jens and Soroka, Stuart},
doi = {10.1111/lsq.12218},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Proksch et al. - 2018 - Multilingual Sentiment Analysis A New Approach to Measuring Conflict in Legislative Speeches.pdf:pdf},
issn = {19399162},
journal = {Legislative Studies Quarterly},
number = {1},
pages = {97--131},
title = {{Multilingual Sentiment Analysis: A New Approach to Measuring Conflict in Legislative Speeches}},
volume = {44},
year = {2018}
}
@article{Piscopo2020,
abstract = {Predicting the binding mode of flexible polypeptides to proteins is an important task that falls outside the domain of applicability of most small molecule and protein−protein docking tools. Here, we test the small molecule flexible ligand docking program Glide on a set of 19 non-$\alpha$-helical peptides and systematically improve pose prediction accuracy by enhancing Glide sampling for flexible polypeptides. In addition, scoring of the poses was improved by post-processing with physics-based implicit solvent MM- GBSA calculations. Using the best RMSD among the top 10 scoring poses as a metric, the success rate (RMSD ≤ 2.0 {\AA} for the interface backbone atoms) increased from 21{\%} with default Glide SP settings to 58{\%} with the enhanced peptide sampling and scoring protocol in the case of redocking to the native protein structure. This approaches the accuracy of the recently developed Rosetta FlexPepDock method (63{\%} success for these 19 peptides) while being over 100 times faster. Cross-docking was performed for a subset of cases where an unbound receptor structure was available, and in that case, 40{\%} of peptides were docked successfully. We analyze the results and find that the optimized polypeptide protocol is most accurate for extended peptides of limited size and number of formal charges, defining a domain of applicability for this approach.},
author = {Piscopo, Jennifer M.},
doi = {10.1017/S1743923X20000525},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Piscopo - 2020 - Women Leaders and Pandemic Performance A Spurious Correlation.pdf:pdf},
isbn = {9788578110796},
issn = {1098-6596},
journal = {Politics {\&} Gender},
publisher = {Forthcoming},
title = {{Women Leaders and Pandemic Performance: A Spurious Correlation}},
year = {2020}
}
@book{brooks2013he,
address = {New Jersey},
author = {Brooks, Deborah Jordan},
publisher = {Princeton University Press},
title = {{He Runs, She Runs: Why Gender Stereotypes Do Not Harm Women Candidates}},
year = {2013}
}
@article{Smooth2011,
author = {Smooth, Wendy},
doi = {10.1017/S1743923X11000225},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Smooth - 2011 - Standing for Women Which Women The Substantive Representation of Women's Interests and the Research Imperative of Inte.pdf:pdf},
journal = {Politics {\&} Gender},
number = {3},
pages = {436--442},
title = {{Standing for Women? Which Women? The Substantive Representation of Women's Interests and the Research Imperative of Intersectionality}},
volume = {7},
year = {2011}
}
@article{Barnes2019,
abstract = {Why do people assume female politicians are less likely than men to engage in the illegal use of public positions for private gain? We argue that voters may perceive women as marginalized within political institutions, or as more risk averse and consequently more constrained by institutional oversight, which could lead to perceptions of women as less likely to engage in corruption. Using an original survey experiment, we test these mechanisms against conventional wisdom that women are seen as more honest. We find strong support for the risk aversion explanation, as well as heterogeneous effects by respondent sex for both the marginalization and honesty mechanisms. These findings suggest that the institutional contexts in which women are operating can help explain why people perceive them as less likely to engage in corruption. Identifying these mechanisms is critical to understanding the role of women in politics and for improving trust in government.},
author = {Barnes, Tiffany D. and Beaulieu, Emily},
doi = {10.1177/0010414018774355},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Barnes, Beaulieu - 2019 - Women Politicians, Institutions, and Perceptions of Corruption.pdf:pdf},
journal = {Comparative Political Studies},
number = {1},
pages = {134--167},
title = {{Women Politicians, Institutions, and Perceptions of Corruption}},
volume = {52},
year = {2019}
}
@article{Swim1995,
author = {Swim, Janet K. and Aikin, Kathryn J. and Hall, Wayne S. and Hunter, Barbara A.},
journal = {Journal of Personality and Social Psychology},
number = {2},
pages = {199--214},
title = {{Sexism and Racism: Old-Fashioned and Modern Prejudices}},
volume = {68},
year = {1995}
}
@article{Skjeie1991,
abstract = {Norwegian elite politics represent a rare exception to the general trend of exclusion of women from positions of political leadership. In this country, two successive parliamentary elections have resulted in women occupying about 35 percent of the parliamentary seats. In three successive cabinets, women have held more than 40 percent of these seats. Acknowledging the rareness of what has happened, participants in this process of political inclusion regard it as something 'close to a miracle'. The inclusion of new individuals also raises new expecta- tions. Finally present in sufficient numbers-such expectations state-women politicians will now broaden the scope of political decision making, adding new issues and new values to the political agenda. They may even bring about a whole new set of political priorities. The new agendas, and the new choices, will in turn help create the truly woman-friendly society.},
author = {Skjeie, Hege},
doi = {10.1177/003232929101900205},
file = {:Users/lotte/Dropbox/PhD/topic{\_}project/lit/003232929101900205.pdf:pdf},
issn = {0032-3292},
journal = {Politics {\&} Society},
number = {2},
pages = {233--263},
title = {{The Rhetoric of Difference: On Women's Inclusion into Political Elites}},
volume = {19},
year = {1991}
}
@book{Dolan2004,
address = {Boulder, U.S.},
author = {Dolan, Kathleen},
publisher = {Westview Press},
title = {{Voting for Women: How the Public Evaluates Women Candidates}},
year = {2004}
}
@article{Ainsworth1993,
abstract = {... Before the questioning begins, the interrogating officer tells you that you have the right to remain silent and to have an attorney present during questioning. ... Because majority legal doctrine governing a person's rights during police interrogation favors linguistic behavior more typical of men than of women, asking the "woman question" reveals a hidden bias in this ostensibly gender-neutral doctrine. ... Studies investigating the impressions created by a speaker's use of the female register in a variety of contexts have shown that listeners perceive speakers who use the female register as less competent and credible than those whose speech conforms to dominant English usage. ... Once a suspect under interrogation affirmatively invokes the right against self-incrimination under the Fifth Amendment, however, further police questioning is severely constrained. ... Before the Edwards rule can operate to prevent subsequent police interrogation, the suspect must say or do something that will be considered an effective invocation of the Fifth Amendment right to counsel. ... Nash eventually signed a waiver form and made incriminating statements without having the assistance of counsel during questioning. ... In this study, I have demonstrated that majority doctrine on the invocation of the right to counsel during custodial police interrogation is a gendered doctrine that privileges male speech norms. ... {\&}{\#}160},
author = {Ainsworth, Janet E},
doi = {10.2307/797097},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Ainsworth - 1993 - In a Different Register The Pragmatics of Powerlessness in Police Interrogation.pdf:pdf},
issn = {00440094},
journal = {Yale Law Journal},
number = {2},
pages = {259},
title = {{In a Different Register: The Pragmatics of Powerlessness in Police Interrogation}},
volume = {103},
year = {1993}
}
@article{Mavin2010,
abstract = {Purpose – The purpose of this paper is to highlight gendered media constructions which discourage women's acceptability as political leaders and trivialise or ignore their contribution. Design/methodology/approach – Media analysis of UK newspapers, government web sites, worldwide web relating to the UK 2010 government election, women MPs and in particular representations of Harriet Harman and Theresa May. Findings – Media constructions of UK women political leaders are gendered and powerful in messaging women's (un)acceptability as leaders against embedded stereotypes. Being invisible via tokenism and yet spotlighted on the basis of their gender, media constructions trivialize their contribution, thus detracting from their credibility as leaders. Research limitations/implications – UK‐based study grounded in opportune “snapshot” media analysis during election and resultant formation of UK coalition Government. Focus on two women political leaders, results may not be generalisable. Practical implications – Raises awareness of the numerical minority status of UK women political leaders, the invisibility‐visibility contradiction and the power of the media to construct women leaders against gender stereotypes. Call for continued challenge to gendered leader stereotypes and women's representation in UK political leadership. Originality/value – Highlights power of media to perpetuate gender stereotypes of UK women political leaders.},
author = {Mavin, Sharon and Bryans, Patricia and Cunningham, Rosie},
doi = {10.1108/17542411011081365},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Mavin, Bryans, Cunningham - 2010 - Fed-up with Blair's babes, Gordon's gals, Cameron's cuties, Nick's nymphets Challenging gendered medi.pdf:pdf},
issn = {17542413},
journal = {Gender in Management},
keywords = {Gender,Information media,Leadership,Newspapers,Politics,Women},
number = {7},
pages = {550--569},
title = {{Fed-up with Blair's babes, Gordon's gals, Cameron's cuties, Nick's nymphets: Challenging gendered media representations of women political leaders}},
volume = {25},
year = {2010}
}
@techreport{Dubay2004,
author = {Dubay, William H.},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Dubay - 2004 - Impact Information The Principles of Readability.pdf:pdf},
pages = {1--77},
title = {{Impact Information The Principles of Readability}},
url = {http://www.impact-information.com},
year = {2004}
}
@article{Gneezy2003a,
abstract = {Even though the provision of equal opportunities for men and women has been a priority in many countries, large gender differences prevail in competitive high-ranking positions. Suggested explanations include discrimination and differences in preferences and human capital. In this paper we present experimental evidence in support of an additional factor: women may be less effective than men in competitive environments, even if they are able to perform similarly in noncompetitive environments. In a laboratory experiment we observe, as we increase the competitiveness of the environment, a significant increase in performance for men, but not for women. This results in a significant gender gap in performance in tournaments, while there is no gap when participants are paid according to piece rate. This effect is stronger when women have to compete against men than in single-sex competitive environments: this suggests that women may be able to perform in competitive environments per se.},
author = {Gneezy, Uri and Niederle, Muriel and Rustichini, Aldo},
doi = {10.1162/00335530360698496},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Gneezy, Niederle, Rustichini - 2003 - Performance in competitive environments Gender differences(2).pdf:pdf},
issn = {00335533},
journal = {Quarterly Journal of Economics},
number = {3},
pages = {1049--1074},
title = {{Performance in competitive environments: Gender differences}},
volume = {118},
year = {2003}
}
@article{Hanretty2017,
abstract = {Is policy representation in contemporary Westminster systems solely a function of programmatic national parties, or does the election of legislators via single-member districts result in MPs whose policy positions are individually responsive to public opinion in their constituencies? We generate new measures of constituency opinion in Britain and show that, in three different policy domains and controlling for MP party, the observed legislative behavior of MPs is indeed responsive to constituency opinion. The level of responsiveness is moderate, but our results do suggest a constituency-MP policy bond that operates in addition to the well-known bond between voters and parties.},
author = {Hanretty, Chris and Lauderdale, Benjamin E. and Vivyan, Nick},
doi = {10.1111/lsq.12148},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Hanretty, Lauderdale, Vivyan - 2017 - Dyadic Representation in a Westminster System.pdf:pdf},
journal = {Legislative Studies Quarterly},
number = {2},
pages = {235--267},
title = {{Dyadic Representation in a Westminster System}},
volume = {42},
year = {2017}
}
@article{David2000,
author = {David, H. and Nutley, S. and Smith, P.},
journal = {Public Money and Management},
number = {1},
pages = {3--5},
title = {{What Works? The Role of Evidence in Public Sector Policy and Practice}},
volume = {19},
year = {2000}
}
@unpublished{Blumenau2018,
abstract = {When women are promoted to high office, do they serve as role models to other women in politics? I evaluate a female role-model hypothesis by examining parliamentary debates in the UK House of Commons. In the context of a difference-indifferences design which makes use of overtime variation in the gender of cabinet ministers, I demonstrate that female ministers increase the participation of other female MPs in relevant debates by approximately one quarter, compared to when the minister is male. Further, using a measure of debate influence based on the degree to which words used by one legislator are adopted by other members, I show that female ministers also increase the influence of female backbenchers. To explore the mechanisms behind these results, I introduce a new metric of ministerial responsiveness and show that female ministers are significantly more responsive to the speeches of female backbenchers than are male ministers. },
address = {London},
annote = {{\textperiodcentered}      Evaluates a female role-model hypothesis by examining parliamentary debates in the UK House of Commons 
{\textperiodcentered}      Uses a difference-in-differences design which makes use of over-time variation in the gender of cabinet ministers 
{\textperiodcentered}      Demonstrates that female ministers increase the participation of other female MPs in relevant debates by approximately one quarter, compared to which the minister is male 
{\textperiodcentered}      Uses a measure of debate influence based on the degree to which words used by one legislator are adopted by other members, paper shows that female ministers also increase the influence of female backbenchers 
{\textperiodcentered}      Examines the effects of appointment of female cabinet ministers in the UK on the participation and influence of other female MPs in Commons' debates 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 1) Theory: “argue[s] that the appointment of a female cabinet minister is likely to promote a debating culture that is more conducive to, and encouraging of, the participation of other female MPs than that which has traditionally existed in the UK (Childs, 2004; Lovenduski, 2005), and may help to break down historically constructed stereotypes that certain policy areas represent distinctly “male domains” (Sapiro, 1981). Consequently, I expect the appointment of a female minister to lead to higher levels of female participation and influence in debates that are presided over by the new minister.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 2) Focuses on within ministry variation in the gender of the cabinet minister over time. Compares female debate participation in ministries before and after a switch in the gender of the minister, and compare this difference to changes in female participation in other ministries where the gender of the minister remains constant 
{\textperiodcentered}      Analyses half a million speeches between 1997 and 2017, and demonstrates that female ministers increase the participation of female MPs in relevant debates by approximately one quarter over the level of female participation under male ministers 
{\textperiodcentered}      Uses a text-as-data measurement strategy which assumes that the more that an MP's language is adopted by other MPs in subsequent speeches, the more influential is the MP. Shows women are also more influential in debate when their female colleagues are elevated to high-office, but the influence of men in debate remains constant regardless of minister gender 
{\textperiodcentered}      Provides evidence that female ministers behave systematically differently in debate towards female MPs than do male ministers. Draws on research which emphasises the importance of facilitative speech styles for encouraging speech for one's conversational partners, introduces a new quantitative measure of ministerial responsiveness which assumes that a minister is more responsive when the language they use to reply to a backbencher is more similar to the words that the backbencher uses. Uses this to demonstrate that female ministers are substantially more responsive than their male counterparts to the speeches made by female MPs, but that there is no gendered difference in ministerial responses to the speeches made by male MPs 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 4) Finds that women are underrepresented in their speaking time: “Although women occupied approximately one fifth of the seats in parliament during this period, they accounted for only one tenth of the speaking time in the typical parliamentary debate. Although this evidence does not reveal the factors that cause such a gender-gap, it does suggest that in addition to being underrepresented in terms of the number of seats they hold in parliament in the UK, women are also significantly underrepresented in policy debates on the House floor.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      Note: see p. 6 for work on the importance of women as role models in different fields 
{\textperiodcentered}      Method: studies all Commons floor debates between May 1997 and Feb 2017 (53,397 debates). Covers a wide variety of parliamentary business, including substantive motions where MPs express an opinion on some policy matter, and ministerial QT where MPs ask questions to government ministers 
{\textperiodcentered}      Debates are all mapped to individual government ministries 
{\textperiodcentered}      Key independent variable: FemaleMinistermt, is equal to one when the minister responsible for a given ministry m in time t is a woman, and zero otherwise
{\textperiodcentered}      NOTE: SEE P. 10 FOR AN EXPLANATION OF THIS 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 12) Uses a dynamic panel model, which estimates the treatment effect in the time periods before and after the actual change in minister gender 
{\textperiodcentered}      Simple graphical analysis shows clear presence of a role model effect – in many cases, the appointment of a female minister is accompanies by an increase in the proportion of words spoken by other female MPs 
{\textperiodcentered}      “though in no cases does the appointment of a female minister appear to decrease the participation of other female MPs” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 15-16) “Changes in participation tell us little about how debate contributions are received by others in the House. If women speak at an increasing rate, but the issues and concerns that they raise are ignored by other parliamentarians, then the substantive importance of the effects documented above may be limited.” – Paper therefore looks at texts of parliamentary speeches to ask whether female backbenchers also play a more influential role in political debate under female ministers than under male ministers 
{\textperiodcentered}      Measuring ‘influential' speakers: “consider an MP to be influential when the issues and concerns she raises in her speeches are adopted and discussed by other members in subsequent speeches.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      Look at p. 17 for more on this 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 21) The appointment of a female minister is significantly related to an increase in the influence of female MPs in parliamentary debate, but has no effect on the influence of male MPs. 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 22) “In sum, the results indicate that, consistent with a role-model effect, the appointment of a female minister leads to an increase not only in the degree to which female MPs participate in plenary debate, but also in the level of influence that female MPs enjoy when debating with their fellow parliamentarians.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 25) “Female MPs become more influential in parliamentary debate (the language that they use in debate is adopted more often in subsequent speeches) after the appointment of a female minister, and this effect is at least partially driven by higher levels of responsiveness of the female minister herself.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 28) Results suggest that when women hold high-profile offices, they have significant effects on legislative behaviour, and, crucially, that their appointment can increase the voice of other women in the policy process},
author = {Blumenau, Jack},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Blumenau - 2018 - Legislative Role Models Female Cabinet Ministers and Parliamentary Debate.pdf:pdf},
institution = {University College London },
pages = {64},
title = {{Legislative Role Models: Female Cabinet Ministers and Parliamentary Debate}},
url = {https://www.jackblumenau.com/papers/gender.pdf},
year = {2018}
}
@article{Benedetto2007,
abstract = {The combination of parliamentary government and plurality elections in the British House of Commons is often assumed to produce highly cohesive parliamentary parties. However, the number and magnitude of backbench revolts against the governing party in the British Parliament has increased since the 1960s. The contention of this article is that particular forms of rebellion against the government are the norm rather than the exception in Britain. The reason, the authors contend, is that members of Parliament (MPs) who have been refused ministerial promotion or who are ex-ministers cannot be controlled by the promise of ministerial office and are hence free to vote against the government if they have variant policy preferences from the cabinet. This idea is confirmed in an analysis of Labour MPs' voting behavior in the 2001-2005 House of Commons. {\textcopyright} 2007 Sage Publications.},
author = {Benedetto, Giacomo and Hix, Simon},
doi = {10.1177/0010414006299095},
file = {:Users/lotte/Dropbox/PhD/topic{\_}project/lit/0010414006299095.pdf:pdf},
issn = {00104140},
journal = {Comparative Political Studies},
keywords = {House of Commons,Legislative behavior,Parliamentary government,Roll-call voting},
number = {7},
pages = {755--780},
title = {{The Rejected, the Ejected, and the Dejected: Explaining Government Rebels in the 2001-2005 British House of Commons}},
volume = {40},
year = {2007}
}
@article{Rudman2012,
abstract = {Agentic female leaders risk social and economic penalties for behaving counter-stereotypically (i.e., backlash; Rudman, 1998), but what motivates prejudice against female leaders? The status incongruity hypothesis (SIH) proposes that agentic women are penalized for status violations because doing so defends the gender hierarchy. Consistent with this view, Study 1 found that women are proscribed from dominant, high status displays (which are reserved for leaders and men); Studies 2-3 revealed that prejudice against agentic female leaders was mediated by a dominance penalty; and in Study 3, participants' gender system-justifying beliefs moderated backlash effects. Study 4 found that backlash was exacerbated when perceivers were primed with a system threat. Study 5 showed that only female leaders who threatened the status quo suffered sabotage. In concert, support for the SIH suggests that backlash functions to preserve male dominance by reinforcing a double standard for power and control.},
author = {Rudman, Laurie A and Moss-Racusin, Corinne A and Phelan, Julie E and Nauts, Sanne},
doi = {10.1016/j.jesp.2011.10.008},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Rudman et al. - 2012 - Status incongruity and backlash effects Defending the gender hierarchy motivates prejudice against female leaders.pdf:pdf},
journal = {Journal of Experimental Social Psychology},
pages = {165--179},
title = {{Status incongruity and backlash effects: Defending the gender hierarchy motivates prejudice against female leaders}},
url = {https://ac.els-cdn.com/S0022103111002514/1-s2.0-S0022103111002514-main.pdf?{\_}tid=fb2fff9f-207e-46b2-bad8-ed6da9a979e6{\&}acdnat=1539357588{\_}4fb04e1eb389a9516a43a1ddd7c1403f},
volume = {48},
year = {2012}
}
@article{Valentino2018,
abstract = {The outcome of the 2016 US presidential election cycle generated a great deal of attention about the political psychology of the average American voter. A familiar narrative was that authoritarianism, perhaps triggered by fears of cultural and economic change, was the primary driver of support for Donald Trump. This article argues that sexism has been underestimated as a political force, especially given the angry emotional climate. The article first explores the electoral role of sexism early in the campaign, finding that sexism powerfully predicted vote choice even after controlling for authoritarianism, partisanship, and other predispositions. Second, the article analyzes American National Election Studies time-series data to examine the impact of sexism in recent presidential elections, demonstrating that 2016 was the only year in which it played a large and significant role. Finally, a survey experiment tests the theorized causal mechanism underlying sexism's influence: the catalyzing power of anger versus fear. Fear sharply reduced sexism's impact on support for Trump relative to those who experienced anger. Further, anger powerfully mobilized sexists, a group that would normally be likely to stay home. These results illuminate the role that emotional undercurrents play in catalyzing group-based predispositions into politics.},
author = {Valentino, Nicholas A. and Wayne, Carly and Oceno, Marzia},
doi = {10.1093/poq/nfy003},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Valentino, Wayne, Oceno - 2018 - Mobilizing sexism the interaction of emotion and gender attitudes in the 2016 us presidential election.pdf:pdf},
issn = {15375331},
journal = {Public Opinion Quarterly},
pages = {213--235},
title = {{Mobilizing sexism the interaction of emotion and gender attitudes in the 2016 us presidential election}},
volume = {82},
year = {2018}
}
@book{Phillips1995,
address = {Oxford, UK},
annote = {Chapter 1: From a politics of ideas to a politics of presence? 
  
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 4) “Representing ‘means acting in the interests of the represented, in a manner responsive to them'.” – from Pitkin 1967, p. 209 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 6) “Men may conceivably stand in for women when what is at issue is the representation of agreed policies or programmes or ideals. But how can men legitimately stand in for women when what is at issue is the representation of women per se?” 
  
Chapter 2: Political equality and fair representation 
  
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 35) “As Pitkin has quite adequately established, the equation of fair representation with proportionate representation follows from only one among many versions of what representation is about.”},
author = {Phillips, Anne},
publisher = {Oxford University Press},
title = {{The Politics of Presence}},
year = {1995}
}
@techreport{Hertel-fernandez2015,
author = {Hertel-Fernandez, Alexander and Kashin, Konstantin},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Hertel-Fernandez, Kashin - Unknown - Capturing Business Power Across the States with Text Reuse.pdf:pdf},
institution = {Harvard University},
keywords = {ahertel,alexander hertel-fernandez,edu,fas,harvard,reuse,the states with text,turing business power across},
title = {{Capturing Business Power Across the States with Text Reuse}}
}
@article{Fox2004,
abstract = {A critical void in the research on women's underrepresentation in elective office is an analysis of the initial decision to run for office. Based on data from our Citizen Political Ambition Study, the first large-scale national survey of potential candidates, we examine the process by which women and men emerge as candidates for public office. We find that women who share the same personal characteristics and professional credentials as men express significantly lower levels of political ambition to hold elective office. Two factors explain this gender gap: first, women are far less likely than men to be encouraged to run for office; second, women are significantly less likely than men to view themselves as qualified to run. Our findings call into question the leading theoretical explanations for women's numeric underrepresentation and indicate that, because of vestiges of traditional sex-role socialization, prospects for gender parity in U.S. political institutions are less promising than conventional explanations suggest.},
author = {Fox, Richard L. and Lawless, Jennifer L.},
doi = {10.1111/j.0092-5853.2004.00069.x},
file = {:Users/lotte/Dropbox/PhD/style{\_}experiment/lit/1519882.pdf:pdf},
issn = {00925853},
journal = {American Journal of Political Science},
number = {2},
pages = {264--280},
title = {{Entering the Arena? Gender and the Decision to Run for Office}},
volume = {48},
year = {2004}
}
@article{Hohmann2021,
abstract = {What are the political conditions affecting male MPs' willingness to represent women's interests in parliament? This paper explores the role of electoral vulnerability in this regard and analyzes whether male MPs' re-election prospects affect their likelihood of paying attention to women's concerns. Theoretically, we expect that male MPs are not blamed if they do not represent women's interests but can gain additional credit for doing so. Thus, male MPs should be more likely to speak on behalf of women if their electoral vulnerability is high and if they need to win additional votes to be re-elected. Empirically, the paper analyzes the representation of women's issues in the British House of Commons, by using Early Day Motions tabled preceding the General Elections in 2001, 2005, 2010 and 2015. The results show that male MPs are more likely to represent women's interests when their re-election is at risk.},
annote = {Overall, looks at whether male MPs in the UK HoC are more likely to represent women's interests if they are "electorally vulnerable". Defines electorally vulnerably in a pretty narrow way, i.e. marginality at previous elections and taking into account recent polling for the party. Looks at representing women in the proportion of EDMs signed that are "about women". Finds what they expect to find.

Useful for:
1. General quantitative work on women's representation in the UK case
2. Some overview of the literature on women's representation
3. Some work on why women are expected to represent women -- might be helpful with the argument that once women gain credibility in parliament, there is less pressure for them to represent women
4. They find that the interaction (vulnerability*mp{\_}gender) is not significant: so while men do represent women more women vulnerable, so do women. The idea here is that women have to represent women or they face punishment.},
author = {H{\"{o}}hmann, Daniel and Nugent, Mary},
doi = {10.1111/1475-6765.12472},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/H{\"{o}}hmann, Nugent - 2021 - Male MPs, electoral vulnerability and the substantive representation of women's interests.pdf:pdf},
issn = {14756765},
journal = {European Journal of Political Research},
keywords = {Representation,electoral vulnerability,gender,male MPs,women's interests},
publisher = {Blackwell Publishing Ltd},
title = {{Male MPs, electoral vulnerability and the substantive representation of women's interests}},
year = {2021}
}
@article{Amira2018,
abstract = {Are political candidates perceived differently based on the presence or absence of a southern accent? To address this question, we employ an experimental design that explores reactions to political candidates with a southern accent and a regionally neutral accent. We focus on perceptions of three general categories of candidate characteristics: candidate traits, candidate affect, and candidate issue positions. Overall, we discover that candidates with a southern accent are viewed more negatively, and they are thought to hold more conservative policy positions, than candidates with no discernible accent. Our findings suggest that the southern accent provides a heuristic that affects how voters perceive candidates.},
annote = {This is super useful!!},
author = {Amira, Karyn and Cooper, Christopher A and {Gibbs Knotts}, H and Wofford, Claire},
doi = {10.1177/1532673X18755655},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Amira et al. - 2018 - The Southern Accent as a Heuristic in American Campaigns and Elections.pdf:pdf},
journal = {American Politics Research},
keywords = {campaigns and elections,political psychology,southern politics,voice},
number = {6},
pages = {1065--1093},
title = {{The Southern Accent as a Heuristic in American Campaigns and Elections}},
url = {https://doi.org/10.1177/1532673X18755655},
volume = {46},
year = {2018}
}
@article{Celis2012,
abstract = {Recent developments in the gender and politics literature suggest that studying the substantive representation of women is much more complicated than counting the number of women present in a particular political institution and judging the actions of women representatives against a ‘feminist' shopping list of demands. In brief, the substantive representation of women is no longer considered to be restricted to what happens in our parliaments or only by what women representatives do therein. Furthermore, what constitutes women's issues and interests – that which is to be represented – can also no longer be considered straightforwardly ‘out there' to simply be acted upon by representatives; they are constructed as part of the representative process. Acknowledgement of the diversity and likely contested nature of claims to act ‘for women' coincides with an emerging appreciation that the claims for women made by conservative representatives need to be brought more explicitly into our analytic frameworks and empirical studies. Together, these points not only undermine any assumption that the substantive representation of women equals the feminist substantive representation of women; they also raise the possibility of non- and anti-feminist representative claims and actions ‘for' women. Against this backdrop, we review recent developments within the sub-field of the substantive representation of women literature and offer some reflections and suggestions about how to take conservatism seriously when studying the substantive representation of women both conceptually and empirically},
annote = {{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 213) “Acknowledgement of the diversity and likely contested nature of claims to act ‘for women' coincides with an emerging appreciation that the claims for women made by conservative representatives need to be brought more explicitly into our analytic frameworks and empirical studies. Together, these points not only undermine any assumption that the substantive representation of women equals the feminist substantive representation of women; they also raise the possibility of non- and anti-feminist representative claims and actions ‘for' women.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 214) “Feminists, to be sure, might well recoil from the idea of conservative women like Margaret Thatcher or Sarah Palin as representatives of women.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “But, as we elaborate, pre-emptively dismissing conservative acts and claims of acting for women on the grounds that this is either false consciousness or that these women are but ‘a wolf in sheep's clothing' (where claims and acts that unintentionally or intentionally harm women's interests are disguised as claims in favour of women) cannot lead to good conceptual or empirical research.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “others suggest that the relationship between women representatives and better/more feminist substantive representation is very much dependent on (gendered) institutional contexts (Lovenduski, 2005).” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 215) “Together, these amount to asking: (1) how is representation done; (2) who does it; (3) in relation to which women; (4) what policies; (5) where; (6) when; (7) why; (8) to whom is it accountable; and (9) how effective is the representation? (Lovenduski and Guadagnini, 2010).” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 216) “The broader consequence of such observations for the study of the substantive representation of women is that any implicit construction of women as a homogeneous group – of implying that women share interests and these are all that women want or need – is revealed to be misleading.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “Nonetheless, many empirical studies, either explicitly or implicitly, recognise party identity among representatives and admit that this is likely to affect representatives' attitudes and behaviour.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 217) “First, it holds that there is a fundamental conflict between the substantive representation of women on the one hand, and acting in a conservative fashion on the other. Hence, conservative representatives, when they are perceived to make claims or act for women, must do so other than in a conservative fashion. In practice, this means that a conservative representative acting for a woman in a feminist fashion will need to – at least on some occasions – act in a manner disloyal to her party (with all the attendant costs of so doing in any particular institution).” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “We must also then take seriously conservative representatives and their construction of women's issues and women's interests.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 218) “The first – which we ultimately reject – continues to judge them against feminist criteria. The second – and our preferred approach – considers conservative representative claims and actions as part of an economy of gendered representative claims and eschews attempts to place conservative representatives on a continuum with ‘non- substantive representation of women/anti-feminist/conservative' at one end, and the ‘substantive representation of women/feminist/leftist' at the other.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “Hence, when conservative representatives' claims and actions are ‘feminist', conservatives would be considered to be acting for women. Conversely, when they claim and act otherwise they are not considered to be engaged in the substantive representation of women. In our view this approach can only be ‘valid' if it makes explicit what definition of feminism is used, including the specific criteria upon which to accept or reject a claim as being feminist or not – which might not be easily forthcoming given the contested nature of feminism.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “some empirical studies demonstrate that conservative women representatives are more feminist – attitudinally and behavioural – compared with conservative men representatives.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 219) “Criteria that Celis et al. (2009) use to identify whether claims constitute the substantive representation of women include those that are: (1) directly constructed as being of importance to women; (2) presented as only affecting women; (3) discussed in terms of gender difference; (4) spoken of in terms of gendered effects; and/or (5) framed in terms of equality between women and men.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 220) “Hence, we might judge conservative representatives in terms of their perceptions of, and interactions with, women's groups, including dispossessed sub- groups, as well as in respect of how they perceive women's interests” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 222) “The point we wish to make in this contribution to the scholarship on women's representation is that those studying the substantive representation should walk away from assuming to know a priori what women's issues and interests are and, therefore, are in need of representation.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “Some conservative claims and actions ‘for women' might be considered feminist by some feminists – a possibility that reflects both the heterogeneity of the feminist movement and the pragmatism of conservatism, itself an ideology with different strands of thought (Bryson and Heppell, 2010).”},
author = {Celis, Karen and Childs, Sarah},
doi = {10.1111/j.1467-9248.2011.00904.x},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Celis, Childs - 2012 - The Substantive Representation of Women What to Do with Conservative Claims.pdf:pdf},
isbn = {1467-9248},
issn = {00323217},
journal = {Political Studies},
keywords = {Conservatism,Gender,Representation},
number = {1},
pages = {213--225},
title = {{The Substantive Representation of Women: What to Do with Conservative Claims?}},
volume = {60},
year = {2012}
}
@article{Russell2007,
abstract = {Historically, British MPs had established high levels of commitment to constituency work. The introduction of devolution in Scotland and Wales posed new challenges locally from AMs and MSPs. The article shows that the volume of constituency work for MPs in Scotland and Wales has declined, but this has not been as sharp as may have been expected. Co-operation and competition between members over constituency work is strongly, though not exclusively, related to partisan relationships. In particular, MPs in Scotland are much more inclined than those in Wales to forward enquiries relating to devolved matters to members of the relevant devolved institution. Evidence supports findings that constituency work is driven in part by electoral incentives - but this does not tell the whole story. Institutional and cultural factors are also important, as are individual members' preferences and styles. Scottish and Welsh MPs are sanguine about their experience, although it has diminished enthusiasm, such as it was, for introducing an MMP electoral system at Westminster.},
author = {Russell, Meg and Bradbury, Jonathan},
doi = {10.1080/13597560701189644},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Russell, Bradbury - 2007 - The constituency work of Scottish and Welsh MPs Adjusting to devolution.pdf:pdf},
issn = {13597566},
journal = {Regional and Federal Studies},
keywords = {Constituency service,Mixed member systems,Multi-level democracy,Parliament,Representation},
number = {1},
pages = {97--116},
title = {{The constituency work of Scottish and Welsh MPs: Adjusting to devolution}},
volume = {17},
year = {2007}
}
@article{Wangnerud2009,
abstract = {This essay reviews two research programs. The first focuses on variations in the number of women elected to national parliaments in the world (descriptive representation), and the second focuses on effects of women's presence in parliament (substantive representation). The theory of the politics of presence (Phillips 1995) provides reasons for expecting a link between descriptive and substantive representation. The safest position would be to say that results are mixed when it comes to empirical support for the theory of the politics of presence. However, when a large number of studies covering a wide set of indicators on the importance of gender in the parliamentary process are piled together, the picture that emerges shows that female politicians contribute to strengthening the position of women's interests.},
annote = {{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 51) “This essay reviews two research programs. The first focuses on variations in the number of women elected to national parliaments in the world (descriptive representation), and the second focuses on effects of women's presence in parliament (substantive representation).” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “The theory of the politics of presence (Philips 1995) provides reasons for expecting a link between descriptive and substantive representation.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “the picture that emerges shows that female politicians contribute to strengthening the position of women's interests” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 52) “In research on women in parliaments, there is a much-used distinction between descriptive and substantive representation. This distinction roughly corresponds with whether the focus is on the number of women elected or on the effects of women's presence in parliament. In 1995 the influential book The Politics of Presence was published (Phillips 1995). The theory of the politics of presence suggests that female politicians are best equipped to represent the interests of women; thus, the theory predicts a link between descriptive and substantive representation.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “Research on substantive representation is less mature. This is partly because there used to be very few countries with any substantial number of women elected.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “The dependent variable is more diffuse or multi-faceted. It is not self-evidence what an increased number of women in parliament will most affect: Internal working procedures? Policy outcomes? Trust in government? Or something else?” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 53) “In studies focusing on substantive representation, it is, however, necessary to specific concepts such as “women's interests” and “gender equality”.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “One way to handle such controversies is to let politically active women themselves define women's interests or what they perceive as gender equality” 
{\textperiodcentered}      Philips (The Politics of Presence 1995: 67-68): ‘women have distinct interests in relation to child-bearing (for any foreseeable future, an exclusively female affair); and as society is currently constituted they also have particular interests arising from their exposure to sexual harassment and violence, their unequal position in the division of paid and unpaid labour and their exclusion from most arenas of economic or political power.' 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 55) “One of the earliest findings in the field of party context was that leftist ideology is a strong predictor for a high number of women elected.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 56) “Gender culture can be defined as societal ideals, meanings, and values that have gender connotations” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 60) “The concept of ‘critical mass' is intensely debated. Some scholars seek to identify a threshold number or a ‘tipping point' at which the impact of women's presence in parliaments becomes apparent; a figure of {\~{}}30{\%} is often mentioned.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “Hindrances to female politicians, such as hostile reactions to women, working conditions incompatible with family responsibilities, and the existence of male-dominated networks are suggested in the literature” 
{\textperiodcentered}      Lovenduski (2005: 48) “argues that the most difficult obstacle is the deeply embedded culture of masculinity in political institutions; (2005: 52) “she points out gender biases in personnel, in policy, and in cultures of political organisations” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “The question is also whether their presence has an impact on the behaviour of men, either reinforcing gender differences or modifying them.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “being new in parliament is widely recognised as a factor that diminishes possibilities for impact” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 61) “Female politicians are expected to be better equipped to represent the interests of female voters because they, at least to some extent, share the same experiences.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “There are plenty of counter-hypotheses to this expectation – for example, that ideology is what matters in politics, that social characteristics such as class or ethnicity are more decisive than gender, and that parliamentary institutions influence politicians more than politicians are able to influence them.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “It goes without saying that parliaments are complex institutions and that it is a methodological challenge to empirically test the theory of the politics of presence.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 64) “In summary, a large number of indicators on substantive representation are used in empirical research.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 65) “It is obvious that not all women in parliaments focus on women's interests and gender equality, and it is also obvious that some men in parliaments are active in this field.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “The result that emerges from the empirical research is that female politicians contribute to strengthening the position of women's interests.”},
author = {W{\"{a}}ngnerud, Lena},
doi = {10.1146/annurev.polisci.11.053106.123839},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/W{\"{a}}ngnerud - 2009 - Women in Parliaments Descriptive and Substantive Representation.pdf:pdf},
isbn = {1094-2939},
issn = {1094-2939},
journal = {Annual Review of Political Science},
pages = {51--69},
title = {{Women in Parliaments: Descriptive and Substantive Representation}},
volume = {12},
year = {2009}
}
@article{Wilkerson2017,
abstract = {Text has always been an important data source in political science. What has changed in recent years is the feasibility of investigating large amounts of text quantitatively. The internet provides political scientists with more data than their mentors could have imagined, and the research community is providing accessible text analysis software packages, along with training and support. As a result, text-as-data research is becoming mainstream in political science. Scholars are tapping new data sources, they are employing more diverse methods, and they are becoming critical consumers of findings based on those methods. In this article, we first describe the four stages of a typical text-as-data project. We then review recent political science applications and explore one important methodological challenge-topic model instability-in greater detail. 529},
annote = {Useful for a step-by-step of how this kind of thing is done},
author = {Wilkerson, John and Casas, Andreu},
doi = {10.1146/annurev-polisci-052615},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Wilkerson, Casas - 2017 - Large-Scale Computerized Text Analysis in Political Science Opportunities and Challenges.pdf:pdf},
journal = {Annual Review of Political Science},
pages = {529--544},
title = {{Large-Scale Computerized Text Analysis in Political Science: Opportunities and Challenges}},
volume = {20},
year = {2017}
}
@article{VanDitmars2022,
abstract = {While left and right are the main terms to distinguish political views in Western Europe, the family socialization of citizens has mainly been studied in terms of partisan preferences rather than identification with these ideological blocks. Therefore, this study investigates the intergenerational transmission of left-right ideological positions in two European multiparty systems. To investigate expectations regarding gendered patterns in political socialization, ideological transmission between mothers, fathers, daughters and sons are analysed, making use of German and Swiss household data. The results underline the relevance of the family in the transmission of political ideology in multiparty systems, showing high contemporary parent-child concordance in ideological positioning in line with classic work in political socialization. Moreover, the study demonstrates how the gender-generation gap in political ideology is consequential for this process. Young women consistently place themselves on the left of men across all combinations of parental ideology, which indicates that the gender-generation gap trumps other gendered patterns in intergenerational transmission. Consequently, daughters are less likely than sons to take over their parents' rightist positions, while parent-son transmission is equally large on the left and the right. This also means that left-leaning parents have a general advantage over right-leaning parents in having their ideological identification reproduced by their daughters. The study highlights the importance of differentiating between the transmission of left- and right-wing ideology in political socialization processes. Moreover, it demonstrates that the distinction by offspring gender is imperative when studying the intergenerational transmission of traits that display gender differences within and between parental and offspring generations. The findings point at the active role of especially female offspring in the political socialization process, as they seem to be more strongly impacted by influences outside the family that sustain generational processes of further gender realignment. This article is protected by copyright. All rights reserved},
author = {van Ditmars, Mathilde M.},
doi = {10.1111/1475-6765.12517},
file = {:Users/lotte/Dropbox/PhD/topic{\_}project/lit/European J Political Res - 2022 - VAN DITMARS - Political socialization  political gender gaps and the intergenerational.pdf:pdf},
issn = {0304-4130},
journal = {European Journal of Political Research},
keywords = {gender-generation gap,intergenerational transmission,left-right ideology,parental socialization,political gender gap,political socialization},
pages = {1--22},
title = {{Political socialization, political gender gaps, and the intergenerational transmission of left‐right ideology}},
year = {2022}
}
@article{Stauffer2021,
abstract = {Theoretical work argues that citizens gain important symbolic benefits when they are represented by gender-inclusive institutions. Despite the centrality of this claim in the literature, empirical evidence is mixed. In this article, I argue that these mixed findings are - in part - because many Americans hold beliefs about women's inclusion that are out of step with reality. Leveraging variation in survey respondents' beliefs about women's representation, I examine how these perceptions influence attitudes toward Congress and state legislatures. In both cases, I find that believing women are included is associated with higher levels of external efficacy among both men and women. Using panel data, I then show that when citizens' underestimations (overestimations) are corrected, their levels of efficacy increase (decrease), shedding further light on this relationship. The findings presented in this research add new theoretical insights into when, and how, Americans consider descriptive representation when evaluating the institutions that represent them.},
author = {Stauffer, Katelyn E.},
doi = {10.1017/S0003055421000678},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Stauffer - 2021 - Public Perceptions of Women's Inclusion and Feelings of Political Efficacy.pdf:pdf},
issn = {15375943},
journal = {American Political Science Review},
pages = {1226--1241},
title = {{Public Perceptions of Women's Inclusion and Feelings of Political Efficacy}},
year = {2021}
}
@article{Biernat1991,
abstract = {People routinely adjust their subjective judgment standards as they evaluate members of stereotyped social groups. Such shifts are less likely to occur, however, when judgments are made on stable, "objective" response scales. In 3 studies, subjects judged a series of targets with respect to a number of gender-relevant attributes (e.g., height, weight, and income), using either subjective (Likert-type) or objective response scales (e.g., inches, pounds, and dollars). Objective judgments were consistently influenced by sex stereotypes; subjective judgments were not. Results were also consistent with the expectation that when a judgment attribute is unrelated to gender, male and female targets evoke the same judgment standards. A schematic model of how stereotyped mental representations are expressed on subjectively defined rating scales is presented, and implications for the study of person perception are discussed.},
author = {Biernat, Monica and Manis, Melvin and Nelson, Thomas E.},
doi = {10.1037/0022-3514.60.4.485},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Biernat, Manis, Nelson - 1991 - Stereotypes and Standards of Judgment.pdf:pdf},
issn = {00223514},
journal = {Journal of Personality and Social Psychology},
number = {4},
pages = {485--499},
title = {{Stereotypes and Standards of Judgment}},
volume = {60},
year = {1991}
}
@book{Cantor1992,
abstract = {Explores the strengths, background, and skills that have enabled women to achieve postions of political power, through interviews with twenty-five politically prominent women.},
address = {Chicago},
author = {Cantor, Dorothy W. and Bernay, Toni},
isbn = {0395618606},
pages = {316},
publisher = {Houghton Mifflin},
title = {{Women in Power: The Secrets of Leadership}},
year = {1992}
}
@article{Gidengil2003,
author = {Gidengil, Elisabeth and Everitt, Joanna},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Gidengil, Everitt - 2003 - Conventional Coverage Unconventional Gender and Media Coverage of Canadian Leaders' Debates, 1993, 1997, 200.pdf:pdf},
journal = {Canadian Journal of Political Science},
number = {3},
pages = {559--577},
title = {{Conventional Coverage / Unconventional Gender and Media Coverage of Canadian Leaders' Debates, 1993, 1997, 2000}},
volume = {36},
year = {2003}
}
@article{Mo2015,
abstract = {How much does a voter's attitude towards female versus male leadership manifest itself at the ballot box and when does information regarding candidate qualifications or the lack thereof matter in this relationship? I conduct an in-depth survey, which includes a vote choice experiment randomizing the sex of the more qualified candidate, a novel gender and leadership Implicit Association Test, and a measure of explicit gender attitudes to explore this question. I find that the propensity to pick a female candidate increases as explicit and implicit attitudes against female leadership decrease, suggesting that traditional explicit measures underestimate the effects of gender attitudes and miss a key dimension of people's preferences. Gender attitudes in the electoral process remain consequential, but have grown subtler, which is missed when only assessing people's self-reported explicit attitudes. Fortunately, the effects of voters' gender attitudes can be attenuated by candidate qualification information; however, it does not rid the effects of gender on vote choice uniformly. People who explicitly state a preference for male leaders do not respond to individuating information, even if the female candidate is clearly more qualified than her male counterpart. However, people who implicitly prefer male leaders, but explicitly state being gender-equitable respond to individuating information and tend to select the more qualified candidate regardless of the can-didate's sex. The study points to the significance of dual process account of reasoning acknowledging that individuals operate on two levels, System 1 (automatic and implicit) and System 2 (effortful and explicit)-in understanding voting behavior.},
author = {Mo, Cecilia Hyunjung},
doi = {10.1007/s11109-014-9274-4},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Mo - 2015 - The Consequences of Explicit and Implicit Gender Attitudes and Candidate Quality in the Calculations of Voters.pdf:pdf},
journal = {Political Behavior},
pages = {357--395},
title = {{The Consequences of Explicit and Implicit Gender Attitudes and Candidate Quality in the Calculations of Voters}},
volume = {37},
year = {2015}
}
@book{Norris2004,
address = {Cambridge},
author = {Norris, Pippa},
publisher = {Cambridge University Press},
title = {{Electoral Engineering: Voting Rules and Political Behaviour.}},
year = {2004}
}
@article{DeGeus2020,
author = {de Geus, Roosmarijn A. and McAndrews, John R. and Loewen, Peter John and Martin, Aaron},
doi = {10.1177/1065912920906193},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/de Geus et al. - 2021 - Do Voters Judge the Performance of Female and Male Politicians Differently Experimental Evidence from the United.pdf:pdf},
journal = {Political Research Quarterly},
number = {2},
pages = {302--316},
title = {{Do Voters Judge the Performance of Female and Male Politicians Differently? Experimental Evidence from the United States and Australia}},
volume = {74},
year = {2021}
}
@article{Leeper2020,
abstract = {Conjoint analysis is a common tool for studying political preferences. The method disentangles patterns in respondents' favorability toward complex, multidimensional objects, such as candidates or policies. Most conjoints rely upon a fully randomized design to generate average marginal component effects (AMCEs). They measure the degree to which a given value of a conjoint profile feature increases, or decreases, respondents' support for the overall profile relative to a baseline, averaging across all respondents and other features. While the AMCE has a clear causal interpretation (about the effect of features), most published conjoint analyses also use AMCEs to describe levels of favorability. This often means comparing AMCEs among respondent subgroups. We show that using conditional AMCEs to describe the degree of subgroup agreement can be misleading as regression interactions are sensitive to the reference category used in the analysis. This leads to inferences about subgroup differences in preferences that have arbitrary sign, size, and significance. We demonstrate the problem using examples drawn from published articles and provide suggestions for improved reporting and interpretation using marginal means and an omnibus F-test. Given the accelerating use of these designs in political science, we offer advice for best practice in analysis and presentation of results.},
author = {Leeper, Thomas J. and Hobolt, Sara B. and Tilley, James},
doi = {10.1017/pan.2019.30},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Leeper, Hobolt, Tilley - 2020 - Measuring Subgroup Preferences in Conjoint Experiments.pdf:pdf},
issn = {14764989},
journal = {Political Analysis},
keywords = {conjoint analysis,factorial experiments,survey design,survey experiments},
number = {2},
pages = {207--221},
title = {{Measuring Subgroup Preferences in Conjoint Experiments}},
volume = {28},
year = {2020}
}
@article{Dolan2005,
abstract = {While previous research indicates that voters hold gender-based stereotypes of women and men candidates for elected office, the degree to which candidate actions contribute to these views is less well known. The research reported here attempts to determine whether candidates appeal to gender-based stereotypes by choosing to campaign on issues that are in line with voter expectations. Specifically, it examines whether women candidates for Congress in 2000 and 2002 presented campaign issues that were different from those presented by their male opponents and whether these issues conform to expected gender stereotypes, and then compares these findings to that of a men-only race comparison group. Content analysis of campaign web sites is employed to examine the campaign images presented by these candidates. Contrary to assumptions, women in 2000 and 2002 did not focus their issue priorities on a set of gender-stereotyped issues, but instead campaigned on a set of topics that were similar to those of their male opponents.},
author = {Dolan, Kathleen},
doi = {10.1177/106591290505800103},
file = {:Users/lotte/Dropbox/PhD/style{\_}experiment/lit/106591290505800103.pdf:pdf},
issn = {10659129},
journal = {Political Research Quarterly},
number = {1},
pages = {31--44},
title = {{Do women candidates play to gender stereotypes? Do men candidates play to women? Candidate sex and issues priorities on campaign websites}},
volume = {58},
year = {2005}
}
@article{Ban2020,
author = {Ban, Pamela and Grimmer, Justin and Kaslovsky, Jaclyn and West, Emily},
journal = {Quarterly Journal of Political Science},
number = {3},
title = {{How Does the Rising Number of Women in the U.S. Congress Change Deliberation? Evidence from House Committee Hearings}},
volume = {17},
year = {2022}
}
@book{Northouse2016,
address = {London},
author = {Northouse, Peter G.},
publisher = {SAGE Publications},
title = {{Leadership: Theory and Practice}},
year = {2016}
}
@book{ConstitutionUnit2022,
address = {London},
author = {Renwick, Alan and Lauderdale, Ben and Russell, Meg and Cleaver, James},
publisher = {The Constitution Unit},
title = {{What Kind of Democracy Do People Want?}},
year = {2022}
}
@article{Yildirim2019,
abstract = {A large body of literature has focused on potential causes and consequences of candidate nomination procedures. One of the received wisdoms in this literature is that loyalty to the party leadership in centralized systems and personal vote-earning attributes in decentralized systems rank in priority for representatives' career prospects. However, the determinants of candidate nomination in countries with centralized nomination procedures have been significantly undertheorized, due in part to the implicit assumption that party loyalty outweighs any other factor in determining career decisions. We close this gap by analyzing nomination and promotion decisions in Turkey, a closed-list PR system with highly centralized nomination procedures. We argue that representatives' parliamentary performance such as parliamentary activeness and issue concentration influence parties' nomination and promotion decisions. Utilizing original data sets of biographies of 1100 MPs who served in parliament between 2002 and 2011, and over 18,000 parliamentary speeches and 1040 bill cosponsorships, we estimate empirical models that are explicitly derived from the underlying theoretical model and find evidence that party leaderships favour incumbents who make more speeches and who display higher issue concentration, while penalizing electorally safe incumbents who seek legislative influence through private members' bills (PMBs). Results offer important implications for the study of intraparty politics and parliamentary behaviour in general, and candidate nomination in particular.},
author = {Yildirim, Tevfik Murat and Kocapınar, G{\"{u}}lnur and Ecevit, Y{\"{u}}ksel Alper},
doi = {10.1177/1354068817740338},
file = {:Users/lotte/Dropbox/PhD/topic{\_}project/lit/1354068817740338.pdf:pdf},
issn = {14603683},
journal = {Party Politics},
keywords = {candidate renomination,intraparty politics,parliamentary careers,parliamentary performance,party leadership},
number = {6},
pages = {794--804},
title = {{Staying active and focused? The effect of parliamentary performance on candidate renomination and promotion}},
volume = {25},
year = {2019}
}
@article{Blumenau2022a,
abstract = {How and why do moral judgments vary across the political spectrum? To test moral foundations theory (J. Haidt {\&} J. Graham, 2007; J. Haidt {\&} C. Joseph, 2004), the authors developed several ways to measure people's use of 5 sets of moral intuitions: Harm/care, Fairness/reciprocity, Ingroup/loyalty, Authority/respect, and Purity/sanctity. Across 4 studies using multiple methods, liberals consistently showed greater endorsement and use of the Harm/care and Fairness/reciprocity foundations compared to the other 3 foundations, whereas conservatives endorsed and used the 5 foundations more equally. This difference was observed in abstract assessments of the moral relevance of foundation-related concerns such as violence or loyalty (Study 1), moral judgments of statements and scenarios (Study 2), "sacredness" reactions to taboo trade-offs (Study 3), and use of foundation-related words in the moral texts of religious sermons (Study 4). These findings help to illuminate the nature and intractability of moral disagreements in the American "culture war."},
author = {Blumenau, Jack and Lauderdale, Benjamin E.},
file = {:Users/lotte/Dropbox/PhD/style{\_}experiment/lit/chickens.pdf:pdf},
journal = {Working Paper},
keywords = {Adult,Altruism,Cultural Diversity,Female,Group Processes,Humans,Identification (Psychology),Intuition,Judgment,Male,Models,Morals,Politics,Psychological,Social Values,United States},
pages = {1--35},
title = {{Liberals and Conservatives Rely on Very Similar Sets of Foundations When Comparing Moral Violations}},
year = {2022}
}
@article{Herrick1993,
abstract = {According to Schlesinger's ambition theory, legislators seeking higher office behave differently from their less ambitious colleagues. In this note we examine Schlesinger's proposition that political ambition affects legislators' behavior. In the process, we argue that Schlesinger's typology of political ambition should be expanded to include intrainstitutional ambition—the members' desire for leadership positions within their present institution. Using data on U.S. House members we conclude that intrainstitutional ambition is distinct from both progressive and static ambition with each type of ambition exhibiting unique effects on various measures of legislative behavior. {\textcopyright} 1993, Southern Political Science Association. All rights reserved.},
author = {Herrick, Rebekah and Moore, Michael K.},
doi = {10.2307/2132000},
file = {:Users/lotte/Dropbox/PhD/topic{\_}project/lit/2132000.pdf:pdf},
issn = {14682508},
journal = {The Journal of Politics},
number = {3},
pages = {765--776},
title = {{Political Ambition's Effect on Legislative Behavior: Schlesinger's Typology Reconsidered and Revised}},
volume = {55},
year = {1993}
}
@article{Bauer2019a,
abstract = {Current scholarship offers conflicting conclusions about whether female candidates have a feminine advantage or a disadvantage. Previous work does not consider whether voters respond similarly to all types of messages that might emphasize feminine stereotypes, such as feminine trait and feminine issue messages. I argue that voters will respond differently to trait-based feminine messages relative to issue-based feminine messages. I test the effects of trait-based and issue-based feminine messages through two survey experiments. The results consistently show that emphasizing feminine traits harms female candidates, whereas emphasizing feminine issues helps female candidates. I use role congruity theory to argue that feminine traits activate feminine stereotypes about women, and feminine issues do not activate these stereotypes. I also show that trait-based and issue-based feminine messages affect Democratic and Republican female candidates in very different ways. These results have implications for the ability of women to win elected office and reverse the pervasive underrepresentation of women in politics.},
author = {Bauer, Nichole M.},
doi = {10.1017/S1743923X19000084},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Bauer - 2019 - A Feminine Advantage Delineating the Effects of Feminine Trait and Feminine Issue Messages on Evaluations of Female Candi.pdf:pdf},
journal = {Politics {\&} Gender},
keywords = {Feminine stereotypes,campaign strategies,candidate traits,political issues,voter bias},
pages = {1--19},
title = {{A Feminine Advantage? Delineating the Effects of Feminine Trait and Feminine Issue Messages on Evaluations of Female Candidates}},
url = {https://doi.org/10.1017/S1743923X19000084},
year = {2019}
}
@article{Fischbach2015,
abstract = {People believe women are more emotional than men but it remains unclear to what extent such emotion stereotypes affect leadership perceptions. Extending the think manager-think male paradigm (Schein, 1973), we examined the similarity of emotion expression descriptions of women, men, and managers. In a field-based online experiment, 1,098 participants (male and female managers and employees) rated one of seven target groups on 17 emotions: men or women (in general, managers, or successful managers), or successful managers. Men in general are described as more similar to successful managers in emotion expression than are women in general. Only with the label manager or successful manager do women-successful manager similarities on emotion expression increase. These emotion stereotypes might hinder women's leadership success.},
author = {Fischbach, Andrea and Lichtenthaler, Philipp W. and Horstmann, Nina},
doi = {10.1027/1866-5888/a000136},
file = {:Users/lotte/Dropbox/PhD/style{\_}experiment/lit/FischbachLichtenthalerHorstmann-2015-Leadershipandgenderstereotypingofemotions.Thinkmanager-thinkmale2.pdf:pdf},
issn = {18665888},
journal = {Journal of Personnel Psychology},
keywords = {Emotion stereotypes,Emotions,Gender stereotypes,Leader stereotypes,Think manager-think male},
number = {3},
pages = {153--162},
title = {{Leadership and Gender Stereotyping of Emotions: Think Manager - Think Male?}},
volume = {14},
year = {2015}
}
@article{Benoit2019a,
abstract = {Political scientists lack domain-specific measures for the purpose of measuring the sophistication of political communication. We systematically review the shortcomings of existing approaches, before developing a new and better method along with software tools to apply it. We use crowdsourcing to perform thousands of pairwise comparisons of text snippets and incorporate these results into a statistical model of sophistication. This includes previously excluded features such as parts of speech, and a measure of word rarity derived from dynamic term frequencies in the Google books dataset. Our technique not only shows which features are appropriate to the political domain and how, but also provides a measure easily applied and re-scaled to political texts in a way that facilitates probabilistic comparisons. We reanalyze the State of the Union corpus to demonstrate how conclusions differ when using our improved approach, including the ability to compare complexity as a function of covariates.},
annote = {This could be interesting??? - in terms of other things I may expect to find gendered differences for. Could this work for 'jargon' for example?},
author = {Benoit, Kenneth and Munger, Kevin and Spirling, Arthur},
doi = {10.2139/ssrn.3062061},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Benoit, Munger, Spirling - 2019 - Measuring and Explaining Political Sophistication Through Textual Complexity.pdf:pdf},
journal = {American Journal of Political Science},
keywords = {crowdsourcing,pairwise contests,political methodology,sophistication,text as data},
number = {2},
pages = {491--508},
title = {{Measuring and Explaining Political Sophistication Through Textual Complexity}},
volume = {63},
year = {2019}
}
@article{Celis2018,
author = {Celis, Karen and Childs, Sarah},
doi = {10.1017/S1743923X17000575},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Celis, Childs - 2018 - Conservatism and Women's Political Representation.pdf:pdf},
journal = {Politics {\&} Gender},
pages = {5--26},
title = {{Conservatism and Women's Political Representation}},
volume = {14},
year = {2018}
}
@article{Bauer2013,
abstract = {Increasing numbers of female candidates are running for Congress in American national elections. Despite the rise in female candidates running for office, women are not significantly increasing their presence in the House and Senate. A much hypothesized influence over the electoral fates of female candidates is the role of gender stereotypes. However, political science scholars have struggled to pinpoint the effect of stereotypes on vote choice, if there is any effect. This essay compares the way social psychology and political science scholars theoretically, conceptually and empirically test for gender stereotype influence over evaluations of female candidates and politicians. Differences emerge in the theoretical assumptions made in the two disciplines, the types of measures used in research, and the empirical tests conducted to demonstrate the presence or absence of stereotypes in evaluations of women. The discussion explores how scholars studying female candidates and politicians can integrate insights from social psychology to clarify the role of stereotypes in candidate evaluation and choice. A record-setting 98 women won a seat to Congress in 2012. Despite this recent surge of successful female candidates, women remain underrepresented at all levels of elected office. Among other explanations, gender stereotypes have been identified as a possible contributing factor. Gender stereotypes might hinder the electoral success of female candidates because they are at odds with the behavioral expectations people have for political candidates. One Washington Post article describes the delicate balancing act female candidates face, "Female candidates traverse a narrow path, avoiding behaviors that might give rise to stereotypes: Be firm, but not angry. Be compassionate, but not weepy. Too much emotion: dangerous.Y' Such behavioral and perceptual limitations may indeed make it difficult for female candidates to run effective and successful campaigns. Conventional wisdom hints that gender stereotypes create a performative bind for women to be resolute and caring at the same time. The roots of this bind rest with the assumption that stereotypes are automatically and unavoidably relied on to evaluate female candidates. However, empirical evidence showing gender stereotypes are to blame for the electoral struggles of female candidates yields no clear conclusions. Some studies find gender stereotypes help female candidates ,2,3 other studies find they reduce support for female candidates.Y and yet another body of research shows gender stereotypes have no discernible effect on support for female candidates.Y Given these contrast-22 POLITICS AND THE LIFE SCIENCES • SPRING 20 13 • VOL. 32, NO. I},
author = {Bauer, Nichole M.},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Bauer - 2013 - Rethinking stereotype reliance Understanding the connection between female candidates and gender stereotypes.pdf:pdf},
journal = {Politics and the Life Sciences},
keywords = {Gender stereotypes,counter-stereotypic information,female candidates,gender prejudice,stereotype activation,stereotype reliance,women In politics},
number = {1},
pages = {22--42},
title = {{Rethinking stereotype reliance: Understanding the connection between female candidates and gender stereotypes}},
volume = {32},
year = {2013}
}
@article{Paxton2010,
abstract = {The expansion of women's formal political representation ranks among the most significant trends in international politics of the last 100 years. Though women made steady political progress, substantial country-level variation exists in patterns of growth and change. In this article, longitudinal theories are developed to examine how political factors affect women's political representation over time. Latent growth curve models are used to assess the growth of women in politics in 110 countries from 1975 to 2000. The article investigates how electoral systems, national-level gender quotas and growth of democracy – both political rights and civil liberties – impact country-level trajectories of women's legislative representation. It is found: first, national quotas do affect women's political presence, but at a lower level than legislated by law; second, the impact of a proportional representation system on women's political representation is steady over time; and third, democracy, especially civil liberties, does not affect the level of women's political representation in the earliest period, but does influence the growth of women's political representation over time. These findings both reinforce and challenge prior cross-sectional models of women's political representation.},
author = {Paxton, Pamela and Hughes, Melanie M. and Painter, Matthew A.},
doi = {10.1111/j.1475-6765.2009.01886.x},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Paxton, Hughes, Painter - 2010 - Growth in women's political representation A longitudinal exploration of democracy, electoral system an.pdf:pdf},
isbn = {1475-6765},
issn = {03044130},
journal = {European Journal of Political Research},
number = {1},
pages = {25--52},
title = {{Growth in women's political representation: A longitudinal exploration of democracy, electoral system and gender quotas}},
volume = {49},
year = {2010}
}
@article{Allen2013,
abstract = {This article uses empirical data to establish and analyse the links between pre-parliamentary political experience and career trajectory once elected to the House of Commons. It suggests a move away from the existing occupation focused frameworks towards a broader 'political experience' approach which distinguishes between traditional and non-traditional routes into Parliament. The framework is validated using data focusing on the 1997 cohort of newly elected Members of Parliament. It tracks the political careers of these individuals, asking who reaches the top positions, at what speed and whether there is a relationship between career trajectory and pre-parliamentary political experience.},
author = {Allen, Peter},
doi = {10.1093/pa/gss030},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Allen - 2013 - Linking Pre-Parliamentary Political Experience and the Career Trajectories of the 1997 General Election Cohort.pdf:pdf},
journal = {Parliamentary Affairs},
pages = {685--707},
title = {{Linking Pre-Parliamentary Political Experience and the Career Trajectories of the 1997 General Election Cohort}},
volume = {66},
year = {2013}
}
@article{Quinn2010,
annote = {Read again},
author = {Quinn, Kevin M. and Monroe, Burt l. and Colaresi, Michael and Crespin, Michael H. and Radev, Dragomir R.},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Quinn et al. - 2010 - How to Analyze Political Attention with Minimal Assumptions and Costs(2).pdf:pdf},
journal = {American Journal of Political Science},
number = {1},
pages = {209--228},
title = {{How to Analyze Political Attention with Minimal Assumptions and Costs}},
volume = {54},
year = {2010}
}
@article{Bauer2017b,
abstract = {In American politics, legislative compromise is often seen as a necessary and desirable aspect of policymaking, yet people also value politicians who stick to their positions. In this article, we consider these conflicting expectations of legislators and ask two intertwined questions: what conditions lead people to punish legislators for not compromising (when legislative action is at stake) and, conversely , what conditions leave people more willing to overlook a legislator's unwillingness to engage in compromise? Relying on previous research, we suggest that legislator gender, legislator partisanship, and issue area may all affect which legislators are punished for not compromising. Relying on two national experiments , we demonstrate that the extent to which lawmakers are punished for not compromising is conditional on the intersection of the three factors in this study. In general, our results suggest that people may be most willing to overlook},
author = {Bauer, Nichole M. and {Harbridge Yong}, Laurel and Krupnikov, Yanna},
doi = {10.7910/DVN/UYUZYA},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Bauer, Harbridge Yong, Krupnikov - 2017 - Who is Punished Conditions Affecting Voter Evaluations of Legislators Who Do Not Compromise.pdf:pdf},
isbn = {1110901693566},
journal = {Political Behavior},
keywords = {Compromise,Congress,Gender,Issue ownership,Partisanship,Public opinion},
pages = {279--300},
title = {{Who is Punished? Conditions Affecting Voter Evaluations of Legislators Who Do Not Compromise}},
volume = {39},
year = {2017}
}
@article{Franceschet2008,
abstract = {This article integrates the comparative literature on gender quotas with the existing body of research on women's substantive representation. Quota laws, which bring greater numbers of women into parliaments, are frequently assumed to improve women's substantive representation. We use the Argentine case, where a law mandating a 30{\%} gender quota was adopted in 1991, to show that quotas can affect substantive representation in contradictory and unintended ways. To do so, we disaggregate women's substantive representation into two distinct concepts: substantive representation as process, where women change the legislative agenda, and substantive representation as outcome, where female legislators succeed in passing women's rights laws in the Argentine Congress. We argue that quota laws complicate both aspects of substantive representation. Quotas generate mandates for female legislators to represent women's interests, while also reinforcing negative stereotypes about women's capacities as politicians. Our case combines data from bill introduction and legislative success from 1989 to 2007 with data from 54 interviews conducted in 2005 and 2006. We use this evidence to demonstrate that representation depends on the institutional environment, which is itself shaped by quotas. Institutions and norms simultaneously facilitate and obstruct women's substantive representation. {\textcopyright} 2008, The Women and Politics Research Section of the American Political Science Association. All rights reserved.},
author = {Franceschet, Susan and Piscopo, Jennifer M.},
doi = {10.1017/S1743923X08000342},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Franceschet, Piscopo - 2008 - Gender Quotas and Women's Substantive Representation Lessons from Argentina.pdf:pdf},
issn = {17439248},
journal = {Politics and Gender},
number = {3},
pages = {393--425},
publisher = {University College London (UCL)},
title = {{Gender Quotas and Women's Substantive Representation: Lessons from Argentina}},
volume = {4},
year = {2008}
}
@article{Campbell2015a,
abstract = {The notion that voters are demanding ever more constituency activity from their MPs is now a widely-accepted tenet of British politics. There is a great deal of survey work demonstrating that voters place a high priority on constituency connections of all kinds, but we know less about how voters' priorities compare with MPs' ranking of constituency work against competing aspects of their role. In this article we compare matched surveys of voters and MPs and establish that there is less difference between the priorities they give to constituency versus other activity than we might expect.},
author = {Campbell, Rosie and Lovenduski, Joni},
doi = {10.1093/pa/gsu020},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Campbell, Lovenduski - 2015 - What Should MPs Do Public and Parliamentarians' Views Compared.pdf:pdf},
issn = {14602482},
journal = {Parliamentary Affairs},
number = {4},
pages = {690--708},
title = {{What Should MPs Do? Public and Parliamentarians' Views Compared}},
volume = {68},
year = {2015}
}
@article{Costa2019,
author = {Costa, Mia and Greenlee, Jill S. and Nteta, Tatishe and Rhodes, Jesse H. and Sharrow, Elizabeth A.},
doi = {10.1177/1532673X19826273},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Costa et al. - 2019 - Family Ties The Limits of Fathering Daughters on Congressional Behavior.pdf:pdf},
journal = {American Politics Research},
keywords = {congress,cosponsorship,gender,legislative behavior,parenthood},
number = {3},
pages = {471--493},
title = {{Family Ties? The Limits of Fathering Daughters on Congressional Behavior}},
volume = {47},
year = {2019}
}
@article{Bowler2010,
abstract = {Private Members' Bills are a small but significant part of the UK parliament's legislative work. Many are proposed but few pass into law. This article argues that Private Members' legislation has a broad analogy to constituency service behaviour. In making legislative proposals MPs can cast themselves as active and caring representatives and, in consequence, MPs who make proposals receive a small but significant increase in vote share. This electoral connection also prompts MPs from more marginal seats to be more active in proposing Private Members' Bills. {\textcopyright} 2010 Taylor {\&} Francis.},
author = {Bowler, Shaun},
doi = {10.1080/13572334.2010.519457},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Bowler - 2010 - Private members' bills in the UK parliament Is there an 'electoral connection'.pdf:pdf},
issn = {13572334},
journal = {Journal of Legislative Studies},
keywords = {Constituency service,Electoral connection,Marginality,Personal vote,Private members' bill,UK parliament},
number = {4},
pages = {476--494},
title = {{Private members' bills in the UK parliament: Is there an 'electoral connection'?}},
volume = {16},
year = {2010}
}
@article{Teele2018a,
abstract = {This paper theorizes three forms of bias that might limit women's representation: outright hostility, double standards, and a double bind whereby desired traits present bigger burdens for women than men. We examine these forms of bias using conjoint experiments derived from several original surveys-a population survey of American voters and two rounds of surveys of American public officials. We find no evidence of outright discrimination or of double standards. All else equal, most groups of respondents prefer female candidates, and evaluate men and women with identical profiles similarly. But on closer inspection, all is not equal. Across the board, elites and voters prefer candidates with traditional household profiles such as being married and having children, resulting in a double bind for many women. So long as social expectations about women's familial commitments cut against the demands of a full-time political career, women are likely to remain underrepresented in politics.},
author = {Teele, Dawn Langan and Kalla, Joshua and Rosenbluth, Frances},
doi = {10.1017/S0003055418000217},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Teele, Kalla, Rosenbluth - 2018 - The Ties That Double Bind Social Roles and Women's Underrepresentation in Politics(2).pdf:pdf},
journal = {American Political Science Review},
number = {3},
pages = {525--541},
title = {{The Ties That Double Bind: Social Roles and Women's Underrepresentation in Politics}},
volume = {112},
year = {2018}
}
@article{Aries1976,
abstract = {The focus of this paper will be the effects of a group's sex composition on the interaction styles of the participants. By studying the social interaction of single-sex and mixed groups, we can examine differences in the interpersonal styles of men and women, and look at whether men and women display the same members of the same sex and members of the opposite sex. Through this endeavor we can interpersonal style when interacting with gain a clearer understanding of the effects of sex role pressures on small group interaction. While common observation leads us to many stereotyped beliefs about how men and women behave in groups, research on small groups has paid relatively little attention to sex composition and group process. Several studies support the hypothesis that while men and women are capable of a wide range of behaviors, their differential socialization leads men to select more of a task emphasis and women to select more of a social-emotional emphasis in both family interaction and in mixed task groups (Parsons and Bales, 1955 ; Strodtbeck and Mann, 1956).},
annote = {Summary: focuses on the group's sex composition on the interaction styles of the participants. Examines the social interaction of single-sex and mixed groups, and hence examines differences in the interpersonal styles of men and women},
author = {Aries, Elizabeth},
doi = {10.1177/104649647600700102},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Aries - 1976 - Interaction Patterns and Themes of Male, Female, and Mixed Groups.pdf:pdf},
isbn = {1046496476},
issn = {15528278},
journal = {Small Group Research},
number = {1},
pages = {7--18},
title = {{Interaction Patterns and Themes of Male, Female, and Mixed Groups}},
volume = {7},
year = {1976}
}
@misc{Weisman2013,
author = {Weisman, Jonathan and Steinhauer, Jennifer},
booktitle = {The New York Times},
title = {{Senate Women Lead in Effort to Find Accord}},
url = {https://www.nytimes.com/2013/10/15/us/senate-women-lead-in-effort-to-find-accord.html},
year = {2013}
}
@article{Tam2017,
abstract = {Using Hong Kong as a case study, this article examines whether female legislators are more likely to represent women's interests than their male colleagues in a semi-democratic legislature. We address this question through conducting content analyses of the questions asked by legislators at the plenary meetings during the 2008–12 and 2012–16 legislative sessions. Our results show that female legislators in Hong Kong were significantly more likely to advance women's rights. However, except in the arena of education, there was no significant gender difference regarding traditional women's concerns. This study also finds that political orientation of legislators and the path through which legislators were elected significantly affected their likelihood of representing women's interests.},
author = {Tam, Waikeung},
doi = {10.1080/00344893.2017.1411823},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Tam - 2017 - Women Representing Women Evidence from Hong Kong's Semi-Democratic Legislature.pdf:pdf},
issn = {17494001},
journal = {Representation},
number = {3-4},
pages = {201--218},
publisher = {Taylor {\&} Francis},
title = {{Women Representing Women? Evidence from Hong Kong's Semi-Democratic Legislature}},
volume = {53},
year = {2017}
}
@book{Cameron2016,
address = {Basingstoke},
annote = {Chapter 1: A Different Voice? 
  
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 1) “It introduces the notion of women's ‘different voice' as both a linguistic and a socio-political construct” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 2) “women, by virtue of their gender, offer a ‘different kind of politics'; and second, that this difference is inextricably linked to the way women use language in political contexts – not just what they say, the political content, but how they say it, the style of interaction.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “They suggest that women's distinctive political contribution is a way of doing things – and saying things – that eschews aggression and point-scoring in favour of cooperation and consensus, making politics more civilised, more modern, and more human.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 3) (When talking about what the women say in Childs) “The women accorded positive value to the style of speech they described, but they also complained that it was viewed as less legitimate and less effective than the traditional ‘male' style.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 6) “Like the political scientists mentioned earlier, Gilligan does not treat women's ‘different voice' as an exclusively linguistic phenomenon: though she does touch on language, the real subject of her book is gender differences in moral decision-making, and its thesis is that men tend to think of morality in terms of respecting individual rights and freedoms, whereas women tend to be more concerned with fulfilling obligations and meeting others' needs.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “Tannen's argument is that boys and girls learn differing norms of interaction in the same-sex peer groups, which are at the centre of children's social lives. Boys, whose peer groups are typically large and hierarchically organised, learn to interact in ways that foreground conflict and competition for status. Girls, whose peer group are smaller and organised in looser, more egalitarian ways, learn to interact in ways that foreground cooperation, mutual support, and the avoidance of smoothing over of conflicts.”    
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 8) “If there is one linguistic phenomenon that might plausibly be described as a ‘universal key problem of{\ldots}male power over women', it must surely be the tendency for women to be excluded, marginalised, or under-represented relative to men in the forums and genres where speech is most authoritative, influential, and culturally prestigious.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “Unlike the claim that women have a universal preference for a particular style of speaking, to which there are many counter-examples, the claim that men occupy a disproportionate share of the floor in public settings is supported by research evidence from a wide range of different societies and institutional settings.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 9) (About Mendelberg et al. 2012) “In fact, they found that women got less than their fair share of the speaking time under almost all conditions. In mixed groups they only contributed as much speech as their numbers entitled them to when they were not merely a majority but a ‘super-majority', outnumbering men 4:1.” 
SOURCE: Karpowitz, C., Mendelberg, T. {\&} Shaker, L. (2012), ‘Gender inequality in deliberative participation', American Political Science Review, 106(3), pp. 533-547. 
{\textperiodcentered}      “Men, by contrast, were never disadvantaged by being numerically in the minority. Even lone ‘token' men in otherwise all-female groups took at least the 20{\%} share of the floor that they were notionally entitled to.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 10) “Karpowitz and Mendelberg suggest that the root cause of it is the gender norm which associates authority with maleness.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “In the case of political institutions, Fox and Lawless (2011: 59) report that women are significantly less likely to seek office than male peers whose qualifications are objectively no better than theirs. In addition to lacking confidence in their own ability to speak with authority, women may actively avoid speaking out in public because of the risk that engaging in normatively ‘masculine' behaviour will have averse social consequences.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (About Karpowitz and Mendelberg) “In support of this argument, they note that in their own study, women spoke far more in all-female groups (‘enclaves' where they could conduct discussions largely on their own terms) than in mixed groups, and that women in mixed groups spoke more when they received encouragement and agreement from others, whereas they spoke less when their contributions were met with disagree, criticism or dismissal.” 
SOURCE: Karpowitz, C. {\&} Mendelberg, T. (2014), The Silent Sex (Princeon: Princeton University Press). 
{\textperiodcentered}       (p. 11) On women entering masculine institutions: “On balance, the findings of this research suggest that what influences speech style most is not the gender of the speaker so much as the culture of the institution: women entering male-dominated occupations and institutions most often adopt the style of speaking which is already established as the institutional norm.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 12) (On Bonnie McElhinny (1995)) “Studied linguistic practice in the Pittsbirgh police department (1995), a historically male-dominated institution which had recently recruited a significant number of officers from under-represented groups, including women. She observed that female police officers fairly quickly adopted the prevailing style of speaking, which was characterised among other things by a relative absence of markers of affect such as pitch variation and smiling.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “Frequent smiling and the use of a wide pitch range are culturally coded as ‘feminine' linguistic characteristics, so in a sense what the women were doing was accommodating to a ‘masculine' norm.” 
SOURCE: McElhinny, B. (1995), ‘Challenging hegemonic masculinities: Female and male police officers handling domestic violence', in K. Hall {\&} M. Buchholtz (eds.), Gender articulated: Language and the socially constructed self, (New York, US: Routledge), pp. 217-244. 
{\textperiodcentered}      “To put it another way, gender is not just a characteristic of individual persons, but also a property of institutions.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “Similarly, the linguist Janet Holmes, who directed a seven-year study of male and female managers' speech in twenty-two different organisations in New Zealand, uses the concept of a ‘gendered workplace' (Holmes 2006: 10-12). In this study, both male and female managers were found to use a wide range of styles, from the extremely directive to the highly collaborative; what explained their behaviour was not their own gender, but rather the ‘masculine' or ‘feminine' ethos of the organisation in which they worked.” 
SOURCE: Holmes, J. (2006), Gendered Talk in the Workplace (Oxford, UK: Blackwell). 
{\textperiodcentered}      “The point that institutions are gendered, and that their norms, rules, and procedures may both reflect and reproduce gender inequality, has also been made by feminist scholars about democratic political institutions.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “it is frequently argued that the adversarial linguistic norms which prevail in many political settings contribute to the continuing under-representation of women, both descriptive (insofar as they deter women from seeking office) and substantive (insofar as they prevent women who have entered political institutions from participating fully in the discourse of those institutions).” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “Slvia Shaw (2006) both interviewed women MPs and analysed their speech in a sample of debates, from which she concluded that there was a gap between their perceptions (which were similar to those reported by Childs (2004)) and their actual performance in the debating chamber. Shaw found no evidence that women's style of debate differed significantly from men's. What she did observe was another kind of gender difference: women's participation in debates was constrained in ways that men's was not.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 13) “One constraint women faced was men's practice of barracking women speakers with a stream of overtly sexist comments. As well as affecting their performance when it happened, anticipation of this kind of response made women less willing to put themselves in the firing line by claiming the floor.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “Another factor which limited their participation was their own reluctance to engage in rule-breaking, a common practice in the House of Commons, and one which is regarded by insiders as one of the marks of a skilful and effective speaker.” 
SOURCE: Shaw, S. (2006), ‘Governed by the Rules? The Female Voice in Parliamentary Debates', in J. Baxter (ed.), Speaking Out: The Female Voice in Public Contexts (Basingstoke, UK: Palgrave Macmillan), pp. 81-102. 
{\textperiodcentered}      “The potentially negative consequence for women of the belief that they are and should be different are highlighted in Clare Walsh's account of women's experiences in the Anglican priesthood (Walsh 2001), where the expectation that women would speak and act in a different way from men became both a condition for their acceptance as members of the institution and a factor limiting the contribution they were able to make to it. Even more than the MPs discussed above, the women priests Walsh interviewed were themselves committed to the idea of women's difference. One of the arguments they had used during the long and bitter campaign for women's ordination was that women would bring something to the priesthood which men could not.” 
SOURCE: Walsh, C. (2001), Gender and discourse: Language and power in politics, the church and institutions (London, UK: Longman). 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 16) “men are given extra credit for showing any interpersonal skills at all,, whereas women's interpersonal skills are considered ‘natural'.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “On the one hand, that perception will tend to prompt doubts about whether a woman who aspired to leadership possesses the necessary authority; on the other, a woman who displays authority will often be judged as both unfeminine and unlikeable, which undermines her perceived ability to connect with people on a personal level.” 
Chapter 2: Gender and Speech Styles in the 2015 General Election Debates 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 31) “In some contexts gender may itself be linked to insider/outsider status. In research on the related genre of Parliamentary debates in the UK House of Commons, Shaw (2000) found that women MPs in two data samples, one from 1998 to 2001 and one from 2009 to 2011, very rarely made illegal challenges such as interrupting a speaker from a sitting position.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “In the devolved legislative assemblies of Scotland, Wales, and Northern Ireland, Shaw did not observe the gendered pattern of rule-breaking she had found in the House of Commons. In these newer institutions, which aspired to gender-egalitarian ideals from the outset and included women as founder members, women broke the interactional rules as frequently as their male colleagues. Women resisted the moderator, spoke out of turn, and – particularly in the Scottish Parliament – engaged in out-of-order ‘banter' on the debate floor.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 32) analysis of GE2015 debates focuses on the management of the floor and linguistic strategies of participants 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 38) Farage and Sturgeon take the most uninvited turns 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 39{\textperiodcentered}      “Because gender is closely linked to party status – the leaders of the main parties are all men, while the women party leaders all represent less significant parties – it is not possible to identify a pattern of participation related to gender alone.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “Bennett only take two UNs, but Sturgeon and Wood take over half of their turns uninvited.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 40) Sturgeon interrupted most frequently of all leaders – Wood and Bennett interrupted least frequently – interrupting can also be to “express agreement or encouragement” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 56) Men and women use adversarial linguistic strategies in the TV debates 
{\textperiodcentered}      “The most significant gender difference noted by Shaw was women's greater attentiveness to the rules governing debates, and their avoidance of strategies which were defined as violations of the rules, such as interjecting comments from a sitting position.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      A kind of disorderly behaviour in the debates is continuing to speak despite the moderator's instructions to cede the floor 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 60) Sturgeon is at times noted to look on in disagreement when men engage in this kind of rule breaking behaviour 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 64) Bennett does on occasion try to shout her way onto the floor 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 70) “While political debates are, as we observed above, inherently adversarial speech events, cooperative and supportive behaviour may also serve important purposes, particularly in the context of a multiparty debate.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “Commentators were well aware that Sturgeon, Wood, and Bennett were political allies, united by their opposition to the austerity policies which all the main parties (and UKIP) supported. Nevertheless, the support the three women gave one another was most frequently interpreted in gendered terms. Much was made, for instance, of their symbolic ‘group hug' at the end of the BBC debate, but this was typically presented not as a gesture of solidarity among political allies but as an act of female bonding.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 73) Bennett used one of her rare uninvited speaking turns to state “Nicola Sturgeon is absolutely right” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 74) “Overall, the analysis we have presented in this chapter does not support the belief that women do political leadership, or political communication, ‘in a different voice'.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “The picture we have drawn of women's participation in the national TV debates which were the centrepiece of the GE2015 campaign is more complicated than that. It is a picture in which individual differences, and differences in role and status reflecting the position of a leader's political party, loom larger than gender differences as an influence on linguistic behaviour. It is also a picture in which male-female similarities appear more numerous than male-female differences.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “All the leaders used adversarial discourse strategies, as might be expected in the context of a speech event billed as a ‘debate'.” – with the exception of Bennett 
{\textperiodcentered}      “Nevertheless, our analysis demonstrates that both male and female leaders made use of interruptions, direct questions whose function is to challenge the addressee rather than merely to seek information, accusations, and reformulations of an opponent's point which are designed to show it, and the opponent, in a negative light.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “Conversely, all the leaders used at least some cooperative, supportive, and ‘relational' or rapport-building strategies.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “They all addressed the viewing audience directly as ‘you' in opening and closing statements, and looked directly in the camera.” 
  
Chapter 4: Conclusions 
(Note: chapter 3 was about gendered media coverage, so not directly relevant) 
  
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 116) “Popular versions of the ‘different voice' ideology depict women as cooperative and supportive language users' in commentary on the debates, it was often noted that the three female party leaders behaved supportively towards each other.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “their behaviour towards each other was more supportive than their behaviour towards the male leaders” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “None of them directly challenged or argued with a female co-participant; all of them voiced agreement with another woman's contributions on at least one occasion.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 119) On women in Scotland: the parliament is surrounded by women and have had five women lead their parties since 1999 – “in this context it becomes difficult to make the argument which is sometimes made about women at Westminster – that they feel compelled to adopt a hyper-combative style to hold their own with powerful men or to demonstrate their ‘insider' status.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “In itself, of course, the existence of combative female political speakers like Sturgeon and Dugdale, or of men like Corbyn who prefer a less adversarial approach, does not refute the claim that women as a group incline more to collaborative or consensus-based styles of discourse.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 120) “the fact that women choose to behave combatively in settings like the Scottish Parliament, where they are not isolated and powerless ‘interlopers' in an arena overwhelmingly dominated by men, must surely challenge one of the core beliefs associated with the ‘different voice' ideology – that women's presence in sufficient numbers, or in influential positions, will automatically change the language of politics.”},
author = {Cameron, Deborah and Shaw, Sylvia},
isbn = {978-1-137-58752-7},
publisher = {Palgrave Macmillan},
title = {{Gender, Power and Political Speech}},
year = {2016}
}
@article{Karpowitz2017,
abstract = {Women are dramatically underrepresented in legislative bodies, and most scholars agree that the greatest limiting factor is the lack of female candidates (supply). However, voters' subconscious biases (demand) may also play a role, particularly among conservatives. We designed an original field experiment to test whether messages from party leaders can affect women's electoral success. The experimental treatments involved messages from a state Republican Party chair to the leaders of 1,842 precinct-level caucus meetings. We find that party leaders' efforts to stoke both supply and demand (and especially both together) increase the number of women elected as delegates to the statewide nominating convention. We replicate this finding in a survey experiment with a national sample of validated Republican primary election voters (N = 2,897). Our results suggest that simple interventions from party leaders can affect the behavior of candidates and voters and ultimately lead to a substantial increase in women's descriptive representation.},
author = {Karpowitz, Christopher F. and Monson, J. Quin and Preece, Jessica Robinson},
doi = {10.1111/ajps.12300},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Karpowitz, Monson, Preece - 2017 - How to Elect More Women Gender and Candidate Success in a Field Experiment.pdf:pdf},
issn = {15405907},
journal = {American Journal of Political Science},
number = {4},
pages = {927--943},
title = {{How to Elect More Women: Gender and Candidate Success in a Field Experiment}},
volume = {61},
year = {2017}
}
@article{Carnahan2010,
abstract = {Examining how compensation structure affects mobility and entrepreneurship decisions of employees, particularly those at the extreme ends of the performance distribution, we find that employees with high performance are less likely to leave firms with highly dispersed compensation. However, if these “high performers” do leave these employers, they are more likely to create or join new firms. Employees with lower performance are more likely to leave firms with high pay dispersion, but less likely to move to new ventures. Additionally, we show that mobility and entrepreneurship result in employees' receiving higher compensation, regardless of their performance level.},
author = {Carnahan, Seth and Agarwal, Rajshree and Campbell, Benjamin},
doi = {10.1002/smj},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Carnahan, Agarwal, Campbell - 2010 - The Effect of Firm Compensation Structures on the Mobility and Entrepreneurship of Extreme Performe.pdf:pdf},
isbn = {1097-0266},
issn = {01432095},
journal = {Business},
keywords = {competitive advantage,deve-,governmental capability,industrial policy,resource accumulation},
number = {October},
pages = {1--43},
title = {{The Effect of Firm Compensation Structures on the Mobility and Entrepreneurship of Extreme Performers}},
volume = {241},
year = {2010}
}
@book{Lazarus2018,
address = {Michigan, U.S.},
author = {Lazarus, Jeffrey and Steigerwalt, Amy},
publisher = {University of Michigan Press},
title = {{Gendered Vulnerability: How Women Work Harder to Stay in Office}},
year = {2018}
}
@article{Sobolewska2013,
abstract = {The 2010 election proved critical for ethnic minority representation in Britain. The number of minority Members of Parliament reached an unprecedented high. Furthermore, the virtual monopoly of the Labour party on minority parliamentary representation ended. In explaining this development, this article moves away from the traditional discussion of disadvantages facing minority candidates and turns to the role of the political parties. It argues that a new commitment to increased minority representation exists and shows, on the basis of new data, that in the 2010 election both Labour and Conservatives employed a variety of strategies for increasing ethnic minority representation. The strategy to select more minority candidates in 'white' seats was not only a key to increasing the numbers of minority parliamentarians but also signals a departure from the traditional pattern of ethnic minority politicians being elected by ethnic minorities. {\textcopyright} 2013 Copyright Taylor and Francis Group, LLC.},
author = {Sobolewska, Maria},
doi = {10.1080/01402382.2013.773729},
file = {:Users/lotte/Dropbox/PhD/style{\_}experiment/lit/Party Strategies and the Descriptive Representation of Ethnic Minorities The 2010 British General Election.pdf:pdf},
issn = {01402382},
journal = {West European Politics},
number = {3},
pages = {615--633},
title = {{Party Strategies and the Descriptive Representation of Ethnic Minorities: The 2010 British General Election}},
volume = {36},
year = {2013}
}
@incollection{Zimmerman1975,
address = {Massachusetts, US},
annote = {- (p. 105) Findings in the book indicate that there are definite and patterned ways in which the power and dominance enjoyed by men in other contexts are exercised in their conversational interaction with women},
author = {Zimmerman, Don H. and West, Candace},
booktitle = {Language and Sex: Difference and Dominance},
pages = {105--130},
publisher = {Newbury House Publishing},
title = {{Sex Roles, Interruptions and Silences in Conversation}},
year = {1975}
}
@article{Baxter2012,
abstract = {This paper reconceptualises a classic theory (Kanter 1993[1977]) on gender and leadership in order to provide fresh insights for both sociolinguistic and management thinking. Kanter claimed that there are four approved 'role traps' for women leaders in male-dominated organisations: Mother, Pet, Seductress and Iron Maiden, based on familiar historical archetypes of women in power. This paper reinterprets Kanter's construct of role traps in sociolinguistic terms as gendered, discursive resources that senior women utilise proactively to interact with their predominantly male colleagues. Based on a Research Council funded 1 study of 14 senior leaders (seven female and seven male) each conducting at least one senior management meeting in the U.K., the paper finds that individual speakers can transform stereotyped subject positions into powerful discursive resources to accomplish the goals of leadership, albeit marked by gender. What fresh insights can a research study of women senior managers provide about the relationship between gender and the language of leadership? Does the language women use at senior leadership level indicate why there are so few women in the workplace? Recent research in language and gender has ventured into the field of management studies to suggest that the two disciplines can provide mutually beneficially insights (e.g.},
annote = {{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 81) “Kanter claimed that there are four approved ‘role traps' for women leaders in male-dominated organisations: Mother, Pet, Seductress and Iron Maiden, based on familiar historical archetypes of women in power.” – Kanter, 1993[1977] 
{\textperiodcentered}      “Based on a Research Council funded1 study of 14 senior leaders (seven female and seven male) each conducting at least one senior management meeting in the U.K., the paper finds that individual speakers can transform stereotyped subject positions into powerful discursive resources to accomplish the goals of leadership, albeit marked by gender.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 82) “Kanter originally argued that senior women are ‘tokenised' in male-dominated organisations where they form a small proportion of senior directors. Because senior women stand out as different, they are forced into gendered subject positions, or in her terms, ‘role traps'. She identified four such role traps – Mother, Seductress, Pet and Iron Maiden – based on familiar, historical archetypes of women in power.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 84) Kanter's role traps: “Kanter's (1993[1977]) theory of role traps was formulated on the basis of characterising senior women's minority status as ‘tokens' in male-dominated organisations.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “Women are therefore ‘assimilated' as a ‘numerical rarity' into a range of gender stereotyped roles which are deemed acceptable for women to perform within an organisation primarily led by men.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 85) “In her view, patriarchal gendered conditions are responsible for producing these four role traps within the business domain, which she characterised in the following ways.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 86) “The fields of both gender and organisation studies (e.g. Terjesen, Sealy and Singh 2009; Vinnicombe and Singh 2002) and gender and language (e.g. Baxter 2010; Cameron 2006; Holmes 2006; Koller 2004; Mills 2006; Mullany 2007; Schnurr 2009; Wodak 1997) have shown that leadership is conceptualised as intrinsically masculine.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “The prevailing stereotype is one which assumes that an ‘effective' leader is authoritative, assertive, adversarial, competitive, task-focused, goal-orientated, and single-minded (Bass 1998; Holmes 2006; Sinclair 1998).” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “Holmes (2006) has also argued that women leaders are subject to the ‘double bind' whereby they are either adjudged to be far too assertive, or far too tentative.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “Furthermore, Helgesen (1990) used empirical evidence to demonstrate that women were often far better at the relational and transformational aspects of leadership than men. However, according to Eagly and Carli (2007: 810), the view that women actually have a ‘female advantage' because ‘effective leadership is congruent with the ways in which women lead' has often not benefitted senior women in male-dominated environments, as men and women tend to be evaluated differently and unequally for using the same leadership skill-set. So, for example, a senior man who is listening, supportive and open is regarded as having excellent ‘people skills', whereas a woman may be seen merely as conforming to stereotype and being insufficiently tough-minded (Vinnicombe and Singh 2002).” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 87) “This perspective is in line with the organisational view that whole corporations are gendered (e.g. Halford and Leonard 2001).” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 91) “I found evidence that senior women were indeed utilising the subject positions of Mother and Iron Maiden as gendered resources but there was far less evidence of resources associated with Pet and Seductress.”   
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 92) Playing the role of ‘Pet' would equate to asking a male colleague to ‘hold my hand' when unsure of something 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 96) The role of the ‘Mother': “She uses several verb phrases that report her thoughts and feelings (‘I'd like to share'; ‘I thought personally'; ‘I know I enjoyed them'; ‘just thought I'd share that'), which signifies a reflective and considerate manner towards her team. This is enhanced by a lexis indexing an inclusive, intimate and nurturing relationship with colleagues (‘share with you'; ‘I thought personally'; ‘went down the personal route'; ‘share that with you').” 
{\textperiodcentered}      The role of ‘Mother' can also involve complimenting others to “make people feel supported and valued” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 97) “Work psychologists, Priola and Brannen (2009) suggest that because of the nature of the job role, there is a double expectation of female HR leaders to behave in these stereotypically gendered ways, which are not likely to empower them in the longer term.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 98) ‘Iron Maiden' as a gendered resource: “Kanter (1993[1977]: 236) characterised the original role-trap as ‘forthright', ‘tough' and ‘dangerous', and suggested it might be the most powerful of the four.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 100) This role includes higher levels of interrupting others too and asking short questions; ‘being assertive' 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 101) “As Holmes (2005) observes, the ‘battle axe' or Iron Maiden role faces the standard conundrum of being ‘expected to be assertive but condemned as castrating bitches when they are' (Peck 2000: 223). Koller (2004: 12) has noted in the data she analysed from business magazines that ‘relatively speaking, businesswomen are more often described in terms of WAR metaphors than are businessmen', implying that they are viewed as aggressive.”},
author = {Baxter, Judith},
doi = {10.1111/j.1467-9841.2011.00520.x},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Baxter - 2012 - Women of the corporation A sociolinguistic perspective of senior women's leadership language in the U.K.pdf:pdf},
isbn = {1360-6441$\backslash$r1467-9841},
issn = {13606441},
journal = {Journal of Sociolinguistics},
keywords = {Agency,Discursive resources,Gender,Leadership,Role traps,Subject positions,Voice},
number = {1},
pages = {81--107},
title = {{Women of the corporation: A sociolinguistic perspective of senior women's leadership language in the U.K.}},
volume = {16},
year = {2012}
}
@incollection{Karpowitz2014h,
abstract = {Do women participate in and influence meetings equally with men? Does gender shape how a meeting is run and whose voices are heard?The Silent Sexshows how the gender composition and rules of a deliberative body dramatically affect who speaks, how the group interacts, the kinds of issues the group takes up, whose voices prevail, and what the group ultimately decides. It argues that efforts to improve the representation of women will fall short unless they address institutional rules that impede women's voices.

Using groundbreaking experimental research supplemented with analysis of school boards, Christopher Karpowitz and Tali Mendelberg demonstrate how the effects of rules depend on women's numbers, so that small numbers are not fatal with a consensus process, but consensus is not always beneficial when there are large numbers of women. Men and women enter deliberative settings facing different expectations about their influence and authority. Karpowitz and Mendelberg reveal how the wrong institutional rules can exacerbate women's deficit of authority while the right rules can close it, and, in the process, establish more cooperative norms of group behavior and more generous policies for the disadvantaged. Rules and numbers have far-reaching implications for the representation of women and their interests.

Bringing clarity and insight to one of today's most contentious debates,The Silent Sexprovides important new findings on ways to bring women's voices into the conversation on matters of common concern.},
annote = {Argument throughout the book: interaction rules and gender composiitons of the deliberating body jointly affect the degree to which women participate 

Aim
Looks at interruptions. We ask whether women's descriptive representation and the decision rule influence women's relative power and the level of social solidarity in the group by shaping the use of interruptions. 

- (p. 201) Looks at the difference between negative and positive interruptions 
- Negative interruptions are a power play (e.g. someone's attempt to seize the floor). Negative interruptions allow for the assertion of power/conflict/disrespect and may negatively affect women 
- Positive interruptions are a way of collaborating, cooperating and supporting the original speaker without deteracting from the speaker's effectiveness.

- (p. 202) "Individuals independently verified as, or made to be, the more dominant or confident members of a conversation use a constellation of verbal forms that signal their higher sta- tus: they speak more; they speak earlier; they may initiate and complete more negative interruptions during a discussion, especially regarding a conflict; and they may issue fewer positive interruptions to their subordinates than subor- dinates issue to them (Dovidio et al. 1988; Johnson 1994; Kollock, Blumstein, and Schwartz 1985; Ng et al. 1995)."

Measuring interruptions
- (p. 206) Operationalise interruptions as an overlap in two speakers' words that lasts at least 0.5 seconds, in which the first speaker spoke for at least 1.5 seconds, and the interrupting speaker spoke for at least one second - used software to do this
- (p. 207) "Accordingly, we defined a positive interruption as either: (a) expressing solidarity with, affection, or support for the speaker or the speech, or (b) an interruption that completes the prior speaker's thought in the same direction without disagreement or contra- diction. Positive interruptions often begin with “I agree,” “yeah,” and so on. See online appendix E for coding details."
- "Negative interruptions are a power play. They represent one member's at-
tempt to seize the floor from another to express opposition or deprecation. A negative interruption disagrees, raises an objection, or completely changes the topic. A negative interruption may begin with phrases such as “well,” “but,” “however,” “not,” “I sort of disagree,” “I'm not sure about that,” or “I don't know.” Not all negative starts are a negative comment, however. It is negative if it changes the topic without expressing understanding of the previous turn; does not use acknowledgment cues; or does not refer to the prior turn in any way, implicit or explicit."

Findings
- (p. 209) "Twomen are more likely to be negatively interrupted by men as a minority under majority rule than as a minority under unanimous rule."
- (p. 210) "When women receive an interruption from men, that interruption is much less likely to be negative than positive as their numbers grow, but only under majority rule."
- (p. 214) "The composition and the procedures of deliberation jointly shape women's authority during deliberation. Where women's status is lowest— under major- ity rule and few women— over two- thirds of the interruptions women receive from men are negative. Where women's status is likely to be highest— as majori- ties under majority rule— that proportion more than reverses, and over 80{\%} of the interruptions they experience from men are positive. Men's experience does not shift; only women's does. And only men's interruptions of women undergo this shift. What the conditions of deliberation do, then, is to shift men's dis- plays of power toward an affirmation of women. That is, interruptions appear to function as an indicator of women's shifting status in the group, and men significantly affect that status."
- (p. 231) more women make the balance of interruptions more positive under majority (but not unanimous) rule - e.g. through more positive interruptions 
- positive interruptions from men are less likely to be elaborated as women's status rises, providing women with a more pure form of support and attention 
- women in the gender minority under majority rule are the worst off - they receive more negative interruptions. However, 'loner women' offer a higher rate of positive interjections but receive the least positive interruptions in return. At 20{\%} - 40{\%} of the group, women are less than half as likely as men to experience approval while speaking
},
author = {Karpowitz, Christopher F and Mendelberg, Tali},
booktitle = {The Silent Sex: Gender, Deliberation and Institutions},
chapter = {8},
edition = {First},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Karpowitz, Mendelberg - 2014 - 8. Unpacking the Black Box of Interaction.pdf:pdf},
pages = {200--238},
publisher = {Princeton University Press},
title = {{8. Unpacking the Black Box of Interaction}},
url = {https://www.jstor.org/stable/pdf/j.ctt7zvffd.14.pdf?refreqid=excelsior{\%}3A3cab719e534d890f4c58b03cea7b3751},
year = {2014}
}
@book{Coates2015,
address = {London},
author = {Coates, Jennifer},
publisher = {Routledge},
title = {{Women, Men and Language: A Sociolinguistic Account of Gender Differences in Language}},
year = {2015}
}
@article{Burns2007,
abstract = {The literature on gender and political action comes in two forms-one that is aggregate, sometimes institutional, and often centered historically , and one that is individual and largely focused on the here and now. We care about both, of course-about the social organization and deployment of gender and about what gender means in individual lives. In this essay, I argue that we should encourage these two kinds of analysis to engage each other more intimately. This engagement would give political scientists the tools to say more about when, for whom, and for which outcomes gender matters. The conversation would give us better ways to understand how context makes gender relevant. I believe that gender is a property of collections of people and social systems. We care about it because it is about systematic disadvantage and advantage. In this essay, I am especially interested in thinking about tools for identifying the political contexts in which this disadvantage and advantage come to matter in individual lives. Iris Young says that gender is not much about a "self-consciously, mutually acknowledging collective with a self-conscious purpose," that instead , gender is a "less organized and unself-conscious collective unity" Kate Gallagher provided incredibly thoughtful research assistance for this essay. Support for her work was provided by the Center for Political Studies at Michigan and by the Miller Professorship. I want to thank Jane Junn for a fabulous conversation about how to improve the essay. Lisa Baldez, Karen Beckwith, and Christina Wolbrecht provided important, critical feedback. The Center for Advanced Study in the Behavioral Sciences gave me the space in my life-and the amazing library staff-to finish the essay. Of course, all of the mistakes and omissions are mine.},
author = {Burns, Nancy},
doi = {10.1017/S1743923X07221014},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Burns - 2007 - Gender in the Aggregate, Gender in the Individual, Gender and Political Action.pdf:pdf},
journal = {Politics {\&} Gender},
number = {1},
pages = {104--124},
title = {{Gender in the Aggregate, Gender in the Individual, Gender and Political Action}},
volume = {3},
year = {2007}
}
@article{Grey2002,
annote = {{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 19) “However, the existing literature fails to provide specifics on how changing the proportions of men and women will alter power relations within the political arena.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 20) “The other common features in critical mass literature are that women will impact upon the political agenda, political culture and public policy once they reach critical mass in the political arena.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      Article uses analysis of discussions on child care and parental leave in the New Zealand House of Representatives 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 23) “Critical mass literature also implies that aggressive ‘masculine' behaviour will shape processes and debating styles while men dominate legislatures numerically.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “There was evidence of gendered differences in behaviour during parliamentary debate of child care and parental leave from 1975 to 1999.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “On the whole, New Zealand's women MPs made fewer personal attacks during debates than their male colleagues.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “Woman MPs' share of personal remarks was greater than their involvement in debates on the ‘women's issues' in only four of the years: the number of personal attacks ranged from none to 26 per year, the most active use came in the years following 1988.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “Another area of aggression analysed was the use of interruptions. Interrupting another person can reflect the speaker's position of dominance.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “The number of interruptions during the debates examined ranged from none a year to a high of 97 in 1988. Male MPs share was higher than their share of the debates in 12 years, women in only six.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “Males were responsible for all of them in 1975, 1976, 1979, 1984 and 1986; women were responsible for all of them only in 1996. The highest number of interruptions by men was 83 during the debates of 1988; for women it was 35 in 1995.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 24) “The concept of critical mass suggests that adequate representation of women, coupled with their tendency to be less aggressive than male colleagues, should result in a more civil Parliament. This visible rise in aggression during New Zealand parliamentary debates runs contrary to this expectation.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “Parliament became more aggressive from 1975 to 1999, and women adopted more ‘masculine' behaviour. The level of aggression was measured by the number of lines of debate on child care and parental leave taken up by personal attacks, interjections and points of order, compared with the total number of lines of discussion.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “Between 1975 and 1984 this varied between 1.92{\%} and 4.6{\%}. From 1986 to 1999 it was as low as 0.49{\%} and as high as 13.42{\%}. The highest rates were 8.7{\%} in 1986, 7.6{\%} in 1988, 7.14{\%} in 1993, and 13.42{\%} in 1999.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “Another cultural change implicit is an expected drop in negative gender-labelling. It is asserted that the more women there are in a legislature, the more accepted they will be. This will be detectable through a drop in open hostility.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “Scrutiny of the debates also showed women MPs were more susceptible to general harassing remarks (ones which did not directly state the members gender) than men.”},
author = {Grey, Sandra},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Grey - 2002 - Does Size Matter Critical Mass and New Zealand's Women MPs.pdf:pdf},
journal = {Parliamentary Affairs},
pages = {19--29},
title = {{Does Size Matter? Critical Mass and New Zealand's Women MPs}},
volume = {55},
year = {2002}
}
@article{Rooduijn2011a,
author = {Rooduijn, Matthijs and Pauwels, Teun},
doi = {10.1080/01402382.2011.616665},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Rooduijn, Pauwels - 2011 - Measuring Populism Comparing Two Methods of Content Analysis(2).pdf:pdf},
journal = {West European Politics},
number = {6},
pages = {1272--1283},
title = {{Measuring Populism: Comparing Two Methods of Content Analysis}},
volume = {34},
year = {2011}
}
@book{Mutz2011,
address = {Princeton},
author = {Mutz, Diana C.},
publisher = {Princeton University Press},
title = {{Population-Based Survey Experiments}},
year = {2011}
}
@article{Stromer-Galley2007,
author = {Stromer-Galley, Jennifer},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Stromer-Galley - 2007 - Measuring Deliberation' s Content A Coding Scheme.pdf:pdf},
journal = {Journal of Public Deliberation},
number = {1},
pages = {1--35},
title = {{Measuring Deliberation' s Content: A Coding Scheme}},
url = {https://www.publicdeliberation.net/jpd/vol3/iss1/art12},
volume = {3},
year = {2007}
}
@article{Barnes2018,
abstract = {Men from elite backgrounds dominate the group of people who seek and hold political office. We discuss the ways that homophily of backgrounds and networks can damage the quality of democracy. In doing so, we argue that broadening and deepening discussions of legislative diversity are essential to making arguments about who should seek political office. We then introduce a comprehensive and flexible measure of diversity of political leadership that allows scholars to take intersecting identities into account simultaneously. Using a dataset of legislators' backgrounds in national and provincial office in Argentina, we test the adaptability of the measure to different institutions – such as legislatures and legislative committees – that vary substantially in their size. Our results uncover enclaves of legislative politics that are the most and least diverse and, in doing so, demonstrate the need to recruit and select representatives from a wide set of background characteristics to improve democracy.},
author = {Barnes, Tiffany D and Holman, Mirya R},
doi = {10.1080/21565503.2018.1532916},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Barnes, Holman - 2018 - Taking diverse backgrounds into account in studies of political ambition and representation.pdf:pdf},
journal = {Politics, Groups, and Identities},
pages = {1--13},
title = {{Taking diverse backgrounds into account in studies of political ambition and representation}},
year = {2018}
}
@article{Murray2015,
abstract = {Certain societal groups are significantly overrepresented within politics, including men, ethnic majority groups, and socioeconomic elites. This has fueled debates regarding meritocracy within political recruitment. While meritocracy is desirable, its definition and measurement are contested. The criteria used in theoretical and empirical academic studies differ from those of political parties and voters, as discussed below. Furthermore, there is bias in favor of the male status quo, with all groups preferring the qualities of existing elites. The definition of a “good” politician is therefore highly subjective. Nonetheless, political traditionalists claim that the “best” candidate should be selected even if this leads to significant gender imbalance in parliaments. Yet, if political recruitment is biased in favor of social elites, the overrecruitment of men may not derive solely from merit (Murray 2014). Without definitive criteria for evaluating prospective candidates and judging those already elected, we cannot determine whether political recruitment is meritocratic.},
author = {Murray, Rainbow},
doi = {10.1017/S1743923X15000513},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Murray - 2015 - What Makes a Good Politician Reassessing the Criteria Used for Political Recruitment.pdf:pdf},
issn = {17439248},
journal = {Politics and Gender},
number = {4},
pages = {770--776},
title = {{What Makes a Good Politician? Reassessing the Criteria Used for Political Recruitment}},
volume = {11},
year = {2015}
}
@article{Harmer2013,
abstract = {Objective: To test several patient-oriented asthma outcome measures and the Healthcare Effectiveness Data and Information Set (HEDIS) measure of appropriate medication for persistent asthma to determine the most useful quality indicator of asthma care. Design: Prospective mail survey of adult employees and dependents with asthma. Methods: The medical and pharmacy claims of all subjects from 12 months before and after the survey were abstracted. Outcomes measures included the Asthma Control Test (ACT), workday loss, unscheduled healthcare utilization (emergency department and inpatient care), and satisfaction with care. Results: Although 81{\%} of all responders had well-controlled asthma, persistent asthma was uncontrolled in 28{\%}. Only 64.5{\%} received appropriate controller medication. Well-controlled asthma is associated with a high degree of satisfaction, less workday loss, fewer prednisone bursts, and minimal unscheduled healthcare utilization. Except for a reduced incidence of more than 2 oral corticosteroid dispensings (6.4{\%} vs 13.6{\%}, P = .012), compliance with the HEDIS appropriate medication for asthma was not positively associated with any of the patient-centered outcomes studied. Conclusions: Asthma control was the most useful patient outcome quality indicator in this study. Compliance with the HEDIS asthma measure in this population was not associated with a better patient-oriented outcome. This finding may be different with different levels of asthma control. The positive association between well-controlled asthma and patient satisfaction, minimal unscheduled healthcare utilization, and low workday loss suggests that asthma control as measured by ACT may be a better performance measure in asthma.},
author = {Harmer, Emily and Wring, Dominic},
doi = {10.1080/15377857.2013.781472},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Harmer, Wring - 2013 - Julie and the Cybermums Marketing and Women Voters in the UK 2010 General Election.pdf:pdf},
issn = {15377857},
journal = {Journal of Political Marketing},
keywords = {campaigning,new media,targeting,voters,women},
number = {2-3},
pages = {262--273},
title = {{Julie and the Cybermums: Marketing and Women Voters in the UK 2010 General Election}},
volume = {12},
year = {2013}
}
@article{Fernandes2021b,
abstract = {Democratic societies increasingly look into gender quotas as a means to increase women's representation in politics. Yet even as women occupy more seats, meaningful barriers may remain to their incorporation in the legislature. Our paper draws on quantitative and interview data from Portugal to explore patterns in women's legislative participation before and after the adoption of a gender quota. While the gender gap in floor time decreases post-quota, important gender imbalances remain. After the quota, women remain underrepresented in the most politically salient legislative debates and are subject to stigmatization in floor access. Our findings suggest that gender quotas chip away at, but do not shatter, glass ceilings for women in politics.},
author = {Fernandes, Jorge M. and {Lopes da Fonseca}, Mariana and Won, Miguel},
doi = {10.1007/s11109-021-09737-3},
file = {:Users/lotte/Dropbox/PhD/gendered{\_}styles/lit/Fernandes2021{\_}Article{\_}ClosingTheGenderGapInLegislati.pdf:pdf},
isbn = {0123456789},
issn = {15736687},
journal = {Political Behavior},
keywords = {Gender,Legislative debates,Quota reforms,Stigmatization},
number = {Forthcoming},
pages = {1--25},
publisher = {Springer US},
title = {{Closing the Gender Gap in Legislative Debates: The Role of Gender Quotas}},
year = {2021}
}
@book{Lakoff1975,
address = {New York},
author = {Lakoff, Robin},
doi = {10.4236/jep.2011.24038},
publisher = {Harper {\&} Row},
title = {{Language and Women's Place}},
year = {1975}
}
@incollection{Fiske2015,
address = {London},
annote = {Look again at the bibliography for this!},
author = {Fiske, Susan T. and North, Michael S.},
booktitle = {Measures of Personality and Social Psychological Constructs},
doi = {10.1016/B978-0-12-386915-9.00024-3},
editor = {Boyle, Gregory J. and Saklofske, Donald H. and Matthews, Gerald},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Fiske, North - 2015 - Measures of Stereotyping and Prejudice Barometers of Bias.pdf:pdf},
isbn = {9780123869159},
pages = {684--718},
publisher = {Elsevier},
title = {{Measures of Stereotyping and Prejudice: Barometers of Bias}},
url = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/B978-0-12-386915-9.00024-3},
year = {2015}
}
@article{Gherardi,
abstract = {This article examines the organizational dynamics responsible for maintaining the gender asymmetry in organizations, by considering the narratives of women and men working in male dominated jobs and positions. Using a symbolic-interpretative approach we analyze the rules and the rituals by which gender is created and recreated in organizations and we show the ambiguity that characterizes social expectations towards women entering traditionally male territories. We present gender as a set of social practices which define the relations between men and women and which, in the organizations that we studied, are based on a dichotomous and hierarchical symbolic order. Viewing gender as something organizations 'do' and not as a natural attribute of people, can help organizational actors, and in particular the management, to be aware of the hegemonic masculinity underlying the dominant social practices and, therefore, to change the strategies for change.},
author = {Gherardi, Silvia and Poggio, Barbara},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Gherardi, Poggio - Unknown - Creating and Recreating Gender Order in Organizations.pdf:pdf},
journal = {Journal of World Business},
number = {3},
pages = {245--259},
title = {{Creating and Recreating Gender Order in Organizations}},
url = {https://ac.els-cdn.com/S1090951601000542/1-s2.0-S1090951601000542-main.pdf?{\_}tid=7ffe87b3-6722-4635-aa91-a37e4c3000a3{\&}acdnat=1539359756{\_}b89adb0e04e2f2dbf3eb2187eb97aff1},
volume = {36}
}
@unpublished{Cettolo2014,
abstract = {Since the effectiveness of MT adaptation relies on the text repetitiveness, the question on how to measure repetitions in a text naturally arises. This work deals with the issue of looking for and evaluating text features that might help the prediction of the impact of MT adaptation on translation quality. In particular, the repetition rate metric, we recently proposed, is compared to other features employed in very related NLP tasks. The comparison is carried out through a regression analysis between feature values and MT performance gains by dynamically adapted versus non-adapted MT engines, on five different translation tasks. The main outcome of experiments is that the repetition rate correlates better than any other considered feature with the MT gains yielded by the online adaptation, although using all features jointly results in better predictions than with any single feature.},
address = {Povo, Italy},
author = {Cettolo, Mauro and Bertoldi, Nicola and Federico, Marcello},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Cettolo, Bertoldi, Federico - 2014 - The Repetition Rate of Text as a Predictor of the Effectiveness of Machine Translation Adaptation.pdf:pdf},
institution = {Fondazione Bruno Kessler},
title = {{The Repetition Rate of Text as a Predictor of the Effectiveness of Machine Translation Adaptation}},
year = {2014}
}
@article{Ditonto2014,
abstract = {It is still unclear exactly how gender influences vote choice. Using an information processing perspective, we argue that instead of directly influencing vote choice, candidate gender guides the amounts and types of information that voters search for during a campaign, and that effects of gender on vote choice ultimately come from differences in information search influenced by candidate gender. Using two unique experimental datasets, we test the effects of candidate gender on vote choice and information search. We find that subjects change their search based on a candidate's gender, seeking out more competence-related information about female candidates than they do for male candidates, as well as more information related to "compassion issues. We also find that evaluations of candidates' traits and issue positions are important predictors of subjects' vote choice. {\textcopyright} 2013 Springer Science+Business Media New York.},
author = {Ditonto, Tessa M. and Hamilton, Allison J. and Redlawsk, David P.},
doi = {10.1007/s11109-013-9232-6},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Ditonto, Hamilton, Redlawsk - 2014 - Gender Stereotypes, Information Search, and Voting Behavior in Political Campaigns.pdf:pdf},
issn = {01909320},
journal = {Political Behavior},
keywords = {Decision-making,Gender,Information search,Stereotypes,Vote choice},
number = {2},
pages = {335--358},
title = {{Gender Stereotypes, Information Search, and Voting Behavior in Political Campaigns}},
volume = {36},
year = {2014}
}
@article{Garzia2011,
abstract = {The article provides an assessment of the most recent literature on political leadership by focusing on its effects on voters' cognition and behavior, in the light of the ongoing personalization of politics. The changing role of political leaders in contemporary democracies is assessed through a perspective aimed at linking leadership theory and political science. One of the major consequences of the personalization of politics seems to lie in the changing expectations of voters with respect to the personal profile of their leaders. This is due to the lowering effects of television and parallel attempts by leaders to appeal voters on the basis of perceived similarities. As to the leaders' effect on individual voting behavior, we highlight the various reasons that can enhance (or constrain) the role of party leaders' image in the voting calculus. Implications and directions for further research are discussed in the concluding section. {\textcopyright} 2011 Elsevier Inc.},
author = {Garzia, Diego},
doi = {10.1016/j.leaqua.2011.05.010},
file = {:Users/lotte/Dropbox/PhD/style{\_}experiment/lit/The{\_}personalization{\_}of{\_}politics{\_}in{\_}Weste.pdf:pdf},
issn = {10489843},
journal = {Leadership Quarterly},
keywords = {Leader effects,Leaders' personality traits,Party identification,Personalization of politics,Political marketing},
number = {4},
pages = {697--709},
title = {{The Personalization of Politics in Western Democracies: Causes and Consequences on Leader-Follower Relationships}},
volume = {22},
year = {2011}
}
@article{Reingold2020,
author = {Reingold, Beth and Widner, Kirsten and Harmon, Rachel},
doi = {10.1177/1065912919858405},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Reingold, Widner, Harmon - 2020 - Legislating at the Intersections Race, Gender, and Representation.pdf:pdf},
isbn = {1065912919},
journal = {Political Research Quarterly},
keywords = {dubbed the second year,gender,gender policy leadership,in what has been,intersectionality,of the woman,office in the,race,ran for and won,record numbers of women,representation,women of color},
number = {4},
pages = {819--833},
title = {{Legislating at the Intersections: Race, Gender, and Representation}},
volume = {73},
year = {2020}
}
@article{Lamprinakou2017,
abstract = {Drawing on data from the Parliamentary Candidates UK project, we profile the socio-demographic characteristics of parliamentary candidates standing in 2015 and compare elected MPs to previous cohorts since 1979. We argue that the 2015 cohort of candidates largely resembles the archetypal candidate identified by Durose et al. (2013, Parliamentary Affairs, 66, 246-267). Despite smaller par-ties' campaign rhetoric of a 'new kind of politics', parties across the spectrum offer up very similar candidate profiles. We find a narrowing of occupational backgrounds, with fewer candidates and MPs from manual occupations, and an increasing percentage of candidates and MPs with a university education. Competition across the parties, particularly in terms of the selection of women and black and minority ethnic (BME) candidates, has positive consequences for the representativeness of Parliament. However, despite a record number of women and BME MPs elected, Parliament remains disproportionately white and male.},
author = {Lamprinakou, Chrysa and Morucci, Marco and Campbell, Rosie and {Van Heerde-Hudson}, Jennifer},
doi = {10.1093/pa/gsw030},
file = {::},
isbn = {70/2/207/2439505},
journal = {Parliamentary Affairs},
keywords = {Archetypal candidate,Descriptive representation,Occupation,Political class,Race/ethnicity,Sex},
pages = {207--232},
title = {{All Change in the House? The Profile of Candidates and MPs in the 2015 British General Election}},
volume = {70},
year = {2017}
}
@article{Rodriguez2022,
abstract = {Word embeddings are becoming popular for political science research, yet we know little about their properties and performance. To help scholars seeking to use these techniques, we explore the effects of key parameter choices—including context window length, embedding vector dimensions, and pretrained versus locally fit variants—on the efficiency and quality of inferences possible with these models. Reassuringly we show that results are generally robust to such choices for political corpora of various sizes and in various languages. Beyond reporting extensive technical findings, we provide a novel crowdsourced “Turing test”–style method for examining the relative performance of any two models that produce substantive, text-based outputs. Our results are encouraging: popular, easily available pretrained embeddings perform at a level close to—or surpassing—both human coders and more complicated locally fit models. For completeness, we provide best practice advice for cases where local fitting is required.},
author = {Rodriguez, Pedro L. and Spirling, Arthur},
doi = {10.1086/715162},
file = {:Users/lotte/Dropbox/PhD/gendered{\_}styles/lit/715162.pdf:pdf},
issn = {14682508},
journal = {Journal of Politics},
number = {1},
pages = {101--115},
title = {{Word Embeddings: What Works, What Doesn't, and How to Tell the Difference for Applied Research}},
volume = {84},
year = {2022}
}
@article{Carli1990,
abstract = {Mixed- and same-sex dyads were observed to examine effects of gender composition on language and of language on gender differences in influence. Ss discussed a topic on which they disagreed. Women were more tentative than men, but only in mixed sex dyads. Women who spoke tentatively were more influential with men and less influential with women. Language had no effect on how influential men were. In a 2nd study, 120 Ss listened to an audiotape of identical persuasive messages presented either by a man or a woman, half of whom spoke tentatively. Female speakers who spoke tentatively were more influential with male Ss and less influential with female Ss than those who spoke assertively. Male speakers were equally influential in each condition.},
author = {Carli, Linda L.},
doi = {10.1037/0022-3514.59.5.941},
journal = {Journal of Personality and Social Psychology},
number = {5},
pages = {941--951},
title = {{Gender, Language, and Influence}},
volume = {59},
year = {1990}
}
@article{Setzler2018,
abstract = {Much research examining gender bias in politics analyzes responses to explicit survey questions asking individuals whether they prefer male over female leaders or agree that male political leaders are superior. Drawing insights from the measurement of other types of prejudice, this article explores the methodological shortcomings of a widely used question of this type. Analyzing the results of two surveys-one national and one state-level-I compare response patterns to a standard, highly explicit question that is frequently administered by the Pew Research Center with those for a modestly altered item that employs multiple strategies to reduce social desirability bias. Compared with the alternative measure, the conventional item seriously underreports prejudice against women leaders. Moreover, the underreporting of bias is especially prevalent among individuals belonging to groups that are strong advocates of gender equality.},
annote = {Come back to this if I end up focusing more on the leadership side (e.g. committee chairs) - not really relevant otherwise},
author = {Setzler, Mark},
doi = {10.1017/S1743923X18000430},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Setzler - 2018 - Measuring Bias against Female Political Leadership.pdf:pdf},
keywords = {Female leaders,social desirability bias,survey methods},
title = {{Measuring Bias against Female Political Leadership}},
url = {https://doi.org/10.1017/S1743923X18000430},
year = {2018}
}
@article{Bernecker2014,
abstract = {Does stiffer electoral competition reduce political shirking? For a micro-analysis of this question, I construct a new data set spanning the years 2005 to 2012 covering biographical and political information about German Members of Parliament (MPs), including their attendance rates in voting sessions. For the parliament elected in 2009, I show that indeed opposition party MPs who expect to face a close race in their district show significantly and relevantly lower absence rates in parliament beforehand. MPs of governing parties seem not to react significantly to electoral competition. These results are confirmed by an analysis of the parliament elected in 2005, by several robustness checks, and also by employing an instrumental variable strategy exploiting convenient peculiarities of the German electoral system. The study also shows how MPs elected via party lists react to different levels of electoral competition. {\textcopyright} 2014 Elsevier B.V.},
author = {Bernecker, Andreas},
doi = {10.1016/j.ejpoleco.2014.07.001},
file = {:Users/lotte/Dropbox/PhD/topic{\_}project/lit/1-s2.0-S0176268014000652-main.pdf:pdf},
issn = {01762680},
journal = {European Journal of Political Economy},
keywords = {Absences,Accountability,Political competition,Quality of politicians,Shirking},
pages = {55--70},
publisher = {Elsevier B.V.},
title = {{Do politicians shirk when reelection is certain? Evidence from the German parliament}},
volume = {36},
year = {2014}
}
@article{Hargrave2022,
author = {Hargrave, Lotte},
journal = {Working Paper},
pages = {1--42},
title = {{Earning Their Stripes? Gender, Political Experience, and Policy Prioritisation in Parliamentary Debate}},
year = {2022}
}
@book{Pennebaker2007,
address = {Austin, US},
author = {Pennebaker, James W. and Chung, Cindy K. and Ireland, Molly and Gonzales, Amy and Booth, Roger J.},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Pennebaker et al. - 2007 - The Development and Psychometric Properties of LIWC2007.pdf:pdf},
publisher = {University of Texas at Austin},
title = {{The Development and Psychometric Properties of LIWC2007}},
year = {2007}
}
@book{Green2017,
address = {Cambridge},
author = {Green, Jane and Jennings, Will},
publisher = {Cambridge University Press},
title = {{The Politics of Competence: Parties, Public Opinion and Voters}},
year = {2017}
}
@article{Blumenau2020,
abstract = {By making it easier for citizens to communicate their preferences, online forms of political participation have the potential to strengthen the representational link between politicians and voters. However, we know little about the effects of online advocacy on politicians' behavior. Using new data from an e-petition system in the United Kingdom, I show that support for a petition among a Member of Parliament's constituents is associated with a substantial increase in the probability that the MP advocates for the petition in parliamentary debate, even when compared to MP behavior in counterfactual non-petition debates which focus on the same policy issues. However, MP responsiveness is conditioned both by party discipline and electoral competition. These findings have important implications for our understanding of dyadic representation in parliamentary systems.},
author = {Blumenau, Jack},
doi = {10.1111/lsq.12291},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Blumenau - 2021 - Online Activism and Dyadic Representation Evidence from the UK E-Petition System.pdf:pdf},
issn = {19399162},
journal = {Legislative Studies Quarterly},
keywords = {House of Commons,parliamentary debate,petitions,representation},
number = {4},
pages = {889--920},
title = {{Online Activism and Dyadic Representation: Evidence from the UK E-Petition System}},
volume = {46},
year = {2021}
}
@book{HansardSociety2014,
address = {London},
author = {{Hansard Society}},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Hansard Society - 2014 - Tuned in or Turned off Public attitudes to Prime Minister's Questions.pdf:pdf},
institution = {Hansard Society},
publisher = {Hansard Society},
title = {{Tuned in or Turned off? Public attitudes to Prime Minister's Questions}},
year = {2014}
}
@incollection{Ilie2005,
address = {Clevedon, UK},
annote = {{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 174) “The shape of a system of address forms is affected by, and has its effect on, the individual speakers' and interlocutors' awareness and perception of interpersonal relationships.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      Analysed official proceedings in the Riksdag and transcript in the Commons (for comparative purposes) – analysed Fr{\aa}gestung (Swedish question time) and PMQs – both question/answer sessions 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 175) Examines language based politeness rules, culture based politeness principles and institution based politeness strategies 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 176) “A major distinction between different culture-based face-work patterns appears to consist of the varying rankings of the concrete manifestations of negative and positive face.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “In parliamentary debates, which, by definition, involve FTAs aimed both at the interlocutors' negative and positive faces, it is relevant to examine three aspects in particular: (a) which of the two faces is socially and culturally more important to save and maintain; (b) which of the two faces is more threatened and therefore needs to be saved or redressed; and (c) which politeness strategies (negative or positive) are given priority with respect to the speaker's and to the addressee's faces.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 177) Pronominal address forms: using a distancing strategy (addressing the interlocutor in the third person); conveying deference (or lack of it) by directly addressing the interlocutor in the second person singular or plural; conveying deference and multiple reference by means of a defocalisation strategy, involving a shift from speaker self-reference in the first person singular to speaker co-reference 
{\textperiodcentered}      “Institutionalised distancing in the speaker-addressee relationship, involving indirectness, derives from the fact that members of both Parliaments address each other in the third person through the intermediary of the Speaker (Chairperson), the third person being the unmarked address form in interactions between questioning and answering MPs” 
{\textperiodcentered}      Idea for PhD: could always examine terms of address and compare between men and women, might expect women to use less indirect terms of address? 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 185) “Since parliamentary interaction during Question Time displays more confrontational and competitive politeness strategies than collaborative and cooperative strategies, terms of address can often be seen to maximise, rather than minimise, face-threatening acts, albeit indirectly or implicitly.”},
author = {Ilie, Cornelia},
booktitle = {Politness in Europe},
pages = {174--188},
publisher = {Multilingual Matters Ltd.},
title = {{Politeness in Sweden: Parliamentary Forms of Address}},
year = {2005}
}
@book{Kirkpatrick1974,
address = {New York},
author = {Kirkpatrick, Jeanne J.},
publisher = {Basic Books},
title = {{Political Woman}},
year = {1974}
}
@article{Cohen2020,
author = {Cohen, Denis and Rehmert, Jochen},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Cohen, Rehmert - 2020 - Public Support for Gender Equality and the Nomination of Female Candidates Evidence from the UK, 1992-2017.pdf:pdf},
journal = {Paper presented at the Virtual ECPR General Conference 2020},
pages = {1--23},
title = {{Public Support for Gender Equality and the Nomination of Female Candidates: Evidence from the UK, 1992-2017}},
year = {2020}
}
@article{Leeper2014,
abstract = {A key characteristic of democratic politics is competition between groups, first of all political parties. Yet, the unavoidably partisan nature of political conflict has had too little influence on scholarship on political psychology. Despite more than 50 years of research on political parties and citizens, we continue to lack a systematic understanding of when and how political parties influence public opinion. We suggest that alternative approaches to political parties and public opinion can be best reconciled and examined through a richer theoretical perspective grounded in motivated reasoning theory. Clearly, parties shape citizens' opinions by mobilizing, influencing, and structuring choices among political alternatives. But the answer to when and how parties influence citizens' reasoning and political opinions depends on an interaction between citizens' motivations, effort, and information generated from the political environment (particularly through competition between parties). The contribution of motivated reasoning, as we describe it, is to provide a coherent theoretical framework for understanding partisan influence on citizens' political opinions. We review recent empirical work consistent with this framework. We also point out puzzles ripe for future research and discuss how partisan-motivated reasoning provides a useful point of departure for such work. {\textcopyright} 2014 International Society of Political Psychology.},
author = {Leeper, Thomas J. and Slothuus, Rune},
doi = {10.1111/pops.12164},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Leeper, Slothuus - 2014 - Political Parties, Motivated Reasoning, and Public Opinion Formation.pdf:pdf},
issn = {0162895X},
journal = {Advances in Political Psychology},
keywords = {Motivated reasoning,Political parties,Public opinion},
number = {1},
pages = {129--156},
title = {{Political Parties, Motivated Reasoning, and Public Opinion Formation}},
volume = {35},
year = {2014}
}
@article{Jivani2011,
abstract = {Ant colonies have been observed to perform tasks similar to clustering. This observa- tion is the inspiration for ant based cluster- ing algorithms, which simulate this behavior on data. This paper investigates the per- formance of a particular ant clustering al- gorithm, coined ACLUSTER16, against an- other, named ATTA9, under the measures and datasets proposed by Handl et al.9. Based on performance results of both algorithms gath- ered from numerous runs, the results indicate weaknesses in the design of ACLUSTER, which are not present in ATTA. ACLUSTER is un- able to generate a useful clustering, since it fails to reliably join fragments of homogeneous samples into single compact clouds, as well as to enforce spatial separation of those. On the other hand, ATTAs performance is certainly striking.},
annote = {Read this again if making decisions about different kinds of stemmers.},
author = {Jivani, Anjali G.},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Jivani - 2011 - A Comparative Study of Stemming Algorithms.pdf:pdf},
issn = {2229-6093},
journal = {International Journal of Computer Technology and Applications},
keywords = {DOAJ:Computer Science,DOAJ:Technology and Engineering,Electronic computers. Computer science,IR,Instruments and machines,Mathematics,NLP,Q,QA1-939,QA71-90,QA75.5-76.95,Science,stemming,suffix,text mining},
number = {06},
pages = {1930--1938},
title = {{A Comparative Study of Stemming Algorithms}},
volume = {02},
year = {2011}
}
@article{Szmer2013,
author = {Szmer, John and Kaheny, Erin B and Sarver, Tammy and Decamillis, Mason},
doi = {10.1080/1554477X.2013.747898},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Szmer et al. - 2013 - The Impact of Attorney Gender on Decision Making in the United States Courts of Appeals.pdf:pdf},
journal = {Journal of Women, Politics {\&} Policy},
number = {1},
pages = {72--100},
title = {{The Impact of Attorney Gender on Decision Making in the United States Courts of Appeals}},
volume = {34},
year = {2013}
}
@article{Karpowitz2012,
abstract = {Can men and women have equal levels of voice and authority in deliberation or does deliberation
exacerbate gender inequality? Does increasing women's descriptive representation in deliberation increase their voice and authority? We answer these questions and move beyond the debate by hypothesizing that the group's gender composition interacts with its decision rule to exacerbate or erase the inequalities. We test this hypothesis and various alternatives, using experimental data with many groups and links between individuals' attitudes and speech. We find a substantial gender gap in voice and
authority, but as hypothesized, it disappears under unanimous rule and few women, or under majority rule and many women. Deliberative design can avoid inequality by fitting institutional procedure to the social context of the situation.},
annote = {Overall: can men and women have equal levels of voice in deliberation or does deliberation exacerbate gender inequality. How does increasing the number of women affect women's voice and authority? 

Methods: tests the hypothesis that group decision rule will interact with gender composition bu using experimental data 

Findings: substantial gender gap in voice and authority is discovered, however under unanimous rule with a small number of women, or under majority rule with many women, this gap disappears 

Suggestions of the article: deliberative design can avoid inequality by fitting institutional procedure to the social context of the situation

- (p. 533) Investigates whether critics are right that women speak less than men during deliberation and thus have less perceived influence},
author = {Karpowitz, Christopher F and Mendelberg, Tali and Shaker, Lee},
doi = {10.1017/S0003055412000329},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Karpowitz, Mendelberg, Shaker - 2012 - Gender Inequality in Deliberative Participation.pdf:pdf},
journal = {American Political Science Review},
number = {3},
pages = {533--547},
title = {{Gender Inequality in Deliberative Participation}},
url = {http://journals.cambridge.org/PSR},
volume = {106},
year = {2012}
}
@article{Taylor1982,
author = {Taylor, S. E. and Thompson, S. C.},
journal = {Psychological Review},
pages = {155--181},
title = {{Stalking the Elusive “Vividness” Effect}},
volume = {89},
year = {1982}
}
@misc{Schlack2020,
author = {{Wittes Schlack}, Julie},
booktitle = {WBUR},
title = {{Elizabeth Warren's Anger Is Risky. It's Also Necessary}},
url = {https://www.wbur.org/cognoscenti/2020/02/25/elizabeth-warren-anger-julie-wittes-schlack},
year = {2020}
}
@article{Kellermann2012,
abstract = {This article develops a new method for estimating the ideological preferences of members of the British House of Commons. Existing methods produce implausible results due to high levels of party cohesion and strategic voting on the part of opposition parties. To circumvent these problems, this article estimates MP preferences using Early Day Motions (EDMs) as an alternative to roll-call votes. The Bayesian ideal point model for the decision to sign an EDM takes into account both policy preferences and signing costs. The estimates obtained have greater face validity than previous attempts to measure preferences in the House of Commons, recovering the expected order of parties and of members within parties. The estimates successfully predict voting behavior in the House of Commons. As with other Bayesian ideal point methods, this approach produces natural uncertainty estimates and allows for easy calculation of quantities of interest such as member ranks.},
author = {Kellermann, Michael},
doi = {10.1111/j.1540-5907.2012.00587.x},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Kellermann - 2012 - Estimating Ideal Points in the British House of Commons Using Early Day Motions.pdf:pdf},
journal = {American Journal of Political Science},
number = {3},
pages = {757--771},
title = {{Estimating Ideal Points in the British House of Commons Using Early Day Motions}},
url = {http://dvn.iq.harvard.edu/dvn/dv/mkellermann.},
volume = {56},
year = {2012}
}
@techreport{Hunt2018,
author = {Hunt, Vivian and Prince, Sara and Dixon-Fyle, Sundiatu and Yee, Lareina},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Hunt et al. - 2018 - Delivering through Diversity.pdf:pdf},
title = {{Delivering through Diversity}},
url = {https://www.mckinsey.com/{~}/media/mckinsey/business functions/organization/our insights/delivering through diversity/delivering-through-diversity{\_}full-report.ashx},
year = {2018}
}
@book{Krook2011,
abstract = {Political institutions profoundly shape political life and are also gendered. This groundbreaking collection synthesises new institutionalism and gendered analysis using a new approach - feminist institutionalism - in order to answer crucial questions about power inequalities, mechanisms of continuity, and the gendered limits of change.},
address = {Basingstoke, UK},
annote = {Chapter 1: Introduction Gender, Politics, and Institutions (pp. 1-20) 
  
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 4) Feminist political science scholarship has moved from a focus on ‘women and politics' to ‘gender and politics: “They highlight, in particular, the multiple ways in which gendered power relations and inequality are constructed, shaped, and maintained through institutional processes, practices, and rules.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 5) “Finally, a wide range of studies in FPS have assessed the powerful role of norms ‘that prescribe and proscribe “acceptable” masculine and feminine forms of behaviour, rules, and values for men and women within institutions' (Chappell 2006: 226).” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 6) “This includes work on the ‘gender regimes' and ‘gender contracts' that underpin various kinds of welfare state arrangements.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “The key point of agreement across these approaches, however, is that conceiving of political (and social) institutions as ‘gendered' is crucial to understanding the practices, ideas, goals and outcomes of politics. Grasping the ways in which institutions reflect, reinforce, and structure unequal gendered power relations in wider society, in turn, offers insights into the dynamics of continuity and change – and the means for interrupting them to promote or undermine feminist goals.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “To say that an institution is gendered means that constructions of masculinity and femininty are intertwined in the daily culture or ‘logic' of political institutions, rather than ‘existing out in society or fixed within individuals which they then bring whole to the institution' (Kenny 1996: 456).” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “While constructions of masculinity and femininity are both present in political institutions, the masculine ideal underpins institutional structures, practices, discourses, and norms, shaping ‘ways of valuing things, ways of behaving, and ways of being' (Duerst-Lahti and Kelly 1995: 20).” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 7) “For, as Beckwith (2005: 133) notes, if institutions are gendered, the potential exists for them to be ‘re-gendered', including in ways that might promote gender equality”},
author = {Krook, Mona Lena and Mackay, Fiona},
publisher = {Palgrave Macmillan},
title = {{Gender, Politics and Institutions: Towards a Feminist Institutionalism}},
year = {2011}
}
@article{Schwindt-Bayer2005,
abstract = {The concept of representation, as developed in Hanna Pitkin's seminal work, is a complex structure,whose multiple dimensions are hypothesized to be closely interconnected. Most empirical work,however, ignores the integrated character of representation and examines its several dimensions inisolation. The picture of representation that results is not so much incorrect as incomplete. Thisresearch tests an integrated model of representation linking formal, descriptive, substantive, and sym-bolic representation. Data on the representation of women in 31 democracies conﬁrms the intercon-nections among the several dimensions of representation. The structure of electoral systems exertspowerful inﬂuences on both women's descriptive representation and symbolic representation. Descrip-tive representation, in turn, increases legislatures' responsiveness to women's policy concerns andenhances perceptions of legitimacy. The effects of substantive representation, however, are much lessthan theory anticipates.},
author = {Schwindt-Bayer, Leslie; and Mishler, William},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Schwindt-Bayer, Mishler - 2005 - An Integrated Model of Women's Representation.pdf:pdf},
journal = {The Journal of Politics},
keywords = {adult population,adults,affect the oro-maxillo-,facial complex in an,logically diagnosed lesions that,maxillofacial,oral,pathology,prevalance,relatively few studies document,the range of histo-,three studies},
number = {2},
pages = {407--428},
title = {{An Integrated Model of Women's Representation}},
volume = {67},
year = {2005}
}
@article{Lau2007,
abstract = {The conventional wisdom about negative political campaigning holds that it works, i.e., it has the consequences its practitioners intend. Many observers also fear that negative campaigning has unintended but detrimental effects on the political system itself. An earlier meta-analytic assessment of the relevant literature found no reliable evidence for these claims, but since then the research literature has more than doubled in size and has greatly improved in quality. We reexamine this literature and find that the major conclusions from the earlier meta-analysis still hold. All told, the research literature does not bear out the idea that negative campaigning is an effective means of winning votes, even though it tends to be more memorable and stimulate knowledge about the campaign. Nor is there any reliable evidence that negative campaigning depresses voter turnout, though it does slightly lower feelings of political efficacy, trust in government, and possibly overall public mood.},
author = {Lau, Richard R. and Sigelman, Lee and Rovner, Ivy Brown},
doi = {10.1111/j.1468-2508.2007.00618.x},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Lau, Sigelman, Rovner - 2007 - The effects of negative political campaigns A meta-analytic reassessment.pdf:pdf},
issn = {00223816},
journal = {Journal of Politics},
number = {4},
pages = {1176--1209},
title = {{The effects of negative political campaigns: A meta-analytic reassessment}},
volume = {69},
year = {2007}
}
@article{Brooks2011,
abstract = {Many have speculated that voters hold double standards for male and female political candidates that disadvantage women. One common assumption is that female candidates are penalized disproportionately for displays of crying and anger; however, the field lacks a theoretical or empirical foundation for examining this matter. The first half of this article establishes the theoretical basis for how emotional displays are likely to influence evaluations of female versus male candidates. Using a large-N, representative sample of U.S. adults, the second half tests these dynamics experimentally. The main finding is that, contrary to conventional wisdom, no double standard exists for emotionality overall: male and female candidates are similarly penalized for both anger and crying. There are, however, different responses to the tears of male and female candidates depending on whether the respondent is a man or woman.},
annote = {Really nice study. Look at the bibliography for it!},
author = {Brooks, Deborah Jordan},
doi = {10.1017/S0022381611000053},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Brooks - 2011 - Testing the Double Standard for Candidate Emotionality Voter Reactions to the Tears and Anger of Male and Female Politic.pdf:pdf},
journal = {The Journal of Politics},
number = {2},
pages = {597--615},
title = {{Testing the Double Standard for Candidate Emotionality: Voter Reactions to the Tears and Anger of Male and Female Politicians}},
volume = {73},
year = {2011}
}
@article{Matland1996,
abstract = {There is a distinct gap in women's representation in national legislatures between countries with single-member district electoral systems and those with proportional representation electoral systems. While this gap has been well documented, there have been only limited attempts at explaining its existence. After reviewing the literature on the representation gap, we turn to the party change literature and propose a modified contagion theory as one possible explanation for the gap. Contagion theory suggests that traditional parties will feel pressured to nominate more women if one of their political rivals, usually a smaller party farther to the left, starts to promote representation of women. We distinguish between macrocontagion and microcontagion and argue that especially microcontagion is more likely to occur in party list proportional representation systems than in single-member district systems. This should be true because contagion pressures are more likely to develop, and the costs of adapting to these pressures are less, in party list proportional representation systems. We formally test for microcontagion at the electoral district level in Canada and Norway, both leaders among their type of electoral systems in female representation. The data confirm our hypothesis by showing no indication of microcontagion in Canada, but evidence of such an effect in Norway.},
author = {Matland, Richard E. and Studlar, Donley T.},
doi = {10.2307/2960439},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Matland, Studlar - 1996 - The Contagion of Women Candidates in Single-Member District and Proportional Representation Electoral Systems.pdf:pdf},
issn = {00223816},
journal = {The Journal of Politics},
number = {3},
pages = {707--733},
title = {{The Contagion of Women Candidates in Single-Member District and Proportional Representation Electoral Systems: Canada and Norway}},
volume = {58},
year = {1996}
}
@article{Everitt2016,
abstract = {This article explores the impact that women's and men's nonverbal forms of communication have on voters' evaluations of political figures. The results indicate that nonverbal cues employed by female and male politicians during political speeches trigger both leadership and gender stereotypes. Furthermore, these behaviors produce different reactions among male and female viewers. Our results indicate that while female politicians are not generally stereotyped as being less agentic (strong leaders, aggressive, tough, confident, or decisive) than men, when they are observed using agonic (assertive, expressive, or choppy) hand movements, their assessments drop. Men demonstrating the same behavior see their leadership assessments improve. Nonverbal cues have little effect on gender-based stereotypes linked to communal qualities such as being caring, sociable, emotional, sensitive, and family oriented, but do impact willingness to vote for a candidate. Women are more likely to receive votes particularly from male respondents if they are calm and contained. Male candidates are more likely to be supported by both women and men when they communicate using assertive nonverbal behaviors.},
author = {Everitt, Joanna and Best, Lisa A. and Gaudet, Derek and Everit, Joanna},
doi = {10.1177/0002764216676244},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Everitt et al. - 2016 - Candidate Gender, Behavioral Style, and Willingness to Vote Support for Female Candidates Depends on Conformity.pdf:pdf},
journal = {American Behavioral Scientist},
number = {14},
pages = {1737--1755},
title = {{Candidate Gender, Behavioral Style, and Willingness to Vote: Support for Female Candidates Depends on Conformity to Gender Norms}},
volume = {60},
year = {2016}
}
@article{Goet2019,
abstract = {Recent research has shown an increasing interest in the historical evolution of legislative institutions. The development of the UK Parliament has received particularly extensive attention. In this article, we contribute to this literature in three important ways. First, we introduce a complete, machine-readable data set of all the Standing Orders of the UK House of Commons between 1811 and 2015. Second, we demonstrate how this data set can be used to construct innovative measures of procedural change. Third, we illustrate a potential empirical application of the data set, offering an exploratory test of several expectations drawn from recent theories of formal rule change in parliamentary democracies. We conclude that the new data set has the potential to substantially advance our understanding of legislative reforms in the United Kingdom and beyond.},
author = {Goet, Niels D. and Fleming, Thomas G. and Zubek, Radoslaw},
doi = {10.1111/lsq.12249},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Goet, Fleming, Zubek - 2019 - Procedural Change in the UK House of Commons, 1811–2015.pdf:pdf},
issn = {19399162},
journal = {Legislative Studies Quarterly},
keywords = {UK House of Commons,legislative rules,procedural change},
number = {February},
title = {{Procedural Change in the UK House of Commons, 1811–2015}},
year = {2019}
}
@article{Claessen2021,
abstract = {Little is known about the careers of parliamentarians after they leave parliament. We analyse the post-parliamentary careers of German and Dutch parliamentarians over the last 20 years and document the presence of a persistent and substantial gender gap. This gap exists regardless of party, country or political position and persists even when the status of the pre-parliamentary profession and achievement within parliament are controlled for. Aside from demonstrating our findings, we offer new insights into possible explanations for the dynamics behind them. Additionally, we show that parliament only serves as a stepping stone for a more successful career for a relatively small share of politicians: only 32 per cent of MPs obtain more attractive positions in the public or private sector after their legislative service.},
author = {Claessen, Clint and Bailer, Stefanie and Turner-Zwinkels, Tomas},
doi = {10.1111/1475-6765.12385},
file = {:Users/lotte/Dropbox/PhD/topic{\_}project/lit/European J Political Res - 2020 - CLAESSEN - The winners of legislative mandate  An analysis of post‐parliamentary career.pdf:pdf},
issn = {14756765},
journal = {European Journal of Political Research},
keywords = {Germany,career,gender,legislator,post-parliamentary career,profession,the Netherlands},
number = {1},
pages = {25--45},
title = {{The Winners of Legislative Mandate: An analysis of Post-Parliamentary Career Positions in Germany and the Netherlands}},
volume = {60},
year = {2021}
}
@article{Flynn2019,
abstract = {Attempts to correct political misperceptions often fail. The dominant theoretical explanation for this failure comes from psychological research on motivated reasoning. We identify a novel source of motivated reasoning in response to corrective information: the justification of socially undesirable preferences. Further, we demonstrate that this motivation can, under certain conditions, overpower the motivation to maintain congruence. Our empirical test is a national survey experiment that asks participants to reconcile partisan motivations and the motivation to justify voting against a racial minority candidate. Consistent with our argument, racially prejudiced participants dismiss corrections when misinformation is essential to justify voting against a black candidate of their own party, but accept corrections about an otherwise identical candidate of the opposing party. These results provide new insight into the persistence of certain forms of political misinformation.},
author = {Flynn, D. J. and Krupnikov, Yanna},
doi = {10.1017/XPS.2018.12},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Flynn, Krupnikov - 2019 - Misinformation and the Justification of Socially Undesirable Preferences.pdf:pdf},
journal = {Journal of Experimental Political Science},
keywords = {Misinformation,corrections,motivated reasoning,social desirability,survey experiment},
pages = {5--16},
title = {{Misinformation and the Justification of Socially Undesirable Preferences}},
url = {https://doi.org/10.1017/XPS.2018.12},
volume = {6},
year = {2019}
}
@book{Pfeffer1996,
address = {Harvard},
author = {Pfeffer, Jeffrey},
isbn = {087584717X},
pages = {281},
publisher = {Harvard Business School Press},
title = {{Competitive Advantage Through People: Unleashing the Power of the Work Force}},
year = {1996}
}
@techreport{Crowley2004,
abstract = {When Tokens Matter Tokens, or low levels of minority or female representatives in state legislatures , have been studied with respect to their perceptions of self-efficacy and political attitudes but not with respect to their actual influence on the passage of public policy. This paper uses state-level data from the child support program between the years 1976-84 to measure the influence of women tokens on the policy process. Using ordered probit models, I explore policy adoption under three configurations: (1) a test of the independent impact of tokens, (2) a dynamic test of the differential impact of tokens and nontokens to analyze potential backlash effects and the potential diffusion of policy preferences, and (3) an interactive test on the potential for tokens to form coalitions. My analysis strongly suggests that tokens make a policy difference independently and to a greater extent than when they are on the cusp of becoming nontokens, but I found less support for the idea that tokens successfully form coalitions to achieve specific policy goals.},
author = {Crowley, Jocelyn Elise},
booktitle = {109 When Tokens Matter LEGISLATIVE STUDIES QUARTERLY, XXIX},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Crowley - 2004 - When Tokens Matter.pdf:pdf},
number = {1},
title = {{When Tokens Matter}},
url = {https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/pdf/10.3162/036298004X201113},
year = {2004}
}
@article{Campbell2018a,
abstract = {This contribution to the Special Issue on Gender and Conservatism uses expert and election surveys to explore the extent to which the feminist or traditional gender ideology of parties of the right relates to their economic and liberal/authoritarian ideology. We show that although parties of the left generally espouse more feminist ideologies than parties of the right, there are a significant number of rightist parties in Western Europe that combine laissez-faire economic values with liberal feminist ideals. That said, there is more homogeneity among parties of the populist radical right than rightist parties more generally. We find that despite some variation in their gender ideology, parties of the populist radical right overwhelmingly - with the exception of one party in the Netherlands - continue to adopt traditional or antifeminist gender ideologies. In terms of attracting women voters, we find that rightist parties who adopt a feminist gender ideology are able to attract more women voters than other parties of the right. We detect several examples of center-right parties that include feminist elements in their gender ideologies and are able to win over larger proportions of women voters than rightist parties that fail to adopt feminist positions.},
author = {Campbell, Rosie and Erzeel, Silvia},
doi = {10.1017/S1743923X17000599},
file = {:Users/lotte/Dropbox/PhD/style{\_}experiment/lit/exploring-gender-differences-in-support-for-rightist-parties-the-role-of-party-and-gender-ideology.pdf:pdf},
issn = {17439248},
journal = {Politics and Gender},
number = {1},
pages = {80--105},
title = {{Exploring Gender Differences in Support for Rightist Parties: The Role of Party and Gender Ideology}},
volume = {14},
year = {2018}
}
@article{Loughran2011,
abstract = {Previous research uses negative word counts to measure the tone of a text.We show that word lists developed for other disciplines misclassify common words in financial text. In a large sample of 10-Ks during 1994 to 2008, almost three-fourths of the words identified as negative by the widely used Harvard Dictionary are words typically not considered negative in financial contexts. We develop an alternative negative word list, along with five other word lists, that better reflect tone in financial text.We link the word lists to 10-K filing returns, trading volume, return volatility, fraud, material weakness, and unexpected earnings. A},
author = {Loughran, Tim and McDonald, Bill},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Loughran, McDonald - 2011 - When is a liability not a liability.pdf:pdf},
issn = {09507051},
journal = {The Journal of Finance},
keywords = {Annual reports,Feature selection,Financial statement fraud,Machine learning,Text mining},
number = {1},
pages = {35--65},
title = {{When is a liability not a liability}},
volume = {66},
year = {2011}
}
@article{Mackay2010,
abstract = {New institutionalism (NI) may no longer qualify as being ‘new', but since re-emphasizing institutions as a central explanatory variable in political analysis over two decades ago, it continues to provide scholars with a useful perspective through which to analyse political dynamics and outcomes that shape everyday life. The renewed focus on institutions has rebalanced the structure/agency scales back toward the former without losing important insights about the role and impact of political actors. NI has allowed for greater understanding about the co-constitutive nature of politics: the various ways in which actors bring about or resist change in institutions; and the way institutions shape the nature of actors' behaviour through the construction of rules, norms and policies.},
annote = {{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 573) “NI has allowed for greater understanding about the co-constitutive nature of politics: the various ways in which actors bring about or resist change in institutions; and the way institutions shape the nature of actors' behaviour through the construction of rules, norms and policies.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “NI, variously defined, continues to grapple with a number of intractable issues around the key themes of: formal and informal institutions, institutional creation, continuity and change, structure and agency, and power.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “We argue that a gendered analysis, which highlights the gendered aspects of the norms, rules and practices at work within institutions and the concomitant effect these have on political outcomes, and foregrounds power, provides important new insights into the core preoccupations of the new institutionalisms.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 574) “The basic premise of NI is that institutions ‘matter', an ‘argument that the organization of political life makes a difference' (March and Olsen, 1984: 747).” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 578) “Despite these recent developments in NI conceptions of change, typically, the three original schools of institutionalism are criticized for their approach to the relationship between structure and agency. At its most extreme, rational choice institutionalism loses sight of structure altogether, while socio- logical institutionalism runs the risk of structural determinism, turning into ‘action without agents' (Hall and Taylor, 1996, 954), and historical institutionalism is criticized alternatively as too structural or too agential.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “However, in reality each ‘school' of institutionalism has contained nuanced accounts of structure and agency. For example, many sociological institutionalists do highlight the ‘highly-interactive and mutually constitutive character' of interactions between institutions and individual actors (Hall and Taylor, 1996: 948). In turn, while RCI appears to focus on self-interested, calculating individuals, at the same time, it argues that the ‘rules of the game' – institutions – affect the behaviour of political actors (North, 1990). Meanwhile, historical institutionalism offers a distinctive and highly sophisticated view of the co-constitutive relationship between structure and agency (Hay and Wincott, 1998).” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “The structure agency question is far from settled, and remains an ongoing debate within the field.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 579) “NI scholars have, to date, failed to engage with the now extensive feminist literature concerned with women and political institutions, the gendered dimensions of political institutions and their performance, and gendered processes of political change, despite shared interests.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 580) “To say that an institution is gendered means that constructions of masculinity and femininity are intertwined in the daily life or logic of political institutions rather than ‘existing out in society or fixed within individuals which they then bring whole to the institution' (Kenney, 1996: 456).” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “Not only are gender relations seen to be ‘institutional', these relations are ‘institutionalised', embedded in particular political institutions and constraining and shaping social interaction.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “Research on the gendered effects of formal institutions such as electoral systems, political parties and bureaucracies is by far the most extensive within feminist political science to date, as well as the complex relationship between state feminism, women's movements and female politicians in pursuit of substantive policy change.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 581) Also informal institutions: e.g. parliamentary conventions and forms; “instances of powerful actors ‘forgetting' innovations in new institutions in post-devolution Britain, and ‘remembering' old rules and norms, including the reassertion of traditional gender relations and norms (Mackay, 2009); the deployment of mechanisms such as stereotyping, exclusion, and marginalisation to construct and reinforce power hierarchies 
{\textperiodcentered}      “Olsen acknowledges that there are power differentials between institutional actors. These, he (2009: 9) suggests, arise from access to resources that are tied to ‘rules and worldviews'. What he does not elucidate, but what feminist accounts of institutions have shown, is that access to these resources, and the power they create, has a gender bias.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 582) “The rules of the game – be they relating to legislatures, courts, bureaucracies or federal structures – can be seen as gendered as they prescribe (as well as proscribe) ‘acceptable' masculine and feminine forms of behaviour, rules and values for men and women within institutions (Chappell 2002, 2006).” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “While constructions of masculinity and femininity are both present in political institutions, the masculine ideal underpins institutional structures, practices and norms, shaping ‘ways of valuing things, ways of behaving and ways of being' (Duerst-Lahti and Kelly, 1995: 20), as well as constraining the expression and articulation of marginalized perspectives. With a few exceptions, women are most commonly associated with feminine traits, and are thereby disadvantaged in the power play over which ideas matter and who accumulates institutional resources.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “The key feminist insight is that both structure and agency are gendered.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 583) “Gender relations and gendered institutions structure the context in which actors construct and deploy their gendered identities and interests.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “Research in the field demonstrates that the gendering and regendering of political institutions are ‘active processes with palpable effects' (Hawkesworth, 2003: 531), highlighting the sometimes barely visible ways in which the power relations that sustain political processes are produced and reproduced through gender.”},
author = {Mackay, Fiona and Kenny, Meryl and Chappell, Louise},
doi = {10.1177/0192512110388788},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Mackay, Kenny, Chappell - 2010 - New Institutionalism Through a Gender Lens Towards a Feminist Institutionalism.pdf:pdf},
journal = {International Political Science Reviewcience Review},
number = {5},
pages = {573--588},
title = {{New Institutionalism Through a Gender Lens: Towards a Feminist Institutionalism?}},
volume = {31},
year = {2010}
}
@article{Wolkenstein2020,
author = {Wolkenstein, Fabio and Wratil, Christopher},
doi = {10.1111/ajps.12563},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Wolkenstein, Wratil - 2020 - Operationalizing Multidimensional Representation.pdf:pdf},
journal = {American Journal of Political Science},
pages = {862--876},
title = {{Multidimensional Representation}},
volume = {65},
year = {2021}
}
@book{Fong,
author = {Fong, Christian and Grimmer, Justin},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Fong, Grimmer - 2019 - Causal Inference with Latent Treatments.pdf:pdf},
pages = {1--35},
publisher = {Working Paper},
title = {{Causal Inference with Latent Treatments}},
year = {2019}
}
@book{Schwindt-Bayer2010,
abstract = {The number of women elected to Latin American legislatures has grown significantly over the past 30 years. Yet, wide variation persists across countries within the region. These patterns generate politically relevant and theoretically challenging questions about the causes and consequences of women's representation in Latin America. Why have the numbers of women in office increased in some countries and why does it vary across others? What does having women in office mean for how representatives legislate? And, what consequences does the election of women have for representative democracy, more generally? This book answers these questions by articulating a comprehensive theory of women's representation and testing this theory empirically in Latin America. It first examines explanations for the varying gender representativeness of Latin American legislatures. Then, it focuses on how a legislator's gender affects four types of substantive representation, specifically legislators' political preferences, policymaking behavior, leadership posts and committee assignments, and home-style activities. Finally, it examines how women's representation affects citizen views of representative democracy in the region. Ultimately, this book communicates the complex and often incomplete nature of women's political representation in Latin America.},
address = {Oxford},
author = {Schwindt-Bayer, Leslie A.},
doi = {10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199731954.001.0001},
isbn = {9780199731954},
publisher = {Oxford University Press},
title = {{Political Power and Women's Representation in Latin America}},
year = {2010}
}
@article{Diekman2007,
abstract = {The double bind of dominance-that it can help to attain status but might jeopardize social relationships-was investigated by examining evaluations based on interpersonal skill (e.g., getting along well with others) and instrumental skill (e.g., accomplishing a task). Role congruity theory (Eagly and Diekman 2005; Eagly and Karau 2002) posits that behavior will be evaluated more positively when it is congruent with valued social roles. Two experiments were conducted to explore the importance of context in evaluations of dominance. In both experiments , dominance was more devalued in contexts related to interpersonal skill than in those related to instrumental skill. Experiment 1 demonstrated that the penalty for dominant behavior decreased when the target also displayed warmth, thereby affirming diffuse prosocial roles. Experiment 2 demonstrated that dominant behavior incurred greater penalties in communal versus agentic occupations. The results support a contextual, role-based explanation of evaluative processes.},
annote = {METHODS: Could be useful to distribute a questionnaire? For example, getting members of the public to evaluate different aspects of leadership styles? 

Note to self: might be useful to look again at this if I do go down the experimental route

Summary: conducts two experiments to explore the importance of ontext in evaluations of dominance. In both experiments, dominance was more devalued in contexts related to interpersonal skill than in those related to instrumental skill. Experiment 1 demonstrated that the penalty for dominant behaviour decreased when the target also displayed warmth, thereby affirming diffuse prosocial roles. Experiment 2 demonstrated that dominant behaviour incurred greater penalities in communal versus agentic occupations.},
author = {Diekman, Amanda B},
doi = {10.1007/s11199-007-9198-0},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Diekman - 2007 - Negotiating the Double Bind Interpersonal and Instrumental Evaluations of Dominance.pdf:pdf},
journal = {Sex Roles},
pages = {551--561},
title = {{Negotiating the Double Bind: Interpersonal and Instrumental Evaluations of Dominance}},
volume = {22},
year = {2007}
}
@article{Shapiro1986,
abstract = {Predicting the binding mode of flexible polypeptides to proteins is an important task that falls outside the domain of applicability of most small molecule and protein−protein docking tools. Here, we test the small molecule flexible ligand docking program Glide on a set of 19 non-$\alpha$-helical peptides and systematically improve pose prediction accuracy by enhancing Glide sampling for flexible polypeptides. In addition, scoring of the poses was improved by post-processing with physics-based implicit solvent MM- GBSA calculations. Using the best RMSD among the top 10 scoring poses as a metric, the success rate (RMSD ≤ 2.0 {\AA} for the interface backbone atoms) increased from 21{\%} with default Glide SP settings to 58{\%} with the enhanced peptide sampling and scoring protocol in the case of redocking to the native protein structure. This approaches the accuracy of the recently developed Rosetta FlexPepDock method (63{\%} success for these 19 peptides) while being over 100 times faster. Cross-docking was performed for a subset of cases where an unbound receptor structure was available, and in that case, 40{\%} of peptides were docked successfully. We analyze the results and find that the optimized polypeptide protocol is most accurate for extended peptides of limited size and number of formal charges, defining a domain of applicability for this approach.},
author = {Shapiro, Robert Y.},
file = {:Users/lotte/Dropbox/PhD/topic{\_}project/lit/50-1-42.pdf:pdf},
journal = {Public Opinion Quarterly},
pages = {42--61},
title = {{Gender Differences in Policy Preferences: A Summary of Trends from the 1960s to the 1980s}},
volume = {50},
year = {1986}
}
@article{Szmer2015,
abstract = {Objectives. The objectives of this study were to integrate multiple streams of research on judicial dissensus to better understand the causes of state court of last resort justices' decisions to dissent. The study particularly focused on the relationship between dissent and gender and race (and their intersection) at the individual and panel level. Methods. We employed probit regression with clustered standard errors of the population of state court of last resort cases from 1995 to 1998. Results. Women and minorities were more likely to dissent in cases involving issues that are particularly salient to those particular groups. We also find evidence of the intersectionality of race and gender: while white women and African-American males were less likely to dissent than white males, African-American women were the most likely to cast dissenting votes. Conclusions. Our results suggest that, in addition to small-group (panel) and institutional characteristics, individual attributes such as race and gender (and their intersection) matter in the decision to dissent.},
author = {Szmer, John and Christensen, Robert K and Kaheny, Erin B},
doi = {10.1111/ssqu.12133},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Szmer, Christensen, Kaheny - 2015 - Gender, Race, and Dissensus on State Supreme Courts.pdf:pdf},
journal = {Social Science Quarterly},
number = {2},
pages = {553--575},
title = {{Gender, Race, and Dissensus on State Supreme Courts}},
volume = {96},
year = {2015}
}
@incollection{Walsh2002,
address = {Norman, Oklahoma, US},
author = {Walsh, Katherine},
booktitle = {Women Transforming Congress},
editor = {Rosenthal, Cindy Simon},
pages = {370--98.},
publisher = {University of Oklahoma Press},
title = {{Enlarging representation: Women bringing marginalized perspectives to floor debate in the House of Representatives}},
year = {2002}
}
@article{Kahn2009,
author = {Kahn, Kim Fridkin},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Kahn - 2009 - Does Gender Make a Difference An Experimental Examination of Sex Stereotypes and Press Patterns in Statewide Campaigns Au.pdf:pdf},
journal = {Political Science},
number = {1},
pages = {162--195},
title = {{Does Gender Make a Difference ? An Experimental Examination of Sex Stereotypes and Press Patterns in Statewide Campaigns Author ( s ): Kim Fridkin Kahn Source : American Journal of Political Science , Vol . 38 , No . 1 ( Feb ., 1994 ), pp . 162-195 Publis}},
volume = {38},
year = {2009}
}
@article{Rucker2018,
abstract = {This integrative review presents the Agentic–Communal Model of Advantage and Disadvantage to offer insight into the psychology of inequality. This model examines the relation between individuals' position of advantage or disadvantage in a social hierarchy and their propensity toward agency and communion. We begin by identifying and reviewing four inequalities—Resources, Opportunities, Appraisals, and Deference, or the ROAD of inequality—that are fundamental to social advantage and disadvantage. We explain how these inequalities can instill a sense of advantage and disadvantage in individuals. Next, we discuss two core drivers of human behavior: agency and communion. We integrate these literatures to introduce the model's central propositions: a sense of advantage orients individuals toward agency and a sense of disadvantage orients individuals toward communion. We review evidence for this model across four distinct social hierarchies: power, social class, gender, and race. A number of findings suggest that higher-power individuals, higher-class individuals, men, and Whites express greater agency, whereas lower-power individuals, lower-class individuals, women, and minorities express greater communion. We also consider results in the literature that appear inconsistent with our propositions (i.e., when the advantaged are communal and the disadvantaged are agentic) and offer theoretical integrations to resolve these apparent contradictions. In particular, we highlight how the orthogonal nature of agency and communion can produce behavior that results from the combination of high agency and communion. To help motivate a future research agenda, we note the importance of both hierarchy salience and cultural considerations in determining individuals' orientations toward agency and communion. Finally, we consider the implications of this model for the study of social hierarchy and inequality, as well as the consequences of rising inequality levels.},
author = {Rucker, Derek D. and Galinsky, Adam D. and Magee, Joe C.},
doi = {10.1016/bs.aesp.2018.04.001},
file = {:Users/lotte/Dropbox/PhD/gendered{\_}styles/lit/1-s2.0-S0065260118300157-main.pdf:pdf},
isbn = {9780128150818},
issn = {00652601},
journal = {Advances in Experimental Social Psychology},
keywords = {Agency,Communion,Gender,Inequality,Power,Race,Social class,Social hierarchy,Socioeconomic status},
pages = {71--125},
title = {{The Agentic–Communal Model of Advantage and Disadvantage: How Inequality Produces Similarities in the Psychology of Power, Social Class, Gender, and Race}},
volume = {58},
year = {2018}
}
@book{Bauer2020,
address = {Cambridge, UK},
author = {Bauer, Nichole M.},
publisher = {Cambridge University Press},
title = {{The Qualifications Gap: Why Women Must Be Better than Men to Win Political Office}},
year = {2020}
}
@article{Martin2008,
abstract = {One of the central challenges facing multiparty governments in parliamentary democracies is the need for coalition parties to communicate to their constituents that they have not strayed significantly from their electoral commitments when agreeing to policy compromises. We argue that one of the main ways parties attempt to make their case to constituents is through their behavior in legislative debate. Debate provides a unique opportunity-tied directly to the policy the government is implementing-to declare party positions on the coalition compromise. In an analysis of several hundred legislative speeches in two parliamentary democracies, we show that coalition parties communicate with constituents much more extensively on internally divisive issues, especially as the next parliamentary elections draw near. We also demonstrate contextual and institutional effects (including the impact of junior ministers) that complement emerging findings in the literature on coalition governance.},
author = {Martin, Lanny W and Vanberg, Georg},
doi = {10.1177/1065912907308348},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Martin, Vanberg - 2008 - Coalition Government and Political Communication.pdf:pdf},
journal = {Political Research Quarterly},
keywords = {coalitions,debates,legislatures},
number = {3},
pages = {502--516},
title = {{Coalition Government and Political Communication}},
url = {http://prq.sagepub.comhttp//online.sagepub.com},
volume = {61},
year = {2008}
}
@article{Campbell2015d,
author = {Campbell, Rosie and Childs, Sarah},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Campbell, Childs - 2015 - All Aboard the Pink Battle Bus Women Voters, Women's Issues, Candidates and Party Leaders(2).pdf:pdf},
journal = {Britain Votes},
pages = {206--223},
title = {{All Aboard the Pink Battle Bus? Women Voters, Women's Issues, Candidates and Party Leaders}},
year = {2015}
}
@article{Klar2020,
abstract = {Scholars from across the social sciences argue that identities-such as race, ethnicity, and gender-are highly influential over individuals' attitudes, actions, and evaluations. Experiments are becoming particularly integral for allowing identity scholars to explain how these social attachments shape our political behavior. In this letter, we draw attention to how identity scholars should approach the common practice of assessing moderators, measuring control variables, and detecting effect heterogeneity using covariates. Special care must be taken when deciding where to place measures of demographic covariates in identity-related experiments, as these cases pose unique challenges from how scholars traditionally approach experimental design. We argue in this letter that identity scholars, particularly those whose subjects identify as women or minorities, are often right to measure covariates of interest posttreatment.},
author = {Klar, Samara and Leeper, Thomas and Robison, Joshua},
doi = {10.1017/XPS.2019.26},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Klar, Leeper, Robison - 2020 - Studying Identities with Experiments Weighing the Risk of Posttreatment Bias Against Priming Effects.pdf:pdf},
journal = {Journal of Experimental Political Science},
keywords = {Identities,experimental design,experiments,posttreatment bias,priming},
pages = {56--60},
title = {{Studying Identities with Experiments: Weighing the Risk of Posttreatment Bias Against Priming Effects}},
url = {https://doi.org/10.1017/XPS.2019.26},
volume = {7},
year = {2020}
}
@article{Diekman2005,
author = {Diekman, Amanda B. and Eagly, Alice H. and Mladinic, Antonio and Ferreira, Maria Cristina},
journal = {Journal of Cross-Cultural Psychology},
number = {2},
pages = {209--226},
title = {{Dynamic Stereotypes About Women and Men in Latin America and the United States}},
volume = {36},
year = {2005}
}
@article{Escobar-Lemmon2009a,
abstract = {Are presidential cabinets gendered institutions? This important question has been ignored for Latin America to date. In this article, the authors propose four benchmarks for evaluating whether presidential cabinets should be classified as gendered institutions. If they are we should observe (1) that there are differences in career length, continuity, and mobility between men and women; (2) that women receive feminine domain posts and men masculine ones; (3) that masculine ministries offer greater potential for upward mobility; and (4) that women must be better qualified than men to receive appointments. Using data from eighteen Latin American countries from 1980 to 2003, the authors analyze the degree to which cabinets conform to these criteria. They conclude that even though women are starting to gain appointments to high-profile and to masculine domain cabinet posts, the overall evidence supports the conclusion that there are gendered patterns to cabinet appointments. {\textcopyright} 2009 University of Utah.},
author = {Escobar-Lemmon, Maria and Taylor-Robinson, Michelle M.},
doi = {10.1177/1065912908322414},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Escobar-Lemmon, Taylor-Robinson - 2009 - Getting to the top Career paths of women in Latin American cabinets(2).pdf:pdf},
issn = {10659129},
journal = {Political Research Quarterly},
keywords = {Gendered institutions,Latin America,Ministerial posts,Presidential cabinets,Women in politics},
number = {4},
pages = {685--699},
title = {{Getting to the Top: Career Paths of Women in Latin American Cabinets}},
volume = {62},
year = {2009}
}
@article{Bulut2021,
abstract = {Although various explanations have been proposed in regard to the persistency of patriarchal attitudes and gendered outcomes in political processes, much of the scholarly attention has focused on structural factors related to cultural dynamics and modernization. Motivated by a growing body of research looking into the role political elites play in shaping public attitudes about issues of normative importance, we make an attempt to shift empirical focus to shorter-term dynamics and understand how elite cues can undermine gender egalitarian values within the mass public. Drawing on an original population-based survey experiment of over 2700 subjects from a nation-wide face-to-face survey in Turkey, we examined how President Erdogan's patriarchal statements influence gender-egalitarian attitudes and how this influence varies across partisan groups. Our results show that the treatment group, relative to the control group, reports significantly lower levels of gender-egalitarian attitudes, and this effect is discernible even among secular opposition party voters. We conclude by discussing the potential implications of our findings for the study of gender-egalitarian values and elite influence in political processes.},
author = {Bulut, Alper T. and Yildirim, T. Murat},
doi = {10.1007/s11109-021-09722-w},
file = {:Users/lotte/Dropbox/PhD/style{\_}experiment/lit/Bulut-Yildirim2021{\_}Article{\_}EliteInfluenceOnAttitudesAbout.pdf:pdf},
isbn = {0123456789},
issn = {15736687},
journal = {Political Behavior},
keywords = {Elite influence,Erdogan,Gender egalitarianism,Survey experiment,Turkey},
number = {Forthcoming},
pages = {1--20},
publisher = {Springer US},
title = {{Elite Influence on Attitudes About Gender Egalitarianism: Evidence from a Population-Based Survey Experiment}},
url = {https://doi.org/10.1007/s11109-021-09722-w},
year = {2021}
}
@article{Widmann2022,
abstract = {Previous research on emotional language relied heavily on off­the­shelf sentiment dictionar­ ies that only measure negative and positive tone. These dictionaries are often tailored to non­ political domains and use bag­of­words approaches which come with a series of disadvantages. This paper creates and validates a (1) novel emotional dictionary specifically for political text and (2) word embedding models combined with neural­network classifiers that overcome lim­ itations of the dictionary approach. Both tools can measure emotional appeals associated with eight discrete emotions. The different approaches are validated on 10,000 crowd­coded train­ ing sentences. The results highlight the strengths of word embeddings, but also important differences between both approaches. Furthermore, both approaches outperform widely used off­the­shelf dictionaries in measuring emotional language in German political communica­ tion.},
author = {Widmann, Tobias and Wich, Maximilian},
doi = {10.2139/ssrn.3715399},
file = {:Users/lotte/Dropbox/PhD/topic{\_}project/lit/creating-and-comparing-dictionary-word-embedding-and-transformer-based-models-to-measure-discrete-emotions-in-german-political-text.pdf:pdf},
journal = {Political Analysis},
keywords = {dictionary,emotions,political text,text-as-data,transformer models,word embeddings},
number = {Forthcoming},
pages = {1--16},
title = {{Creating and Comparing Dictionary, Word Embedding, and Transformer-Based Models to Measure Discrete Emotional Appeals in German Political Text}},
year = {2022}
}
@book{Helgesen1995,
address = {New York},
author = {Helgesen, Sally},
isbn = {0385419112},
pages = {272},
publisher = {Doubleday Currency},
title = {{The Female Advantage: Women's Ways of Leadership}},
year = {1995}
}
@article{Heilman2008,
abstract = {A critical examination of research on the relationship between stereotyping and workplace discrimination must meet three requirements. The first requirement is an understanding of the theory that guides this research. The second requirement is an unbi-ased review of relevant research. The third requirement is comprehension of the ways that different types of research are informative about behavior in organizations. Landy (2008) meets none of these requirements. He misstates the consensual social scientific theory about the relation between stereotyping and discrimination, presents only a selective portion of the relevant research, and misconstrues the basis for generalizing research findings to organizations. As a result, Landy misrepresents the evidence for stereotype based workplace discrimination. For brevity, we consider only sex discrimination. Also, consistent with Landy's emphasis, we address the consequences of stereotypes that describe women and men as opposed to stereotypes that prescribe normatively acceptable behavior for them and thus sanction behavior deviating from gender norms (see Eagly {\&} Karau, 2002; Heilman, 2001).},
author = {Heilman, Madeline E and Eagly, Alice H},
doi = {10.1111/j.1754-9434.2008.00072.x},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Heilman, Eagly - 2008 - Gender Stereotypes Are Alive, Well, and Busy Producing Workplace Discrimination.pdf:pdf},
journal = {Industrial and Organisational Psychology},
number = {1},
pages = {393--398},
title = {{Gender Stereotypes Are Alive, Well, and Busy Producing Workplace Discrimination}},
volume = {1},
year = {2008}
}
@article{Fleming2020,
abstract = {What shapes legislators' incentives for personal vote-seeking in parliament? Recent work suggests that partisanship among voters deters personal vote-seeking, by limiting its effectiveness. This has potentially significant implications for policy-making, election results and patterns of accountability. However, empirical tests of this argument remain few in number and have several limitations. This article thus offers a new test of the relationship between partisanship and personal vote-seeking. Using legislators' bill proposals as an indicator of their personal vote-seeking activity, I analyse legislative behaviour in the UK House of Commons between 1964 and 2017. I find that members of parliament make more legislative proposals when voters are less partisan. Moreover, partisanship appears to moderate the influence of other drivers of personal vote-seeking: electorally vulnerable legislators make more legislative proposals, but only at low levels of partisanship. These findings provide new evidence that voters' relationships with political parties affect legislators' electoral strategies and parliamentary behaviour.},
author = {Fleming, Thomas G.},
doi = {10.1177/0032321720953506},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Fleming - 2020 - Partisan Dealignment and Personal Vote-Seeking in Parliamentary Behaviour.pdf:pdf},
issn = {14679248},
journal = {Political Studies},
keywords = {UK House of Commons,bill proposals,parliamentary behaviour,partisan dealignment,personal vote-seeking},
pages = {1--21},
title = {{Partisan Dealignment and Personal Vote-Seeking in Parliamentary Behaviour}},
year = {2020}
}
@book{Kam2009,
address = {Cambridge},
author = {Kam, Christopher J.},
publisher = {Cambridge University Press},
title = {{Party Discipline and Parliamentary Politics}},
year = {2009}
}
@article{Childs2006,
author = {Childs, Sarah and Krook, Mona Lena},
doi = {10.1017/S1743923X06061149},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Childs, Krook - 2006 - Should Feminists Give up on Critical Mass A Contingent Yes.pdf:pdf},
journal = {Politics {\&} Gender},
number = {4},
pages = {520--533},
title = {{Should Feminists Give up on Critical Mass? A Contingent Yes}},
volume = {2},
year = {2006}
}
@article{Kennedy1983,
abstract = {The purpose of this study was to examine the assumptions underlying the communicative act of interruption. Six graduate student groups involving 35 subjects were videotaped. The data for the study were 255 transcribed interruption sequences. A category system was developed and used to code the data. The results indicated that slightly over half of the interruptions served a confirming function, and the remaining interruptions were disconfirmations or rejections. No significant differences between males and females were found in the types of speeches produced. However, cross-sex interruptions occurred significantly more often than expected.},
author = {Kennedy, Carol W and Camden, Carl T},
doi = {10.1080/10570318309374104},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Kennedy, Camden - 1983 - A new look at interruptions.pdf:pdf},
journal = {Western Journal of Communication},
number = {1},
pages = {45--58},
title = {{A new look at interruptions}},
volume = {47},
year = {1983}
}
@article{Bird2011,
abstract = {Recent research shows that women faculty members in academia continue to face systemic barriers to opportunity and advancement and that these barriers are particularly strong in scienceandengineering,andin university administration. University administrators and faculty members, however, havebeenslow to recognize that systemically gendered barriers will have to be reduced or eliminated in order for women faculty to advance in their careers. One key problem is that many, if not most, leaders in powerful decision-making roles in universities continue to embrace women-centred explanations for gender disparities in advancement through the academic ranks. University leaders' lack of recognition of institutionalized gender barriers suggests the need for greater dissemination of research findings (and training) about how systemic barriers operate and why these barriers disproportionately disadvantage women. In this article I first theorize uni- versities as incongruous, gendered bureaucratic structures. I then outline an intervention strategy for enabling university faculty members and admin- istrators to see incongruous, gendered bureaucratic structures and to then use this knowledge to develop strategies for addressing the problem of women's underrepresentation among science and engineering faculty. The strategy described is a case-study approach recently implemented at a mid-sized research-intensive university in the US Midwest. The workshop was part of a broader university programme aimed at transforming the university's cultures, practices and structures in ways that help to enhance the recruitment, retentionandpromotionofwomenscientists. I concludeby discussing the benefits and limitations of the case-study approach as a method for unsettling accepted knowledge about the gendered structures and normative practices of the university.},
author = {Bird, Sharon R.},
doi = {10.1111/j.1468-0432.2009.00510.x},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Bird - 2011 - Unsettling Universities' Incongruous, Gendered Bureaucratic Structures A Case-study Approach.pdf:pdf},
issn = {09686673},
journal = {Gender, Work and Organization},
keywords = {Benevolent sexism,Collaborative transformation,Gendered organizations,Incongruous gendered bureaucratic structures,Subtle gender bias},
number = {2},
pages = {202--230},
title = {{Unsettling Universities' Incongruous, Gendered Bureaucratic Structures: A Case-study Approach}},
volume = {18},
year = {2011}
}
@article{Campbell2015c,
author = {Campbell, Rosie and Childs, Sarah},
doi = {10.1177/1354068813491536},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Campbell, Childs - 2015 - ‘To the left, to the right' Representing Conservative women's interests.pdf:pdf},
journal = {Party Politics},
keywords = {conservative,gender,ideology,representation},
number = {4},
pages = {626--637},
title = {{‘To the left, to the right': Representing Conservative women's interests}},
volume = {21},
year = {2015}
}
@article{Hansen1997,
author = {Hansen, Susan B},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Hansen - 1997 - Talking About Politics Gender and Contextual Effects on Political Proselytizing.pdf:pdf},
journal = {The Journal of Politics},
number = {1},
pages = {73--103},
title = {{Talking About Politics: Gender and Contextual Effects on Political Proselytizing}},
url = {https://www.jstor.org/stable/pdf/2998216.pdf?refreqid=excelsior{\%}3A3b0d0404c9c417a2913b3cd6b6562413},
volume = {59},
year = {1997}
}
@misc{Waterson2019,
author = {Waterson, Jim},
booktitle = {The Guardian},
title = {{Brexit boost for BBC Parliament as channel briefly outrates MTV}},
url = {https://tinyurl.com/yaeyt8zh},
year = {2019}
}
@article{Hargrave2021a,
author = {Hargrave, Lotte and Smith, Jessica C.},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Hargrave, Smith - 2022 - Working Hard or Hardly Working Gender and Voter Evaluations of Legislator Productivity.pdf:pdf},
journal = {EGAP},
number = {ID: 20210615AA},
title = {{Working Hard or Hardly Working? Gender and Voter Evaluations of Legislator Productivity}},
url = {https://osf.io/n62ek},
year = {2021}
}
@article{Aaldering2020,
abstract = {This article studies gender differences in media portrayals of political leadership, starting with the expectation that male politicians are evaluated more often on traits belonging to the male leader stereotype , and that female politicians have no such advantage. These gender differences are expected to be especially pronounced during non-campaign periods. To test these expectations, a large-scale automated content analysis of all Dutch national newspapers from September 2006 to September 2012 was conducted. The results show that male politicians received more media coverage on leadership traits in general, although the male and female leader stereotypes explain most of the variation in gender bias between leadership traits. These gender effects are found during seldom-studied routine periods but not during campaigns. As leadership trait coverage has electoral consequences, this gender-differentiated coverage likely contributes to the under-representation of women in politics. Women are almost universally under-represented in politics. According to the Interparliamentary Union, 77 per cent of the world's parliamentarians are male, and only two out of 193 parliaments (in Rwanda and Bolivia) comprise at least 50 per cent women. 1 Although the norm of gender equality has been widely supported in Western societies for decades, this has not translated into gender-equal politics. While there has been a wide range of female governors, prime ministers and party leaders, a large majority of the higher offices and governing positions are still filled by men. Many scholars have examined possible causes of this political under-representation, seeking to understand why men still dominate politics and how we can fix this disadvantage for women. As current-day politicians do not operate in a vacuum but exist in a strongly mediatized political environment in which the media are citizens' primary source of political information, 2 any the three anonymous reviewers for comments on previous drafts. This study was supported by the Netherlands Organisation for Scientific Research in connection to the research programme 'Continuously campaigning for volatile voters. How policy positions and leadership images affect citizens' vote intentions before and during campaign periods, the Netherlands 2006-2012' (NWO406-13-038). Data replication sets are available in Harvard Dataverse at:},
author = {Aaldering, Loes and {Joanna Van Der Pas}, Daphne},
doi = {10.1017/S0007123417000795},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Aaldering, Joanna Van Der Pas - 2020 - Political Leadership in the Media Gender Bias in Leader Stereotypes during Campaign and Routine T.pdf:pdf},
journal = {British Journal of Political Science},
number = {3},
pages = {911--931},
title = {{Political Leadership in the Media: Gender Bias in Leader Stereotypes during Campaign and Routine Times}},
url = {https://dx.doi.org/10.7910/DVN/HS4W33andonlineappendicesat:https://doi.org/10.1017/S0007123417000795.See:AalderingandVanderPas},
volume = {50},
year = {2020}
}
@book{Crewe2015,
address = {London},
author = {Crewe, Emma},
publisher = {Haus Publishing},
title = {{Commons and Lords: A Short Anthropology of Parliament}},
year = {2015}
}
@book{Crace2017a,
address = {London},
author = {Crace, John},
publisher = {Guardian Faber Publishing},
title = {{I, Maybot: The Rise and Fall}},
year = {2017}
}
@article{Williams2017,
abstract = {In contemporary Australian politics, challenges to the Prime Ministerial role have become more common. Australia saw five Prime Ministers from 2010 to 2015 including Australia's first ever woman Prime Minister, Julia Gillard. A stark contrast is evident in media portrayals of Gillard and her male counterparts, apparent most recently in the response to Malcolm Turnbull's ascension to the Prime Ministership. A range of evidence has been produced, in disciplines including political science and media studies, suggesting the existence of systemic gender bias in the mainstream media in English-speaking democracies. This article is the first to compare the media portrayals of Gillard and Turnbull's respective ascensions to leadership, which it does drawing on Judith Butler's concept of gender performativity and using a content and discourse analysis. It contributes further evidence of gender bias in the coverage of political leaders.},
author = {Williams, Blair},
doi = {10.1080/10361146.2017.1374347},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Williams - 2017 - A gendered media analysis of the prime ministerial ascension of Gillard and Turnbull he's ‘taken back the.pdf:pdf},
issn = {1558108X},
journal = {Australian Journal of Political Science},
keywords = {Australian politics,Julia Gillard,Malcolm Turnbull,feminism,gender,media},
number = {4},
pages = {550--564},
publisher = {Taylor {\&} Francis},
title = {{A gendered media analysis of the prime ministerial ascension of Gillard and Turnbull: he's ‘taken back the reins' and she's ‘a backstabbing' murderer}},
url = {https://doi.org/10.1080/10361146.2017.1374347},
volume = {52},
year = {2017}
}
@article{Koch2000,
abstract = {This research examines whether citizens utilize gender stereotypes to infer candidates' ideological orientations. Analysis of data from the 1988-1990-1992 Pooled Senate Election Study reveals that even after candidates' individuating ideological orientations are taken into account, candidate gender still exerts substantial effects on citizens' perceptions of candidates' ideological orientations. The consequences of gender stereotypes for vote choice are important but differ for Democrats and Republicans. For Democratic female candidates, gender ideological stereotypes increase the distance between female candidates and voters, increasing the likelihood citizens will vote for the Republican opponent, ceteris paribus. For Republican female candidates, gender stereotypes for ideology reduce the distance between them and most voters, thereby increasing their electoral prospects. A large body of research establishes that many citizens are unaware of some of the most basic facts of American politics; they frequently acknowledge they do not know the names of the candidates in congressional elections and the occupants of major political offices, let alone their issue positions or the details of their policy proposals. In light of these findings, recent research efforts center on how citizens formulate their political preferences given the limited resources they devote to politics.' Primarily utilizing experimental research designs, a number of research efforts examine the application of gender stereotypes in citizens' perceptions of political candidates (Huddy and Terkildsen 1993a, 1993b; Kahn 1994; Leeper 1991; Matland 1994; Sapiro 1982). This research indicates that citizens view male and female candidates as each possessing a distinctive set of issue positions , competencies, ideological orientations, and character traits. Like other cues that citizens may employ to simplify political choice (partisanship or incum-bency, for example), candidate gender is a readily apparent piece of information. By knowing this one bit of information, respondents can and in experimental studies they clearly do make inferences about a candidate's issue positions, policy competencies, ideological leanings, and character traits. Citizens' prospects for achieving effective representation of their political preferences are dimin},
author = {Koch, Jeffrey W.},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Koch - 2000 - Do Citizens Apply Gender Stereotypes to Infer Candidates' Ideological Orientations.pdf:pdf},
journal = {The Journal of Politics},
number = {2},
pages = {414--429},
publisher = {Blackwell Publishers},
title = {{Do Citizens Apply Gender Stereotypes to Infer Candidates' Ideological Orientations?}},
volume = {62},
year = {2000}
}
@article{Norris1996,
annote = {{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 90) “One common argument which underlies much popular discourse is the claim that women speak 'in a different voice, whether based on biological, psychological or sociological theories of gender differences.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “Based on this argument, many expect women members to make a distinctive contribution at Westminster through their policy priorities as well as attitudes, and their styles of leadership.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 91) “Moreover, in terms of personal style, some expect that women will introduce a 'kinder, gentler' politics, one characterised by cooperation rather than conflict, collaboration rather than hierarchy, honesty rather than sleaze.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “Many personal anecdotes, though little systematic evidence, suggest that women have a different personal style of politics.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “There is a widespread popular perception that women politicians are more compassionate, ethical and collaborative than men.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 92) “Dahlerup identified four types of situation: uniform groups, totally dominated by one group; skewed groups with minorities below 15{\%}; tilted groups have minorities up to 40{\%}; balanced groups with ratios within 60:40. She suggests that as parliaments in Scandinavia have shifted from skewed to tilted groups, there have been changes in the political culture, dominant discourse and policy agenda.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 98) “Women candidates tended to be seen as more caring, practical, approachable, honest, principled, and hardworking. In contrast, men were seen as more ruthless, ambitious, tough, effective and decisive.”},
author = {Norris, Pippa},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Norris - 1996 - Women Politicians Transforming Westminster.pdf:pdf},
journal = {Parliamentary Affairs},
number = {1},
pages = {89--102},
title = {{Women Politicians: Transforming Westminster?}},
volume = {49},
year = {1996}
}
@article{Dietrich2019b,
abstract = {Though audio archives are available for a number of political institutions, the data they provide receive scant attention from researchers. Yet, audio data offer important insights, including information about speakers' emotional states. Using one of the largest collections of natural audio ever compiled-74,158 Congressional floor speeches-we introduce a novel measure of legislators' emotional intensity: small changes in vocal pitch that are difficult for speakers to control. Applying our measure to MCs' floor speeches about women, we show that female MCs speak with greater emotional intensity when talking about women as compared to both their male colleagues and their speech on other topics. Our two supplementary analyses suggest that increased vocal pitch is consistent with legislators' broader issue commitments, and that emotionally intense speech may affect other lawmakers' behavior. More generally, by demonstrating the utility of audio-as-data approaches, our work highlights a new way of studying political speech. ⇤ Comments and suggestions welcome. We are grateful to and conference participants at MPSA (Chicago, IL) and CPAC (Washington University-St. Louis) for helpful feedback. Authors' names listed in alphabetical order. †},
annote = {This PDF is from an article this is forthcoming in APSR (summer 2019) - if I later cite it, make sure I go back and get the correction citation.},
author = {Dietrich, Bryce J. and Hayes, Matthew and O'Brien, Diana Z.},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Dietrich, Hayes, O'Brien - 2019 - Pitch Perfect Vocal Pitch and the Emotional Intensity of Congressional Speech.pdf:pdf},
journal = {American Political Science Review},
number = {4},
pages = {941--962},
title = {{Pitch Perfect: Vocal Pitch and the Emotional Intensity of Congressional Speech}},
volume = {113},
year = {2019}
}
@article{Garikipati2020,
author = {Garikipati, Supriya and Kambhampati, Uma},
doi = {10.2139/ssrn.3617953},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Garikipati, Kambhampati - 2020 - Leading the Fight Against the Pandemic Does Gender ‘Really' Matter.pdf:pdf},
issn = {1556-5068},
journal = {SSRN},
keywords = {covid-19,national leadership,pandemic,risk aversion,women leaders},
pages = {1--16},
title = {{Leading the Fight Against the Pandemic: Does Gender ‘Really' Matter?}},
year = {2020}
}
@incollection{Thomas2006,
address = {London},
author = {Thomas, Graham P.},
booktitle = {Executive Leadership and Legislative Assemblies},
editor = {Baldwin, N. D. J.},
pages = {4--37},
publisher = {Routledge},
title = {{United Kingdom: The Prime Minister and Parliament}},
year = {2006}
}
@article{Murray2014,
abstract = {Gender quotas traditionally focus on the underrepresentation of women. Conceiving of quotas in this way perpetuates the status of men as the norm and women as the other. Women are subject to heavy scrutiny of their qualifications and competence, whereas men's credentials go unchallenged. This article calls for a normative shift in the problem of overrepresentation, arguing that the quality of representation is negatively affected by having too large a group drawn from too narrow a talent pool. Curbing overrepresentation through ceiling quotas for men offers three core benefits. First, it promotes meritocracy by ensuring the proper scrutiny of politicians of both sexes. Second, it provides an impetus for improving the criteria used to select and evaluate politicians. Third, neutralizing the overly masculinized environment within parliaments might facilitate better substantive and symbolic representation of both men and women. All citizens would benefit from these measures to increase the quality of representation. {\textcopyright} American Political Science Association 2014.},
author = {Murray, Rainbow},
doi = {10.1017/S0003055414000239},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Murray - 2014 - Quotas for men Reframing gender quotas as a means of improving representation for all.pdf:pdf},
issn = {15375943},
journal = {American Political Science Review},
number = {3},
pages = {520--532},
title = {{Quotas for men: Reframing gender quotas as a means of improving representation for all}},
volume = {108},
year = {2014}
}
@book{Bennett2002,
author = {Bennett, Andrew},
publisher = {American Political Science Association Annual Conference},
title = {{Where the Model Frequently Meets the Road: Combining Statistical, Formal, and Case Study Methods}},
year = {2002}
}
@article{Dahlerup2006,
abstract = {The theory of a “critical mass” seems to live a life of its own, in spite of reservations expressed by researchers, my own reservations included. In debates about women's political representation, the importance of a certain number or percentage of women in political assemblies is often stressed. According to conventional wisdom, research has shown that it takes a certain minimum representation, for example, 30{\%}, before the minority, here women, are able to make a substantial difference in politics.},
annote = {{\textperiodcentered}      Article suggests thinking about six different angles to how women might change politics: 1) changes in the reaction to women politicians; 2) changes in the performance and efficiency of women politicians; 3) changes in the social climate of political life (the political culture); 4) changes in the political discourse; 5) changes of policy (the political decisions); 6) increase in the power of women (the empowerment of women) 
{\textperiodcentered}      The politics as a workplace perspective (points 2-4) was less developed prior to the 1980s because focus had been on policy change (point 5) 
{\textperiodcentered}      Key point: the importance of the relative number of women seems to vary depending on the chosen perspective 
{\textperiodcentered}      “Only when it comes to changes in the social climate of the political institutions (point 3), one can expect “a kind of ‘automatic' change when the minority grows large.” – this is crucial for my work 
{\textperiodcentered}      Critical mass is used by female politicians and feminist activists to encourage the idea that it is necessary for there to be more women in parliament – e.g. also those who advocate for the use of electoral gender quotas 
{\textperiodcentered}      Critical mass concept is closely related to whether women in politics will ‘make a difference'. In general, the concept of ‘making a difference' is a very diffuse concept – e.g. feminist issues, gendered issues, accountability to women, women's political effectiveness, feminising politics etc. 
{\textperiodcentered}      “It is often an underlying assumption in empirical studies that female politicians have proven to make a difference in politics, if the researcher is able to identify some difference between women and men (for instance, differences in attitudes, issue priorities, the number of petitions on certain subjects, the way of speaking in politics, and contacts with women's organizations).” – HOWEVER this research has in general been able to show various differences, however “making a difference is not the same as staying different” (p. 518) 
{\textperiodcentered}      Dahlerup's point: more specific, empirical-based research about the importance of the size of the minority under different conditions is needed 
{\textperiodcentered}      “It seems crucial to make a distinction between the following two research questions: First, does the proportion of women in political institutions make a difference for the content of the political decisions—the policy outcome perspective; and, second, does the proportion of women in political institutions make a difference for the possibility that female MPs will perform as representatives the way they want—the politics as a workplace perspective?” (p. 519) 
{\textperiodcentered}      Argument: numbers interrelate with a large number of other factors. E.g. a small group may want to make a big change – isolating the effect of sheer numbers is almost impossible},
author = {Dahlerup, Drude},
doi = {10.1017/S1743923X06061149},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Dahlerup - 2006 - The Story of the Theory of Critical Mass.pdf:pdf},
journal = {Politics {\&} Gender},
number = {4},
pages = {511--522},
title = {{The Story of the Theory of Critical Mass}},
volume = {2},
year = {2006}
}
@article{Saalfeld2011,
abstract = {Does the growing descriptive representation of minority-ethnic legislators in the British
House of Commons have any implications for the substantive representation of
minority-related issues in the UK Parliament? This study is based on a data set of over
16,000 parliamentary questions tabled by 50 British backbench Members of Parliament
(MPs) in the 2005–10 Parliament, including the 16 immigrant-origin MPs with a
‘visible-minority' background. Based on a series of multivariate models, it is found that
all British MPs sampled for this study – irrespective of their ethnic status – respond to
electoral incentives arising from the socio-demographic composition of their constituencies:
minority and non-minority MPs alike ask more questions relating to minority concerns,
if they represent constituencies with a high share of non-White residents.
Controlling for that general effect, however, MPs with a visible-minority status do tend
to ask significantly more questions about ethnic diversity and equality issues.},
author = {Saalfeld, Thomas},
doi = {10.1080/13572334.2011.595121},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Saalfeld - 2011 - Parliamentary Questions as Instruments of Substantive Representation Visible Minorities in the UK House of Commons.pdf:pdf},
journal = {The Journal of Legislative Studies},
number = {3},
pages = {271--289},
publisher = {Thomas Saalfeld},
title = {{Parliamentary Questions as Instruments of Substantive Representation: Visible Minorities in the UK House of Commons}},
url = {http://www.tandfonline.com/action/journalInformation?journalCode=fjls20},
volume = {17},
year = {2011}
}
@article{Crowder-Meyer2020,
abstract = {Many U.S. elections provide voters with precious little information about candidates on the ballot. In local contests, party labels are often absent. In primary elections, party labels are not useful. Indeed, much of the time, voters have only the name of the candidate to go by. In these contexts, how do voters make decisions? Using several experiments, we find that voters use candidates' race, ethnicity, and gender as cues for whom to support—penalizing candidates of color and benefiting women. But we also demonstrate that providing even a small amount of information to voters—such as candidate occupation—virtually erases the effects of candidate demographics on voter behavior, even among voters with high levels of racial and gender prejudice.},
author = {Crowder-Meyer, Melody and Gadarian, Shana Kushner and Trounstine, Jessica},
doi = {10.1177/1078087419831074},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Crowder-Meyer, Gadarian, Trounstine - 2020 - Voting Can Be Hard, Information Helps.pdf:pdf},
issn = {15528332},
journal = {Urban Affairs Review},
keywords = {American politics,and politics,ethnicity,experimental research,gender and politics,local elections,political behavior,race},
number = {1},
pages = {124--153},
title = {{Voting Can Be Hard, Information Helps}},
volume = {56},
year = {2020}
}
@article{Jeffries2002,
abstract = {This article examines the newspaper treatment of L. Douglas Wilder's 1985 lieutenant governor's campaign and his 1989 gubernatorial campaign. Using content analysis, the author analyzes one liberal newspaper and one conservative newspaper, both of which serve the Virginia area. This article found that although these publications devoted most of their attention to the Wilder campaigns, they also gave the majority of negative coverage to the Wilder campaigns. Some of the coverage included unflattering references to Wilder's race. In sum, this study supports the claim by Black politicians that the media often distort and misrepresent the campaigns of Black office seekers in a way that makes it difficult for them to garner White votes.},
author = {Jeffries, Judson L.},
doi = {10.1177/00234702032006003},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Jeffries - 2002 - Press coverage of black statewide candidates The case of L. Douglas Wilder of Virginia.pdf:pdf},
issn = {00219347},
journal = {Journal of Black Studies},
number = {6},
pages = {673--697},
title = {{Press coverage of black statewide candidates: The case of L. Douglas Wilder of Virginia}},
volume = {32},
year = {2002}
}
@article{Boussalis2020,
author = {Boussalis, Constantine and Coan, Travis G. and Holman, Mirya R. and M{\"{u}}ller, Stefan},
file = {:Users/lotte/Dropbox/PhD/style{\_}experiment/lit/gender-candidate-emotional-expression-and-voter-reactions-during-televised-debates.pdf:pdf},
journal = {American Political Science Review},
number = {4},
pages = {1242--1257},
title = {{Gender, Candidate Emotional Expression, and Voter Reactions During Televised Debates}},
volume = {115},
year = {2021}
}
@article{Hitt2018a,
author = {Hitt, Matthew P and Searles, Kathleen},
doi = {10.1080/10584609.2018.1467517},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Hitt, Searles - 2018 - Political Communication Media Coverage and Public Approval of the U.S. Supreme Court.pdf:pdf},
journal = {Political Communication},
number = {4},
pages = {566--586},
title = {{Political Communication Media Coverage and Public Approval of the U.S. Supreme Court}},
volume = {35},
year = {2018}
}
@article{Steenbergen2003,
abstract = {In this paper, we develop a discourse quality index (DQI) that serves as a quantitative measure of discourse in deliberation. The DQI is rooted in Habermas' discourse ethics and provides an accurate representation of the most important principles underlying deliberation. At the same time, the DQI can be shown to be a reliable measurement instrument due to its focus on observable behavior and its detailed coding instructions. We illustrate the DQI for a parliamentary debate in the British House of Commons. We show that the DQI yields reliable data and we discuss how these data could be used in subsequent analysis. We conclude by discussing some limitations of the DQI and by identifying some areas in which it could prove useful.},
author = {Steenbergen, Marco R and B{\"{a}}chtiger, Andr{\'{e}} and Sp{\"{o}}rndli, Markus and Steiner, J{\"{u}}rg},
doi = {10.1057/palgrave.cep.6110002},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Steenbergen et al. - 2003 - Measuring Political Deliberation A Discourse Quality Index.pdf:pdf},
issn = {1472-4790},
journal = {Comparative European Politics},
keywords = {deliberation,discourse,measurement,parliamentary debate},
pages = {21--48},
title = {{Measuring Political Deliberation: A Discourse Quality Index}},
volume = {1},
year = {2003}
}
@article{Evans2006,
abstract = {Political scientists in general and public law specialists in particular have only recently begun to exploit text classification using machine learning techniques to enable the reliable and detailed content analysis of political/legal documents on a large scale. This paper provides an overview and assessment of this methodology. We describe the basics of text classification, suggest applications of this technique to enhance empirical legal research (and political science more broadly), and report results of experiments designed to test the strengths and weaknesses of alternative text classification models for classifying the positions and interpreting the content of briefs submitted to the U.S. Supreme Court. We find that the Wordscores method (introduced by Laver, Benoit, et. al. 2003), and various models using a Na{\"{i}}ve Bayes classifier, perform well at accurately classifying the ideological direction of amicus curiae briefs submitted in the Bakke (1978) and Bollinger (2003) affirmative action cases. We also find that automated feature selection techniques can enable the detection of disparate issue conceptualizations by opposing sides in a single case, and facilitate analysis of relative linguistic "reliance" and "dominance" over time. We conclude by discussing the implications of our results and pointing to areas where technical and infrastructural improvement are most needed.},
author = {Evans, Michael C. and McIntosh, Wayne V. and Lin, Jimmy and Cates, Cynthia L.},
doi = {10.2139/ssrn.914126},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Evans et al. - 2006 - Recounting the Courts Applying Automated Content Analysis to Enhance Empirical Legal Research.pdf:pdf},
journal = {Jouranl of Empirical Legal Studies},
keywords = {amicus curiae,computational linguistics,content analysis,legal rhetoric,machine learning},
number = {4},
pages = {1007--1039},
title = {{Recounting the Courts? Applying Automated Content Analysis to Enhance Empirical Legal Research}},
volume = {4},
year = {2006}
}
@article{Rudman1998,
abstract = {Three experiments tested and extended recent theory regarding motivational influences on impression formation (S. T. Fiske {\&} S. L. Neuberg, 1990; J. L. Hilton {\&} J. M. Darley, 1991) in the context of an impression management dilemma that women face: Self-promotion may be instrumental for managing a competent impression, yet women who self-promote may suffer social reprisals for violating gender prescriptions to be modest. Experiment 1 investigated the influence of perceivers' goals on processes that inhibit stereotypical thinking, and reactions to counterstereotypical behavior. Experiments 2-3 extended these findings by including male targets. For female targets, self-promotion led to higher competence ratings but incurred social attraction and hireability costs unless perceivers were outcome-dependent males. For male targets, self-effacement decreased competence and hireability ratings, though its effects on social attraction were inconsistent.},
author = {Rudman, Laurie A.},
doi = {10.1037/0022-3514.74.3.629},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Rudman - 1998 - Self-Promotion as a Risk Factor for Women The Costs and Benefits of Counterstereotypical Impression Management.pdf:pdf},
issn = {00223514},
journal = {Journal of Personality and Social Psychology},
number = {3},
pages = {629--645},
title = {{Self-Promotion as a Risk Factor for Women: The Costs and Benefits of Counterstereotypical Impression Management}},
volume = {74},
year = {1998}
}
@article{Allen2019,
author = {Allen, Peter and Childs, Sarah},
doi = {10.1177/0032321718793080},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Allen, Childs - 2019 - The Grit in the Oyster Women's Parliamentary Organizations and the Substantive Representation of Women.pdf:pdf},
journal = {Political Studies},
keywords = {17 july 2018,accepted,c,critical actors,critical mass,feminizing,gender and,political change,politics,s parliamentary organizations,s substantive representation,women,women's substantive representation},
number = {3},
pages = {618--638},
title = {{The Grit in the Oyster? Women's Parliamentary Organizations and the Substantive Representation of Women}},
volume = {67},
year = {2019}
}
@incollection{Whissell1989,
address = {New York, US},
author = {Whissell, Cynthia},
booktitle = {Theory, Research, and Experience},
editor = {Plutchik, Robert and Kellerman, Henry},
pages = {113--131},
publisher = {Academic Press},
title = {{The Dictionary of Affect in Language}},
year = {1989}
}
@book{Shaw2020,
address = {Cambridge},
author = {Shaw, Sylvia},
publisher = {Cambridge University Press},
title = {{Women, Language and Politics}},
year = {2020}
}
@article{Kalla2017,
abstract = {Do public officials respond unequally to requests for career advice? Through a correspondence experiment with 8,189 officials , we examine whether (hypothetical) male and female students who express interest in political careers receive differential responses from public officials. We report three striking findings. First, emails sent by female students were more likely to receive a response than those sent by male students, especially when the official was male. Second, the responses that women received were as likely to be long, thoughtful, and contain an offer of help as those to men. Third, there were no partisan differences in responsiveness to male or female senders. Examining senders with Hispanic last names bolsters the results: Hispanic senders, especially men, were less likely to receive a quality response than non-Hispanic senders. Thus, politicians may condition responsiveness and helpfulness on the ethnicity of constituents, but women who are self-starters in search of advice receive equal treatment.},
author = {Kalla, Joshua and Rosenbluth, Frances and Teele, Dawn Langan},
doi = {10.1086/693984},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Kalla, Rosenbluth, Teele - 2017 - Are You My Mentor A Field Experiment on Gender, Ethnicity, and Political Self-Starters.pdf:pdf},
journal = {The Journal of Politics},
number = {1},
pages = {337--341},
title = {{Are You My Mentor? A Field Experiment on Gender, Ethnicity, and Political Self-Starters}},
url = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/693984},
volume = {80},
year = {2017}
}
@book{Lovenduski2005,
address = {Cambridge, UK},
annote = {Chapter 1: Introduction (p. 1-11) 
  
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 1) “British political parties did not select women for winnable seats in substantial numbers until the mid-1990s, almost 90 years after they were first enfranchised. As a result, elected institutions did not become feminised.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 2) “One the one hand, women politicians are criticised for their failure to transform centuries-old male-designed traditions of politics. On the other hand, women MPs are expected to represent a particular model of womanhood – they are frequently either credited with bringing significant changes in policy that are supportive of women's traditional family roles, or blamed for not doing so.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 3) thus a contradiction between theory of equity and difference 
{\textperiodcentered}      “Equity arguments expose women representatives to assessment on the basis of inappropriate ‘male' criteria. To perform effectively, women politicians are expected to conform to the rules of the game.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “By contrast, the difference justification of women's representation and the maternalist thrust of expectations of policy impacts risk locking political women into traditional family roles at the very moment that such roles are undergoing profound change.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 5) “Thatcher did not portend a danger to the established gender regime of politics. Indeed, she never appointed another elected woman to her cabinet during three successive terms of office.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 6) “Not only was she a token, she was a special kind of token: a queen bee.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 8) “The implication here is that women will catch up in high office only after they have been present in intermediate positions for some time.” – ‘lag' hypothesis 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 9) “Women's presence may affect the language of politics.”; “There are at least two reasons for this. First, male politicians may adopt languages and issues that enable them to appeal to the whole electorate and, second, generation changes may bring men with less traditional attitudes into politics.” 
  
Chapter 2: Feminism and Political Representation: Ideas and Struggles 
  
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 12) “Thus feminizing politics is the insertion and integration of women, both in terms of numbers and ideas, into a process that is important but widely considered to be unappealing” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 13) “As commonly formulated, the question of what difference more women in politics will make asks whether the increased presence of women will transform democratic politics” 
{\textperiodcentered}      Feminizing politics: “First, a significant element of the roles women and men play in politics depends not only on each other but also on the nature of institutions of political representation.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 14) “Representative institutions determine the process of feminizing politics. Second, the way feminists think about political representation is at least as important as how the processes actually operate.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “The theory, at its simplest, is that representatives act for the groups they represent.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      Reality: most elected politicians could plausibly representative many different groups. “For example, an MP may act for her political party, her constituency, her region, her nation and her ethnic group” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “The multi-dimensional nature of representation complicates arguments for women's representation.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 16) “Issues of women's representation are both illuminated and obscured by debates about the nature of representation.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 17) “Democratic theorists distinguish between substantive and descriptive representation. The claim that women should be present in decision-making in proportion to their membership of the population is a claim for descriptive representation.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 18) “The concept of substantive representation captures the content of the decisions for representatives. The substantive representation of a group is most simply described as the representation of its interests.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “In many political situations the representation of one's interest may be more important than the representation of one's kind.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “Contemporary feminists argue that the very presence of a woman in a legislature is important for changing its culture and priorities and especially for increasing its range of concerns.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 20) “The distinction between sex and gender illuminates differences among women and among men.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 21) “Most simply, sex is a biological category that separates men and women. Gender is the set of social meanings attached to the categories of male and female.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      Femininity and masculinity “are manifested in differences of political power, social roles, images and expectations.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 24) Difference arguments: “The core argument is that women will bring a different style and approach to politics which will change it for the better, an effect that is of benefit to all.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 26) Political institutions: “Political institutions are also gender regimes with distinctive ideologies of how women and men should act, think and feel.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “Established institutions have the capacity to preserve traditions and cultures, prevent or slow change and protect elites.” 
  
Chapter 3: Obstacles to Feminizing Politics 
  
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 46) “I argue that British political institutions are characterised by a culture of traditional masculinity that is a major obstacle to women.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 48) “In practice, then, the most difficult obstacle is the deeply embedded culture of masculinity that pervades political institutions. When women become members of a legislature or other representative assembly, they are normally entering a male domain.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “Parliament is masculine. I mean this in the sense that it institutionalises the norms of the men who founded it and for so many years inhabited it as a wholly male institution.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 56) “Its origins and habits make the House of Commons a brutal example of the dominance of a culture of traditional masculinity.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 80) “In the British case, sexism seems especially well insulated and can be seen to operate both in Parliament and the political parties.” 
  
Chapter 6: Making a Difference? Conclusions 
  
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 148) “The pressure to conform to the template is almost overwhelming, but its styles and forms are not readily adopted by those who are not white, male and middle class.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “They are expected to conform to institutional norms and to display acceptable feminine characteristics (Puwar 2004). However, they must not be too feminine. Women are required to perform a balancing of masculinity and femininty that is so finely tuned that it is a wonder that elected women continue to show up in the House of Commons, let alone stand for re-election.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 166) “Women politicians prefer to work through lobbying, bargaining and compromise. The argument made by women MPs is that behind-the-scenes politics is more effective than outright rebellion (Childs 2004). In other words it is better politics.”},
author = {Lovenduski, Joni},
publisher = {Polity Press},
title = {{Feminizing Politics}},
year = {2005}
}
@article{Burchard2012,
abstract = {Globally, there is a significant gender gap in political engagement between men and women; however, this gender gap varies both across countries and within countries over time. Previous research has argued that the inclusion of women in elite political positions encourages women's political engagement at the citizen level-by augmenting women's symbolic representation-and can reduce this gender gap. Using Afrobarometer data from 20 African countries across four waves of surveys from 1999 to 2008, we employ an interactive multilevel model that controls for the sex of the respondent, the percentage of women in the legislature, and the interaction of these two variables. We find that as women's descriptive representation increases, the political engagement gender gap diminishes. This finding is robust across several measures of political engagement. Our findings suggest that the incorporation of women into political institutions encourages the political engagement of women at the citizen level. Article},
author = {Burchard, Stephanie M. and Barnes, Tiffany D.},
doi = {10.1177/0010414012463884},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Burchard, Barnes - 2012 - Engendering Politics The Impact of Descriptive Representation on Women's Political Engagement in Sub-Saharan A.pdf:pdf},
journal = {Comparative Political Studies},
number = {7},
pages = {767--790},
title = {{"Engendering" Politics: The Impact of Descriptive Representation on Women's Political Engagement in Sub-Saharan Africa}},
volume = {46},
year = {2012}
}
@book{Bakan1966,
address = {Chicago, US},
author = {Bakan, David},
publisher = {Rand McNally},
title = {{The Duality of Human Existence}},
year = {1966}
}
@article{Escobar-Lemmon2009,
abstract = {Are presidential cabinets gendered institutions? This important question has been ignored for Latin America to date. In this article, the authors propose four benchmarks for evaluating whether presidential cabinets should be classified as gendered institutions. If they are we should observe (1) that there are differences in career length, continuity, and mobility between men and women; (2) that women receive feminine domain posts and men masculine ones; (3) that masculine ministries offer greater potential for upward mobility; and (4) that women must be better qualified than men to receive appointments. Using data from eighteen Latin American countries from 1980 to 2003, the authors analyze the degree to which cabinets conform to these criteria. They conclude that even though women are starting to gain appointments to high-profile and to masculine domain cabinet posts, the overall evidence supports the conclusion that there are gendered patterns to cabinet appointments.},
author = {Escobar-Lemmon, Maria and Taylor-Robinson, Michelle M},
doi = {10.1177/1065912908322414},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Escobar-Lemmon, Taylor-Robinson - 2009 - Getting to the Top Career Paths of Women in Latin American Cabinets.pdf:pdf},
journal = {Political Research Quarterly},
number = {4},
pages = {685--699},
title = {{Getting to the Top: Career Paths of Women in Latin American Cabinets}},
volume = {62},
year = {2009}
}
@article{Witt2010,
abstract = {The present research tested whether gender self-concepts influence behavior through self-regulatory processes, with emotions and self-esteem signaling that people's responses meet or fail to meet their gender standards. In the first study, cross-sectional survey data from 3,174 young adults living in the United States revealed that esteem increased with behavioral conformity to gender standards for personality. In the second study, an experience-sampling diary design provided a dynamic view of regulation to gender standards for personality and romance. One hundred seventy-seven American undergraduates reported their emotions and esteem immediately following everyday social interactions. As anticipated, students became more positive when they acted in ways that confirmed rather than disconfirmed personal gender standards. {\textcopyright} 2010 Springer Science+Business Media, LLC.},
author = {Witt, Melissa Guerrero and Wood, Wendy},
doi = {10.1007/s11199-010-9761-y},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Witt, Wood - 2010 - Self-regulation of gendered behavior in everyday life.pdf:pdf},
issn = {03600025},
journal = {Sex Roles},
keywords = {Gender and personality,Gender and romance,Gender differences,Self-regulation},
number = {9},
pages = {635--646},
title = {{Self-regulation of gendered behavior in everyday life}},
volume = {62},
year = {2010}
}
@article{316,
author = {Chambers, Simone},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Chambers - 2004 - Behind Closed Doors Publicity, Secrecy, and the Quality of Deliberation.pdf:pdf},
journal = {The Journal of Political Philosophy},
number = {4},
pages = {389--410},
title = {{Behind Closed Doors: Publicity, Secrecy, and the Quality of Deliberation}},
volume = {12},
year = {2004}
}
@article{Declercq1972,
author = {Declercq, Eugene and Hurley, Thomas L. and Luttbeg, Norman R.},
file = {:Users/lotte/Dropbox/PhD/style{\_}experiment/lit/1532673x7500300302.pdf:pdf},
journal = {American Politics Quarterly},
pages = {222--243},
title = {{Voting in American Presidential Elections, 1956-1972}},
volume = {3},
year = {1972}
}
@article{Washington2008,
author = {Washington, Ebonya L.},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Washington - 2008 - Female Socialization How Daughters Affect Their Legislator Fathers' Voting on Women's Issues.pdf:pdf},
journal = {The American Economic Review},
number = {1},
pages = {311--332},
title = {{Female Socialization: How Daughters Affect Their Legislator Fathers' Voting on Women's Issues}},
volume = {98},
year = {2008}
}
@article{Osnabrugge2021,
abstract = {Research has shown that emotions matter in politics, but we know less about when and why politicians use emotive rhetoric in the legislative arena. This article argues that emotive rhetoric is one of the tools politicians can use strategically to appeal to voters. Consequently, we expect that legislators are more likely to use emotive rhetoric in debates that have a large general audience. Our analysis covers two million parliamentary speeches held in the UK House of Commons and the Irish Parliament. We use a dictionary-based method to measure emotive rhetoric, combining the Affective Norms for English Words dictionary with word-embedding techniques to create a domain-specific dictionary. We show that emotive rhetoric is more pronounced in high-profile legislative debates, such as Prime Minister's Questions. These findings contribute to the study of legislative speech and political representation by suggesting that emotive rhetoric is used by legislators to appeal directly to voters.},
author = {Osnabr{\"{u}}gge, Moritz and Hobolt, Sara B. and Rodon, Toni},
doi = {10.1017/S0003055421000356},
file = {:Users/lotte/Dropbox/PhD/topic{\_}project/lit/playing-to-the-gallery-emotive-rhetoric-in-parliaments.pdf:pdf},
issn = {15375943},
journal = {American Political Science Review},
number = {3},
pages = {885--899},
title = {{Playing to the Gallery: Emotive Rhetoric in Parliaments}},
volume = {115},
year = {2021}
}
@article{Sobolewska2018,
author = {Sobolewska, Maria and McKee, Rebecca and Campbell, Rosie},
doi = {10.1080/01402382.2018.1455408},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Sobolewska, Mckee, Campbell - 2018 - Explaining motivation to represent how does descriptive representation lead to substantive represen.pdf:pdf},
issn = {0140-2382},
journal = {West European Politics},
keywords = {Descriptive representation,ethnic minorities,parliamentary candidates,racial minorities,substantive representation},
number = {6},
pages = {1237--1261},
publisher = {Routledge},
title = {{Explaining Motivation to Represent: How Does Descriptive Representation Lead to Substantive Representation of Racial and Ethnic Minorities?}},
volume = {41},
year = {2018}
}
@article{Weeks2022b,
abstract = {How do levels of cognitive household labor – the “mental load' involved in antici- pating, fulfilling, and monitoring household needs – affect political engagement? The mental load is thought to be distinct from the physical tasks of e.g., cooking and clean- ing, and disproportionately undertaken by women. Thus far, the few studies addressing the issue have used qualitative methods to document it, and the topic has yet to be studied in political science research. As a result, we may be underestimating house- hold gender gaps and their impact on politics. To investigate this question, I field a descriptive survey on politics and household work to parents in the United States. My survey's novel approach uses a series of questions that ask about who in the household does different cognitive labor tasks. I argue that women have higher ‘‘mental loads” than men, and large mental loads decrease political interest for women. I find support for this theory: women report being mostly responsible for 70 percent of cognitive household labor, while men report being responsible for 30 percent. This 40 percent gender gap is twice as large as the gender gap in physical household labor, and it persists across a range of characteristics. Additionally, I find that the mental load moderates the relationship between gender and political interest, with women, but not men, reporting less interest in politics as the mental load increases. Taken together, my findings offer new empirical evidence about a gender gap too often hidden, and its consequences for equality in democratic life. ∗Paper},
author = {Weeks, Ana Catalano},
doi = {10.1111/j.1478-9302.2009.00202.x},
file = {:Users/lotte/Dropbox/PhD/style{\_}experiment/lit/Weeks 2022 EPSA.pdf:pdf},
issn = {14789299},
journal = {Working Paper},
pages = {1--29},
title = {{The Political Consequences of the Mental Load}},
year = {2022}
}
@article{Anderson1998,
abstract = {Meta-analyses of 43 published studies com paring adult women's and men's interruptions during conversations were conducted. Combined significance levels and combined effect sizes were analyzed. Across studies‚ men were significantly more likely than women to use interruptions. This difference‚ however‚ was associated with a negligible effect size (d = .15). A more substantial effect size (d = .33) was found when studies looking specifically at intrusive types of interruption were analyzed separately. Other moderator variables were found to be related to gender effects on the use of intrusive interruptions. Most notably‚ reports of gender differences in intrusive interruptions were more likely and larger in magnitude when either women (versus men) were first authors‚ participants were observed in naturalistic (versus laboratory) settings‚ or participants were observed interacting in groups of three or more persons (versus in dyads). These results lend support to a contextual-interactive model of gender that emphasizes the importance of situation al moderators on gender-related variations in social behavior.},
annote = {In general, this study is really useful to come back to when considering the value of other studies on interruptions. For example it finds studies in naturalistic settings are more likely than laboratory settings to find men interrupt women more often. This then even more exaggerates the findings of Karpowitz and Mendelberg who used a laboratory setting},
author = {Anderson, Kristin J. and Leaper, Campbell},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Anderson, Leaper - 1998 - Meta-Analyses of Gender Effects on Conversational Interruption Who‚ What‚ When‚ Where‚ and How.pdf:pdf},
journal = {Sex Roles},
number = {4},
pages = {225--252},
title = {{Meta-Analyses of Gender Effects on Conversational Interruption: Who‚ What‚ When‚ Where‚ and How}},
volume = {39},
year = {1998}
}
@article{Kellermann2016,
abstract = {This article: • Demonstrates that use of written parliamentary questions by British MPs is influenced by electoral context. • Shows that as the margin of victory in prior election decreases, members ask more questions. • Indicates that the margin of victory does not affect proportion of questions that focus on constituency issues. • Concludes that electorally vulnerable members use questions to signal effort, rather than attention to constituency issues. An emerging literature suggests that British MPs use legislative tools such as private member bills and early day motions to develop reputations with constituents, notwithstanding the common belief that individual legislative behaviour has little effect on electoral outcomes in Britain. This study demonstrates that British MPs also use parliamentary questions to respond to electoral vulnerability. Using data on written parliamentary questions asked between 1997 and 2010, it examines two possible consequences of electoral vulnerability: increased question frequency and greater focus on constituency issues in questions. It demonstrates that members ask more written parliamentary questions on average when their margin of victory decreases. In contrast, there is no meaningful evidence that MP focus on constituency issues increases with electoral marginality. These findings suggest that members use questions to signal effort to their constituents rather than attention to constituency issues.},
annote = {Useful talking about value.},
author = {Kellermann, Michael},
doi = {10.1111/1467-856X.12075},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Kellermann - 2016 - Electoral Vulnerability, Constituency Focus, and Parliamentary Questions in the House of Commons.pdf:pdf},
journal = {The British Journal of Politics and International Relations},
keywords = {House of Commons,electoral connection,legislative behaviour,parliamentary questions},
number = {1},
pages = {90--106},
title = {{Electoral Vulnerability, Constituency Focus, and Parliamentary Questions in the House of Commons}},
volume = {18},
year = {2016}
}
@article{Prewitt1966,
author = {Prewitt, Kenneth and Nowlin, William},
file = {:Users/lotte/Dropbox/PhD/topic{\_}project/lit/106591296902200204.pdf:pdf},
journal = {Western Political Quarterly},
pages = {298--308},
title = {{Political Ambitions and the Behavior of Incumbent Politicians}},
volume = {22},
year = {1966}
}
@article{Hayes2015,
abstract = {Much research in the study of U.S. politics has argued that female candidates for elected office are treated differently-and often worse-than male candidates in the press and by the public. Although these patterns do not doom women to electoral failure, they raise a formidable series of obstacles that often complicate women's path to elective office, slowing the move toward gender parity in representation. Broad changes to the American political landscape, as well as methodological limitations of previous work, however, suggest the need for an updated assessment. We rely on a detailed content analysis of local newspaper coverage from nearly 350 U.S. House districts and nationally representative survey data from the 2010 midterms to provide a comprehensive evaluation of whether women experience a more hostile campaign environment than do men. We find that candidate sex does not affect journalists' coverage of, or voters' attitudes toward, the women and men running for office in their districts. Rather, reporters' portrayals and citizens' assessments of candidates stem primarily from partisanship, ideology, and incumbency, not the sex of the candidate. Although our results differ from much of the existing literature, we regard them as a valuable point of departure for answering pressing questions about gender and representation in contemporary politics, both in an American and comparative context.},
author = {Hayes, Danny and Lawless, Jennifer L.},
doi = {10.1017/S1537592714003156},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Hayes, Lawless - 2015 - A Non-Gendered Lens Media, Voters, and Female Candidates in Contemporary Congressional Elections.pdf:pdf},
journal = {Perspectives on Politics },
number = {1},
pages = {95--118},
title = {{A Non-Gendered Lens? Media, Voters, and Female Candidates in Contemporary Congressional Elections}},
url = {https://doi.org/10.1017/S1537592714003156},
volume = {13},
year = {2015}
}
@article{Han2015,
abstract = {Proponents of deliberative democracy have theorized that in order to contribute to improved decision-making, citizens should aim for high levels of inclusion, participation equality, and reciprocal, rational reasoning when they convene to discuss policy issues. To measure the extent to which these goals are achieved in actual practice, the authors analyzed transcripts from 13 public forums on the topic of broadband access in rural communities. Demographic attributes of participants were compared with their utterances during deliberation, coded by five quality variables: justification rationality, common good orientation, constructive politics, interactivity, and consideration of trade-offs. Analysis showed that turnout, quantity and quality of discourse varied significantly across different socioeconomic groups. For example, individuals with college education were more likely to provide higher levels of justification, alternative and mediating proposals, and consideration of the common good compared to those without college education. Non-salaried participants expressed the lowest level of justification for their arguments and showed significantly less interactivity with other participants. Addressing these differences requires greater effort by forum organizers to prepare participants through repeated, sequential forum experiences. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]},
author = {Han, Soo-Hye and Schenck-Hamlin, William and Schenck-Hamlin, Donna},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Han, Schenck-Hamlin, Schenck-Hamlin - 2015 - Inclusion, equality, and discourse quality in citizen deliberations on broadband.pdf:pdf},
journal = {Journal of Public Deliberation},
number = {1},
pages = {1--24},
title = {{Inclusion, equality, and discourse quality in citizen deliberations on broadband}},
volume = {11},
year = {2015}
}
@book{Kahn1996,
address = {New York, US},
author = {Kahn, Kim Fridkin},
publisher = {Columbia University Press},
title = {{The Political Consequences of Being a Woman: How Stereotypes Influence the Conduct and Consequences of Political Campaigns}},
year = {1996}
}
@article{Tripp2008,
abstract = {Quotas have become an important mechanism through which women today are entering legislatures worldwide. This study shows that the introduction of quotas has helped overcome constraints on women's representation posed by economic underdevelopment, cultural influences, and even electoral systems. This study also demonstrates that the introduction of quotas offers the most explanatory power for women's representation today, together with electoral systems that allow for greater candidate turnover (i.e., party-list proportional representation systems). The majority of studies explaining women's legislative representation prior to 2000 focused on electoral systems, cultural considerations , and the strength of leftist political parties. Since the mid-1990s, however, an increasing number of countries have introduced gender quotas, which this article incorporates into older models in cross-national multivariate analysis.},
author = {Tripp, Aili Mari and Kang, Alice},
doi = {10.1177/0010414006297342},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Tripp, Kang - 2008 - The Global Impact of Quotas On the Fast Track to Increased Female Legislative Representation.pdf:pdf},
journal = {Comparative Political Studies},
number = {3},
pages = {338--361},
title = {{The Global Impact of Quotas: On the Fast Track to Increased Female Legislative Representation}},
volume = {41},
year = {2008}
}
@article{Lawless2008,
author = {Lawless, Jennifer L. and Pearson, Kathryn},
doi = {10.1017/s002238160708005x},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Lawless, Pearson - 2008 - The Primary Reason for Women's Underrepresentation Reevaluating the Conventional Wisdom.pdf:pdf},
journal = {The Journal of Politics},
number = {1},
pages = {67--82},
title = {{The Primary Reason for Women's Underrepresentation? Reevaluating the Conventional Wisdom}},
volume = {70},
year = {2008}
}
@article{Gorman2007,
abstract = {Across three decades in both Britain and the United States, surveys indicate that women must work harder than men do. Using data from the 1997 Skills Survey of the Employed British Workforce (U.K.) and the 1997 National Study of the Changing Workforce (U.S.), the authors investigate two possible explanations for this gap in reports of required effort: gender differences in job characteristics and family responsibilities. In multivariate ordered logistic regressions, extensive measures of job characteristics do not explain the difference between women and men. Family obligations, as well, account for little or none of the gap. The authors argue that the association between gender and reported required work effort is best interpreted as reflecting stricter performance standards imposed on women, even when women and men hold the same jobs. The authors discuss alternative interpretations and implications for research. {\textcopyright} 2007 Sociologists for Women in Society.},
author = {Gorman, Elizabeth H. and Kmec, Julie A.},
doi = {10.1177/0891243207309900},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Gorman, Kmec - 2007 - We (Have To) Try Harder Gender and Required Work Effort in Britain and the United States.pdf:pdf},
issn = {08912432},
journal = {Gender and Society},
keywords = {Employer bias,Gendered performance expectations,Work effort},
number = {6},
pages = {828--856},
title = {{We (Have To) Try Harder: Gender and Required Work Effort in Britain and the United States}},
volume = {21},
year = {2007}
}
@article{carpenter2017stan,
author = {Carpenter, Bob and Gelman, Andrew and Hoffman, Matthew D and Lee, Daniel and Goodrich, Ben and Betancourt, Michael and Brubaker, Marcus and Guo, Jiqiang and Li, Peter and Riddell, Allen},
journal = {Journal of Statistical Software},
number = {1},
title = {{Stan: A Probabilistic Programming Language}},
volume = {76},
year = {2017}
}
@article{Laver2000,
author = {Laver, Michael and Garry, John},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Laver, Garry - 2000 - Estimating Policy Positions from Political Texts.pdf:pdf},
journal = {American Journal of Political Science},
number = {3},
pages = {619--634},
title = {{Estimating Policy Positions from Political Texts}},
volume = {44},
year = {2000}
}
@article{Bishin2015,
abstract = {One long-recognized consequence of the tension between popular sovereignty and democratic values like liberty and equality is public opinion backlash, which occurs when individuals recoil in response to some salient event. For decades, scholars have suggested that opinion backlash impedes policy gains by marginalized groups. Public opinion research, however, suggests that widespread attitude change that backlash proponents theorize is likely to be rare. Examining backlash against gays and lesbians using a series of online and natural experiments about marriage equality, and large-sample survey data, we find no evidence of opinion backlash among the general public, by members of groups predisposed to dislike gays and lesbians, or from those with psychological traits that may predispose them to lash back. The important implication is that groups pursuing rights should not be dissuaded by threats of backlash that will set their movement back in the court of public opinion.},
author = {Bishin, Benjamin G. and Hayes, Thomas J. and Smith, Charles Anthony},
doi = {10.7910/DVN/28640},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Bishin, Hayes, Smith - 2015 - Opinion Backlash and Public Attitudes Are Political Advances in Gay Rights Counterproductive.pdf:pdf},
journal = {American Journal of Political Science},
number = {3},
pages = {625--648},
title = {{Opinion Backlash and Public Attitudes: Are Political Advances in Gay Rights Counterproductive?}},
volume = {60},
year = {2015}
}
@article{Archer2009,
abstract = {I argue that the magnitude and nature of sex differences in aggression, their development, causation, and variability, can be better explained by sexual selection than by the alternative biosocial version of social role theory. Thus, sex differences in physical aggression increase with the degree of risk, occur early in life, peak in young adulthood, and are likely to be mediated by greater male impulsiveness, and greater female fear of physical danger. Male variability in physical aggression is consistent with an alternative life history perspective, and context-dependent variability with responses to reproductive competition, although some variability follows the internal and external influences of social roles. Other sex differences, in variance in reproductive output, threat displays, size and strength, maturation rates, and mortality and conception rates, all indicate that male aggression is part of a sexually selected adaptive complex. Physical aggression between partners can be explained using different evolutionary principles, arising from the conflicts of interest between males and females entering a reproductive alliance, combined with variability following differences in societal gender roles. In this case, social roles are particularly important since they enable both the relatively equality in physical aggression between partners from Western nations, and the considerable cross-national variability, to be explained.},
author = {Archer, John},
doi = {10.1017/S0140525X09990951},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Archer - 2009 - Does sexual selection explain human sex differences in aggression.pdf:pdf},
journal = {Behavioral and Brain Sciences},
pages = {249--311},
title = {{Does sexual selection explain human sex differences in aggression?}},
url = {http://www.uclan.ac.uk/scitech/research/rae2008/psychology/staff{\_}profiles/jarcher.php},
volume = {32},
year = {2009}
}
@article{Atkins2013,
abstract = {In this article we demonstrate the application of rhetorical political analysis in the study of political communication and political ideas and ideologies. Taking the rhetorical use of anecdotes as a case study, we find that their use by mainstream party leaders in Britain has proliferated markedly since the mid-1990s. Drawing on examples from speeches by leaders of all three main parties, we show how these stories are employed as a form of argumentative proof that relies significantly on the elevation of ‘everyday' experience and knowledge above expert or technical knowledge. We argue that this reflects a more general ‘valorisation of lay knowledge' and, moreover, that it is indicative of a form of populist ideology.},
author = {Atkins, Judi and Finlayson, Alan},
doi = {10.1111/j.1467-9248.2012.00953.x},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Atkins, Finlayson - 2013 - '... A 40-Year-Old Black Man Made the Point to Me' Everyday Knowledge and the Performance of Leadership in Co.pdf:pdf},
issn = {00323217},
journal = {Political Studies},
keywords = {Anecdotes,British politics,Leadership,Methodology,Rhetorical political analysis},
number = {1},
pages = {161--177},
title = {{'... A 40-Year-Old Black Man Made the Point to Me': Everyday Knowledge and the Performance of Leadership in Contemporary British Politics}},
volume = {61},
year = {2013}
}
@techreport{Berry2014,
address = {London},
author = {Berry, Richard and Kippin, Sean},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Berry, Kippin - 2014 - Parliamentary select committees who gives evidence.pdf:pdf},
institution = {Democratic Audit UK},
pages = {15},
title = {{Parliamentary select committees: who gives evidence?}},
url = {www.democraticaudit.com},
year = {2014}
}
@article{Huddy1993,
abstract = {We investigate the origins of voters' expectations of greater female competency on "compassion" issues, such as dealing with poverty or the aged, and greater male competency on military and defense issues. We contrast two alternative explanations: gender-trait stereotypes, emphasizing a candidate's gender-linked personality traits; and gender-belief stereotypes, placing greatest importance on the differing political outlooks of male and female candidates. We test contrasting predictions from these two approaches with data from an experiment in which 297 undergraduate participants were randomly assigned to hear about a male or a female candidate with typically masculine or feminine traits. Overall, there was stronger support for the trait approach. Warm and expressive candidates were seen as better at compassion issues; instrumental candidates were rated as more competent to handle the military and economic issues. Moreover, masculine instrumental traits increased the candidate's perceived competence on a broader range of issues than the feminine traits of warmth and expressiveness. Finally, there was some limited support for the belief approach with gender-based expectations about the candidates' political views affecting their rated competency on compassion but not other types of political issues.},
author = {Huddy, Leonie and Terkildsen, Nayda},
doi = {10.2307/2111526},
journal = {American Journal of Political Science},
month = {feb},
number = {1},
pages = {119--147},
title = {{Gender Stereotypes and the Perception of Male and Female Candidates}},
volume = {37},
year = {1993}
}
@incollection{Barnes2016h,
abstract = {In democracies, power is obtained via competition. Yet, as women gain access to parliaments in record numbers, worldwide collaboration appears to be on the rise. This is puzzling: why, if politicians can secure power through competition, would we observe collaboration in Congress? Using evidence from 200 interviews with politicians from Argentina and a novel dataset from 23 Argentine legislative chambers over an 18-year period, Gendering Legislative Behavior reexamines traditional notions of competitive democracy by evaluating patterns of collaboration among legislators. Although only the majority can secure power via competition, all legislators - particularly those who do not have power - can influence the policy-making process through collaboration. Tiffany D. Barnes argues that as women have limited access to formal and informal political power, they collaborate more than men to influence policy-making. Despite the benefits of collaboration, patterns of collaboration vary among women because different legislative contexts either facilitate or constrain women's collaboration.},
address = {Cambridge, UK},
annote = {- (p. 2) Speaks of how women in the U.S. have historically collaborated across party and that this can be an effective way of ending legislative gridlock. Indeed, this is not something that is unique to the U.S. - "as women gain access to parliaments worldwide in record numbers, legisaltive collaboration appears to be on the rise" 
- Traditional adversarial politics seems to be going out of fashion - women's collaboration offers an appealing alternative 
- "collaboration is a vital part of the policy-making process and democratic representation" 

Key questions of the book:
1) Can democracy be collaborative? Argument: collaboative democracy is not anthithetical to competitive democracy (all legislators can influence the policy-making agenda through collaboration. Uses bill cosponsorship data demonstrates that democracy can be collaborative, that out of power legislators collaborate more frequently than those in power, and that women collaborate more than men across the entire range of policy areas. 
2) Why do women collaborate? Typical accounts assume women are socialised to be more collaborative than men, however book argues that female legislators are strategic politicians and they collaborate in an effort to be more effective representatives. Women collaborate more than men as they face structural barriers that restrict their ability to exert influence on the policy-making process. By collaborating with other women, they can overcome structural barriers to attain political power.
3) When do women collaborate? Why do some women successfully collaborate, whilst others fail? Investigates the institutional contexts that condiction women's collaboration. Despite benefits, patterns of collaboration vary amongst female legislators, because not all women have the ability to work collaboratively. Shows six key contextual variables, which vary between and within legislative chambers, shape policy and collaboration. 

- (p. 4) For democracy to be legitimate it needs to incoprorate preferences and information from all legislators 
- Collaboration: a generative process in which legislators work together to produce outcomes. Enhances democracy by encouraging inclusion and participation of all groups, enabling them to voice their concerns and influence the policy-making process 
- (p. 5) Legislators in positions of power often do not need to collaborate (can mean they would lose power through collaborating). Contrastly, out of power legislators stand to gain from collaboration (would expect legislators in positions of institutional weaknesses to collaborate more than those with institutional power) 
- Women collaborate because they are marginalised in legislatures - there is therefore little doubt that they will benefit from collaboration 
- (p. 6) Women also face informal barriers their limit their ability to exert influence - e.g. excluded from leadership decisions and professional networks 
- Women are socialised to collaborate and display consensual behaviour more than men, in fact they are rewarded when they do so. By contrast, women are punished for showing behaviour such as self-assertive or aggressive behaviour 
- (p. 7) When do women collaborate: argues that legislative environments that place dominance on party leaders and foster strong party loyalty constrain women's abilities to collaborate. But legislative environments with weaker party loyality, that allow for non-party work strength women's abilities to collaborate 
- Expect increases in women's numerical representation will increase women's incentives to collaborate 
- (p. 8) Seniority: women who have been in legislatures longer will have more networks, hence will be in positions of greater strenght, and will hence be more likely to cross party lines than their junior colleagues 
- Women being more likely to support women's issues means women are more likely to seek out other women to help with this 
- Women will be more likely to seek out other women when they are members of a women's caucus or on a women's issue committee 

Methods:
- Uses a mix of qualitative and quantitative data
- Primary setting is Argentina (comparing women's and men's behaviour at the provincial level) 
- Qualitative: conducts more than 200 interviews with male and female legislators and elite observers (between 2007 and 2013) 
- Quantitative: dataset using archival data from 23 Arengtine chambers over 18 years. Data includes all cosponsored legislation, committee appointments and leadership posts for more than 7,000 male and female legislators 

Kinds of collaboration:
- Cosponsoring legislation
- Engaging in activities with other legislators such as networking 
- Exchanging ideas in party meetings, floor debates and committee hearings 

- (p. 10) Examines collaboration both within parties as well as across parties 
- (p. 11) Benefit of the study: a within-country analysis allows for the elimination of confounding country-level factors. A big advantage of my Commons/Lords comparison 
- (p. 14) The legislatures also have significant institutional variation which is important for influencing legislator behaviour
- Cosponsorship data wouldn't work in the UK as legisaltion is primarily handed down from the executive branch and it is rare for members to introduce successful legislations 

Moving beyond Argentina: also move away from Argentine-specific findings by: 1) examining chambers in four other countries; 2) examining countries with different institutions than Argentina to vary institutional context further; 3) expand definition of collaboration beyond bill cosponsorship to focus on the policy-making process more broadly

Why study women's legislative collaboration?
- (p. 16) Much of what we know about legislatures and legislative behaviour comes from studying men. If it is the case that women legisaltive differnetly from men, then it is possible that these shortcomings in our understanding of representative democracy - as primiarily competitive and not collaborative - are largely gendered. Considering men and women's legislative behaviour side by side in the same institution can help us to distinguish between legislative behaviours which are products of institutional constraints and those that are products of genders. 
- (p. 17) Book importantly shows how women are 'owning' their less-agentic skills (e.g. collaboration, cooperation and compromise) to make democracy more representative. "The fact that women are more skilled at working together to accomplish common goals makes them far better prepared tp craft effective legislation." Consensus-based leadership styles are better and more effective for producing longer-term policy solutions 
- "Collaboration improves democracy by giving voice to out-of-power groups. I show that women are more collaborative than men, which implies that women's incorporation into politics is making democracy better - above and beyond the added benefit of incorporating a historically marginalised group into government." 
- Important to know how women can best exert influence in a chamber. Important that they effectively use their voices/power as influene in the chamber is important for providing different perspectives on the existing legislative agenda and for introducing new issues that are not part of the established agenda 
- Study of when women collaborate is important because it challenges scholars to reconsider conventional wisdom about the political institutions that are best for promoting women's representation. Shouldn't simply consider electoral engineering to get women into institutions, but should also consider how women might be marginalised or best be able to behave once in the institutions too !},
author = {Barnes, Tiffany},
booktitle = {Gendering Legislative Behaviour: Institutional Constraints and Collaboration},
chapter = {1},
doi = {10.1017/CBO9781316534281.001},
edition = {First},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Barnes - 2016 - 1. Introduction.pdf:pdf},
pages = {1--20},
publisher = {Cambridge University Press},
title = {{1. Introduction}},
url = {https://doi.org/10.1017/CBO9781316534281.001},
year = {2016}
}
@book{Childs2016,
address = {Bristol},
annote = {Trial new formats for Prime Minister's Questions (PMQs) 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 36) “frequently regarded as the epitome of the masculinised style of the House of Commons – ‘willy-jousting' par excellence: ‘feisty', ‘raucous', ‘gladiatorial' and ‘rowdy'.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “On the other side of the argument, studies point out that little of substance is gained from the questions asked, answered, or avoided.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “So what might be done? At present it is for the Speaker to police aberrant behaviour: ‘offensive behaviour, abuse and heckling should be addressed, as having to shout in order to be heard above the noise did not appear to be in keeping with a modern democracy'.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “Amending the current practice, backbenchers could be heard in silence when asking their question.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “Any MP not respecting this could be asked to apologise, and if the behaviour is repeated by that MP or another of the same party, the MP could be asked to leave the Chamber for the duration of PMQs or put in a ‘sin bin', as the Hansard Society has suggested.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “Then there are alternative or additional formats which could challenge the pattern of ‘scrutiny by screech': backbenchers – drawn by lot – could hold a more deliberative Committee session with the PM; more radically still, public questions could be gathered via YouTube, or the PM might be questioned by the public on internet TV.”},
author = {Childs, Sarah},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Childs - 2016 - The Good Parliament.pdf:pdf},
institution = {University of Bristol},
publisher = {University of Bristol},
title = {{The Good Parliament}},
year = {2016}
}
@article{Martin2011,
abstract = {Individual legislators differ in the degree to which they work to cultivate personal votes. While conventional wisdom declares that the electoral system typically motivates the choice of legislative role, researchers have found difficulty assessing empirically the role behaviour of legislators. This study suggests using the content analysis of parliamentary questions as a mechanism to measure variations in personal vote-earning strategies. To demonstrate the usefulness of this approach, and the constituency focus of Irish parliamentarians, 123,762 questions tabled by D{\'{a}}il Deputies between 1997 and 2002 are analysed. While evidence of some orientation toward localism is apparent, the data suggest significant variations in role orientation among legislators. Competing electoral system and non-electoral system explanations of intra-system variation in personal vote-earning effort are hypothesised and tested. Characteristics such as district magnitude, intra-party competition, electoral vulnerability, geography, education, gender and career incentives only partially explain the variation. The results highlight the need to move beyond using electoral rules as a general proxy for role orientation and behaviour. {\textcopyright} 2011 The Author. Political Studies {\textcopyright} 2011 Political Studies Association.},
author = {Martin, Shane},
doi = {10.1111/j.1467-9248.2011.00885.x},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Martin - 2011 - Using Parliamentary Questions to Measure Constituency Focus An Application to the Irish Case.pdf:pdf},
issn = {00323217},
journal = {Political Studies},
keywords = {Constituency service,Ireland,Parliament,Personal vote,Representation},
number = {2},
pages = {472--488},
title = {{Using Parliamentary Questions to Measure Constituency Focus: An Application to the Irish Case}},
volume = {59},
year = {2011}
}
@article{Eagly2012,
abstract = {The behavior of women and men varies greatly depending on situations, cultures, and historical periods. This flexibility emerges as men and women tailor their division of labor to local ecological and socioeconomic demands. The resulting division is supported by childhood socialization practices that, in interaction with sex differences in child temperament, help boys and girls to develop psychologies suited to their likely adult activities. Although responsive to local conditions, the division of labor is constrained by women's childbearing and nursing of infants and men's size and strength. Because these biological characteristics influence the efficient performance of many activities in society, they underlie central tendencies in the division of labor as well as its variability across situations, cultures, and history. Gender roles-that is, shared beliefs about the traits of women and men-track the division of labor because people infer these traits from their observations of the sexes' behaviors. Social perceivers often essentialize these traits by regarding them as inherent in the biology or social experience of women and men. Gender role expectations, which tend to be consensual within cultures, influence behavior through proximal social psychological and biological processes, whereby (a) other people encourage gender-typical behavior and individuals conform to their own gender identities and (b) hormonal, reward, and cardiovascular mechanisms enable masculine and feminine behaviors.},
author = {Eagly, Alice H. and Wood, Wendy},
doi = {10.1016/B978-0-12-394281-4.00002-7},
file = {:Users/lotte/Dropbox/PhD/style{\_}experiment/lit/1-s2.0-B9780123942814000027-main.pdf:pdf},
journal = {Advances in Experimental Social Psychology},
pages = {55--123},
publisher = {Academic Press Inc.},
title = {{Biosocial Construction of Sex Differences and Similarities in Behavior}},
volume = {46},
year = {2012}
}
@incollection{Campbell2017a,
address = {Manchester},
author = {Campbell, Rosie and Childs, Sarah},
booktitle = {Rethinking right-wing women},
editor = {Berthez{\`{e}}ne, Clarisse and Gottlieb, Julie V.},
publisher = {Manchester University Press},
title = {{The (Feminised) Contemporary Conservative Party}},
year = {2017}
}
@article{Thomas1991,
abstract = {Do women in public office make a difference? If so, what kind and under what circum-stances? This study offers preliminary answers to these questions by examining the relationship between the percentage of women in state legislatures and their policy priorities. It also examines the impact women legislators have on overall legislative policy. Findings reveal that women in states with the highest percentages of female representatives introduce and pass more priority bills dealing with issues of women, children, and families than men in their states and more than their female counterparts in low representation legislatures. Moreover, women can successfully diffuse their priorities throughout the legislative process in one of two ways: through high percentages of women in office or through the presence of a formal women's legislative caucus. These findings suggest that women do indeed make a difference and that their capacity to do so is related to the level of support from colleagues. T he past two decades have witnessed a blossoming of research in gender politics. Our knowledge of the nature of sex-based political participation, the gender gap, and women candidates and officeholders has increased rapidly. Despite this proliferation, we still know very little about whether the increased representation of women has had an impact on legislative policies. Considering the widespread findings of a gender gap among officeholders on a variety of issues combined with more recent findings of differences in the policy priorities of female and male legislators, it is possible that a link between level of representation of women and policy priorities has developed. If such a link exists, our understanding of whether, and under what circumstances , women in office make a difference will be significantly enhanced. The goal of this article, therefore, is to test whether increasing the proportions of women in state legislatures is associated with changes in legislative},
annote = {Not really useful as not about behaviour but policy priorities - but is useful for reinforcing the theory that women have more autonomy when there's more women int he legislature},
author = {Thomas, Sue},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Thomas - 1991 - The Impact of Women on State Legislative Policies.pdf:pdf},
journal = {The Journal of Politics},
number = {4},
pages = {958--976},
title = {{The Impact of Women on State Legislative Policies}},
url = {http://www.journals.uchicago.edu/t-and-c},
volume = {53},
year = {1991}
}
@book{Childs2004b,
address = {London},
annote = {Chapter 10: A Feminized Style of Politics? 
  
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 180) “The contention that women practice politics in a different way from men is widely held.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “Women are expected to reject confrontation and adversarial politics in favour of a co-operative and consensual style.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      Women politicians: more caring, practical, approachable, honest, principled and hardworking 
{\textperiodcentered}      Women do not stand up and waffle in the Chamber 
{\textperiodcentered}      “Women's approach is ‘more direct' and there is less ‘going around in circles'.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “There is also less aggression and more co-operation, teamwork, inclusiveness, consultation and a willingness to listen.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “Women MPs talk in more concrete ways and apply arguments to ‘real people'.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 181) Difference in style is due to women and men's differently gendered socialisation and experiences – “the directness of women's approach derives from their experiences of ‘dealing with millions of things at once', their desire to ‘move on to something else' and their more ‘holistic' approach” 
{\textperiodcentered}      Conservative male behaviour was believed to be particularly bad 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 182) Previous successful women in politics have been “hard and tough [and] played the game like one of the boys.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      Some feel the style is less valued by parliamentary colleagues: “a premium is put upon what is predominantly a male style of political practice, which is quite aggressive and quite confrontational{\ldots} [a] debating society style of presentation which men are often much better at, have more confidence in doing, taught more to do and doesn't necessarily make for any greater government” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 183) just under 2/3 of the Labour women MPs interviewed in 2000 agreed that women had a different style – women prefer a ‘less combative and aggressive style' 
{\textperiodcentered}      They ‘don't do as much standing up, shouting on the floor of the House' 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 184) Women are more measured 
{\textperiodcentered}      “There was also a belief that women operated not as individuals, but as part of teams 
{\textperiodcentered}      “Women MPs also claimed they spoke in a different language. This is the ‘language everybody understands'; women are ‘not prone to political babble [and] jargon” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “They look at issues ‘from a personal perspective'” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “In terms of a different political language, male MPs were again identified as having a different style. They had a tendency towards repetition: ‘men always do want to say it again', ‘there is so much duplication going on from one male speaker to another'.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 185) “Older ‘successful' women MPs were regarded as employing the traditional masculinised style and were perceived as ‘male'.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 186) “Party identity was also felt to be an important determinant.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 187) “Although many of the women MPs clearly supported the contention that they have a different style of politics, a number of them suggested that the dominant masculine style of politics, a number of them suggested that the dominant masculinised style of the House was not conducive to women acting in a feminised way.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 188) “In such a context, trying to ‘impose a different kind of culture if a very long-term process.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “The notion that women MPs may not feel comfortable in the Chamber was evident in a few of the interview discussions. Four MPs directly stated this. Another simply stated that she preferred to use other means, while two MPs used the term ‘alien' to describe how they felt.” – this about this in regards to more women asking questions under TM? 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 189) “In institutions where women's feminised style of politics is les valued, such as the House of Commons (at least according to many of the new Labour women MPs), women politicians seem to face a choice between assimilation or resistance, between adopting the male ‘game playing' or ‘standing out against it'.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 190) “While she had initially regarded Prime Minister's Questions (PMQs) as ‘outrageous', she had subsequently revised her opinion and now regarded it as fulfilling the function of ‘rallying the troops'.” – suggested that women might be put off from participating},
author = {Childs, Sarah},
isbn = {0714656615},
publisher = {Routledge},
title = {{New Labour's Women MPs: Women Representing Women}},
year = {2004}
}
@article{Bauer2018,
abstract = {journals.sagepub.com/home/prq Article Hillary Clinton strategically emphasized her status as the first female nominee for the presidency by handing out actual "gender cards" to supporters, mobilizing networks of female supporters, and frequently appearing in a white business suit-invoking the white attire worn by early twentieth-century suffragettes. These visual representations of Clinton connect to broader stereotypes about women, which, for many voters, do not reflect desirable qualities in political leaders (Bauer 2015; Holman, Merolla, and Zechmeister 2016). Pundits and scholars alike debate the extent to which Clinton's female-focused campaign contributed to her electoral loss, and this debate reflects a broader tension in the literature about whether female candidates face bias among voters (Brooks 2013;},
author = {Bauer, Nichole M. and Carpinella, Colleen},
doi = {10.1177/1065912917738579},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Bauer, Carpinella - 2018 - Visual Information and Candidate Evaluations The Influence of Feminine and Masculine Images on Support for Fe.pdf:pdf},
journal = {Political Research Quarterly},
number = {2},
pages = {395--407},
title = {{Visual Information and Candidate Evaluations: The Influence of Feminine and Masculine Images on Support for Female Candidates}},
url = {https://doi.org/10.1177/1065912917738579},
volume = {71},
year = {2018}
}
@article{Denny2018,
abstract = {Despite the popularity of unsupervised techniques for political science text-as-data research, the importance and implications of preprocessing decisions in this domain have received scant systematic attention. Yet, as we show, such decisions have profound eeects on the results of real models for real data. We argue that substantive theory is typically too vague to be of use for feature selection, and that the supervised literature is not necessarily a helpful source of advice. To aid researchers working in unsupervised settings, we introduce a statistical procedure and sooware that examines the sensitivity of findings under alternate preprocessing regimes. This approach complements a researcher's substantive understanding of a problem by providing a characterization of the variability changes in preprocessing choices may induce when analyzing a particular dataset. In making scholars aware of the degree to which their results are likely to be sensitive to their preprocessing decisions, it aids replication eeorts.},
author = {Denny, Matthew J and Spirling, Arthur},
doi = {10.1017/pan.2017.44},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Denny, Spirling - 2018 - Text Preprocessing For Unsupervised Learning Why It Matters, When It Misleads, And What To Do About It.pdf:pdf},
journal = {Political Analysis },
number = {2},
pages = {168--189},
title = {{Text Preprocessing For Unsupervised Learning: Why It Matters, When It Misleads, And What To Do About It}},
volume = {26},
year = {2018}
}
@book{Delli1996,
abstract = {Michael X. Delli Carpini and Scott Keeter demonstrate that informed persons are more likely to participate, better able to discern their own interests, and more likely to advocate those interests through political actions. Who, then, is politically informed? The authors provide compelling evidence that whites, men, and older, financially secure citizens have substantially more knowledge about national politics than do blacks, women, young adults, and financially less-well-off citizens. Thus citizens who are most disadvantaged socially and economically are least able to redress their grievances politically. Yet the authors believe that a broader and more equitably informed populace is possible. The challenge to America, they conclude, lies in providing an environment in which the benefits of being informed are clearer, the tools for gaining information more accessible, and the opportunities to learn about politics more frequent, timely, and equitable. This book is the most comprehensive analysis ever written about the American public's factual knowledge of politics. Drawing on extensive survey data, including much that is original, two experts in public opinion and political behavior find that many citizens are remarkably well informed about the details of politics, while equally large numbers are nearly ignorant of political facts. And despite dramatic changes in American society and politics, citizens appear no more or less informed today than half a century ago. Introduction: Political Knowledge, Political Power, and the Democratic Citizen -- Ch. 1. From Democratic Theory to Democratic Practice: The Case for an Informed Citizenry -- Ch. 2. What Americans Know about Politics -- Ch. 3. Stability and Change in Political Knowledge -- Ch. 4. Who's Informed? Individual, Group, and Collective Patterns of Political Knowledge -- Ch. 5. Explaining Political Knowledge -- Ch. 6. The Consequences of Political Knowledge and Ignorance -- Ch. 7. Informing the Public's Discretion -- Appendix One: Overview of Data Sources -- Appendix Two: The Conceptualization and Measurement of Political Knowledge -- Appendix Three: Knowledge over Time -- Appendix Four: Details of the Structural Analysis Used in Chapter 4 -- Appendix Five: Methodology of the Analysis of Information's Impact on Opinion in Chapter 6.},
address = {Yale, US},
author = {{Delli Carpini}, Michael X. and Keeter, Scott},
isbn = {9780300072754},
publisher = {Yale University Press},
title = {{What Americans know about politics and why it matters}},
year = {1996}
}
@incollection{Krupnikov2016,
abstract = {and Keywords In recent years more and more scholars have turned to survey experiments. These stud­ ies randomly assign treatments in a survey context, which allows a researcher to balance both internal and external validity considerations. Although survey experiments carry with them numerous benefits, these studies are not without their costs. Pivotal to the costs and benefits of survey experiments are the types of participants recruited to take part in a study and the types of tasks these participants are asked to perform. This chap­ ter explores the conditions under which survey experiments can live up to the promise of greater generalizability and considers those under which this type of experimental design is superior to other experimental approaches.},
address = {Oxford},
author = {Krupnikov, Yanna and Findley, Blake},
booktitle = {The Oxford Handbook of Polling and Survey Methods},
doi = {10.1093/oxfordhb/9780190213299.013.32},
editor = {Atkeson, Lonna Rae and Alvarez, R. Michael},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Krupnikov, Findley - 2016 - Survey Experiments Managing the Methodological Costs and Benefits.pdf:pdf},
pages = {483--504},
publisher = {Oxford University Press},
title = {{Survey Experiments: Managing the Methodological Costs and Benefits}},
url = {www.oxfordhandbooks.com},
year = {2016}
}
@article{Barrett1996,
abstract = {This article examines the construction of hegemonic masculinity within the US Navy.},
author = {Barrett, Frank J.},
doi = {10.1111/j.1468-0432.1996.tb00054.x},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Barrett - 1996 - The organizational construction of hegemonic masculinity The case of the US Navy.pdf:pdf},
isbn = {1468-0432},
issn = {09686673},
journal = {Gender, Work and Organization},
number = {3},
pages = {129--142},
title = {{The organizational construction of hegemonic masculinity: The case of the US Navy}},
volume = {3},
year = {1996}
}
@article{Cameron2020a,
abstract = {Since the 1990s, media commentators in the UK and elsewhere have praised women for introducing a "visibly different style of politics", one symbol of which is the alleged preference of female politicians for a less adversarial and more cooperative style of political speech. Drawing on an analysis of the 2015 UK General Election campaign, we argue that this notion of women's "different voice" has become increasingly central to the media's construction of prominent female politicians as public figures, despite the evidence that it does not reflect any clear-cut pattern of differentiation between male and female political speakers of equivalent status and experience. Though it may seem to be an advance on previous negative representations of female politicians, we suggest that it reproduces-albeit in a "modernized" form-the long-established tendency of the media to evaluate women in relation to gendered norms and expectations, while men are judged as individuals.},
author = {Cameron, Deborah and Shaw, Sylvia},
doi = {10.1075/jlp.19086.cam},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Cameron, Shaw - 2020 - Constructing women's “different voice” Gendered mediation in the 2015 UK General Election.pdf:pdf},
journal = {Journal of Language and Politics},
keywords = {UK politics,election debates,gendered mediation,speech style,women},
number = {1},
pages = {144--159},
title = {{Constructing Women's “Different Voice”: Gendered Mediation in the 2015 UK General Election}},
volume = {19},
year = {2020}
}
@article{Lazarus2022,
abstract = {More women are running for and serving in the U.S. House of Representatives than ever before, but how does gender influence the careers of House members once they arrive in Congress? We find that gender matters in two important ways: first, freshmen women are older than freshmen men. Second, women are both more likely to lose a reelection race and more likely to retire because of electoral concerns than men. The result is that women have significantly shorter careers in the House than men. Both factors-women's delayed entry and early exit-produce fewer women in the House at any given time than if these disparities did not exist. These findings have significant consequences for the House's demographic makeup, ideological makeup, and policy agenda. The broader implication of our findings is that more women in the electoral arena is a necessary but not sufficient condition to make the representation of women truly equal.},
author = {Lazarus, Jeffrey and Steigerwalt, Amy and Clark, Micayla},
doi = {10.1017/s1743923x21000428},
file = {:Users/lotte/Dropbox/PhD/topic{\_}project/lit/time-spent-in-the-house-gender-and-the-political-careers-of-us-house-members.pdf:pdf},
issn = {1743-923X},
journal = {Politics {\&} Gender},
keywords = {and the 117th,before,congress,elections,for a seat in,gender,higher rates than ever,n 2020,over 600,particularly democratic women,political careers,ran for and,s,the u,women,women filed to run,won elected office at},
number = {Forthcoming},
pages = {1--36},
title = {{Time Spent in the House: Gender and the Political Careers of U.S. House Members}},
year = {2022}
}
@article{Dassonneville2018a,
author = {Dassonneville, Ruth and McAllister, Ian},
doi = {10.1111/ajps.12353},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Dassonneville, McAllister - 2018 - Gender, Political Knowledge , and Descriptive Representation The Impact of Long-Term Socialization.pdf:pdf},
journal = {American Journal of Political Science},
number = {2},
pages = {249--265},
title = {{Gender, Political Knowledge , and Descriptive Representation: The Impact of Long-Term Socialization}},
volume = {62},
year = {2018}
}
@article{Koch2002,
abstract = {This research develops and tests hypotheses on the citizen and candi? date characteristics that moderate utilization of candidate gender for forming impressions of House candi? dates' ideological orientations. High candidate visibility?attained through incumbency or campaign expendi? tures?enhances citizens' categoriza? tion of candidates on the basis of gender to infer ideological orientation. The effects of candidate gender are conditioned by political awareness for perception of Republican candidates' ideological positions because citizens receive conflicting cues about their orientations. In contrast, the relatively easy information process task for forming an impression of a Demo? cratic female candidate allows for categorization on the basis of gender to occur among the most and least politically sophisticated. Finally, citi? zens draw on stereotypes of women to assign attributes to female candi? dates, not on stereotypes of men to infer attributes of male candidates.},
author = {Koch, Jeffrey W.},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Koch - 2002 - Gender Stereotypes and Citizens' Impressions of House Candidates' Ideological Orientations.pdf:pdf},
journal = {American Journal of Political Science},
number = {2},
pages = {453--462},
title = {{Gender Stereotypes and Citizens' Impressions of House Candidates' Ideological Orientations}},
volume = {46},
year = {2002}
}
@article{Chaney2004,
author = {Chaney, Paul},
doi = {10.1080/1359756042000247483},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Chaney - 2004 - Women and constitutional change in Wales.pdf:pdf},
journal = {Regional and Federal Studies},
number = {2},
pages = {281--303},
title = {{Women and constitutional change in Wales}},
volume = {14},
year = {2004}
}
@article{Koch2000a,
abstract = {This research examines whether citizens utilize gender stereotypes to infer candidates' ideological orientations. Analysis of data from the 1988-1990-1992 Pooled Senate Election Study reveals that even after candidates' individuating ideological orientations are taken into account, candidate gender still exerts substantial effects on citizens' perceptions of candidates' ideological orientations. The consequences of gender stereotypes for vote choice are important but differ for Democrats and Republicans. For Democratic female candidates, gender ideological stereotypes increase the distance between female candidates and voters, increasing the likelihood citizens will vote for the Republican opponent, ceteris paribus. For Republican female candidates, gender stereotypes for ideology reduce the distance between them and most voters, thereby increasing their electoral prospects.},
author = {Koch, Jeffrey W.},
doi = {10.1111/0022-3816.00019},
file = {:Users/lotte/Dropbox/PhD/style{\_}experiment/lit/0022-3816.00019.pdf:pdf},
issn = {00223816},
journal = {Journal of Politics},
number = {2},
pages = {414--429},
title = {{Do citizens apply gender stereotypes to infer candidates' ideological orientations?}},
volume = {62},
year = {2000}
}
@book{Kittilson2012,
address = {Oxford},
author = {Kittilson, Miki C. and Schwindt-Bayer, Leslie A.},
publisher = {Oxford University Press},
title = {{The Gendered Effects of Electoral Institutions: Political Engagement and Participation}},
year = {2012}
}
@article{May2004,
annote = {{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 844) “We live in a country where 52{\%} of the population are female and 45{\%} of women work. Women are often at the front end of public services, both by working in them but also as users. On average, women live longer than men. The role of women changed more dramatically in the twentieth century than at any other time. Yet women continue to be under-represented in Parliament.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 845) AWS: “The problem is that too many men view this sort of support negatively. They claim it shows that women cannot get there on merit or that the process is being undermined by political correctness. What they fail to see, or to admit, is that by and large the process has discriminated against women for many years.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “They also fail to appreciate that getting more women into Parliament is not part of some politically correct plot but a real need to ensure that Parliament benefits from all the talent available and that voters benefit from the different approach that women bring to politics.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “By and large, women do their politics in a different way.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 846) “There is also the question of the combative attitude of the House.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “I believe that the cut and thrust of our parliamentary debate enhances it rather than the opposite. But getting a point across does not always mean indulging in party-political point scoring or in being ultra aggressive.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 847) “The language used is that of gladiatorial combat.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “For many women, this means nothing and, more significantly, achieves nothing. They would rather ask the detailed and difficult question than take the obvious political swipe, rather see results than score political points.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “I suspect for many women, being elected to the House does not appeal because they feel they can get more done in other roles. Women are deliverers. They do not want to sit in some talking-shop. They want to get things done.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 848) “The skills of listening to peoples' need and then coming up with practical solutions are often particularly seen in women.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 850) Open primaries: “I also hope that out of it we will see more representative candidates coming forward, resulting in a consequent sea-change in the kind of people we see filling the Conservative benches in the House of Commons.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “I hope that we will no longer see political parties selecting from a stereotype.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 851) “Women bring so much to Parliament.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “They are also by and large more willing to be team players.”},
author = {May, Theresa},
journal = {Parliamentary Affairs},
number = {4},
pages = {844--851},
title = {{Women in the House}},
volume = {57},
year = {2004}
}
@article{Hawkesworth2003,
abstract = {Investigating reports of marginalization from Congresswomen of color, I examine legislative practices in the 103rd and 104th Congresses to illuminate dynamics that structure hierarchies on the basis of race and gender. I advance an account of racing-gendering as a political process that silences, stereotypes, enforces invisibility, excludes, and challenges the epistemic authority of Congresswomen of color. Racing-gendering constitutes a form of interested bias operating in Congress, which has important implications for understandings of the internal operations of political institutions, the policy priorities of Congresswomen of color, the substantive representation of historically underrepresented groups, and the practice of democracy in the United States.},
author = {Hawkesworth, Mary},
doi = {10.1017/S0003055403000868},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Hawkesworth - 2003 - Congressional Enactments of Race-Gender Toward a Theory of Raced-Gendered Institutions.pdf:pdf},
isbn = {0003055403000},
issn = {15375943},
journal = {American Political Science Review},
number = {4},
pages = {529--550},
publisher = {University College London (UCL)},
title = {{Congressional Enactments of Race-Gender: Toward a Theory of Raced-Gendered Institutions}},
volume = {97},
year = {2003}
}
@book{Darcy1994,
address = {Lincoln, Nebraska},
author = {Darcy, Robert and Welch, Susan and Clark, Janet},
publisher = {University of Nebraska Press},
title = {{Women, Elections {\&} Representation}},
year = {1994}
}
@article{Herrnson2003,
author = {Herrnson, Paul S. and Lay, J. Celeste and Stokes, Atiya Kai},
file = {:Users/lotte/Dropbox/PhD/topic{\_}project/lit/1468-2508.t01-1-00013.pdf:pdf},
journal = {The Journal of Politics},
number = {1},
pages = {244--255},
title = {{Women Running “as Women”: Candidate Gender, Campaign Issues, and Voter-Targeting Strategies}},
volume = {65},
year = {2003}
}
@incollection{Lovenduski1996,
address = {Oxford, UK},
annote = {{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 5) “Feminist critics of British politics agree that its organisations and structures institutionalise the predominance of particular masculinities, thereby empowering and/or advantaging certain men over almost all women and some men.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “Such biases are both causes of and effects of women's political under-representation, a likely consequence of which is that policy makers are less attuned than they would otherwise be to women's interests.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “Moreover, the continued male predominance of politics allows a particular and exclusive kind of masculinity to dominate the culture of political organisations.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 6) “male organisational bias implies that male biases are integral to the organisation, shaping its rules, values, norms, structures and policies. In such organisations positional gender biases are well established in a culture of masculinity which makes it difficult for most women and some men to pursue and often to perceive their gender interests.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 7) “Men in organisations have been good at setting rules of the game which ensure that the qualifications of men are better valued, lead more reliability to power and rewards.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 8) “The discourse of politics in liberal democratic systems is also implicated in the masculine biases of the state.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 13) “The identification of organisational gender biases required specific research on institutional practices and cultures and into women's and men's behaviour in different organisational settings.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 14) “To be effective, individuals needed to learn the rules of the game and to be able to use them.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 15) “Despite their low number of women MPs, the Conservatives have not historically reflected the kinds of masculine images and ethos that plague the Labour party.”},
author = {Lovenduski, Joni},
booktitle = {Women in Politics},
editor = {Lovenduski, Joni and Norris, Pippa},
pages = {3--18},
publisher = {Oxford University Press},
title = {{Sex, Gender and British Politics}},
year = {1996}
}
@techreport{IPU2018,
abstract = {Acknowledgements We would like to thank the staff of each Administration who supported the audit through data collection on specialist areas, and the British Group Inter-Parliamentary Union for its support throughout the process.},
author = {IPU},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/IPU - 2018 - UK Gender-Sensitive Parliament Audit 2018.pdf:pdf},
institution = {Inter-Parliamentary Union},
pages = {1--48},
title = {{UK Gender-Sensitive Parliament Audit 2018}},
url = {https://www.parliament.uk/documents/lords-information-office/UK Parliament{\_} Gender Sensitive Parliament Audit{\_}Report{\_}DIGITAL.pdf},
year = {2018}
}
@article{Anzia2011,
abstract = {If voters are biased against female candidates, only the most talented, hardest working female candidates will succeed in the electoral process. Furthermore, ifwomen perceive there to be sex discrimination in the electoral process, or ifthey underestimate their qualifications for office, then only the most qualified, politically ambitious females will emerge as candidates. We argue thatwhen either or both forms ofsex-based selection are present, the women who are elected to office will perform better, on average, than theirmale counterparts. We test this central implication ofour theory by studying the relative success ofmen andwomen in delivering federal spending to their districts and in sponsoring legislation. Analyzing changeswithin districts over time, we find thatcongresswomen secure roughly 9{\%} more spendingfrom federal discretionary programs than congressmen. Women also sponsor and cosponsor significantly more bills than theirmale colleagues. W},
annote = {General thoughts: the only studies I can really find about effectiveness are U.S. based and use measures that don't really translate to a UK context. Such as delivering federal programme spending to districts, success in producing more legislation},
author = {Anzia, Sarah F. and Berry, Christopher R.},
doi = {10.1111/j.1540-5907.2011.00512.x},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Anzia, Berry - 2011 - The Jackie (and Jill) Robinson Effect Why Do Congresswomen Outperform Congressmen.pdf:pdf},
issn = {00925853},
journal = {American Journal of Political Science},
month = {jul},
number = {3},
pages = {478--493},
title = {{The Jackie (and Jill) Robinson Effect: Why Do Congresswomen Outperform Congressmen?}},
volume = {55},
year = {2011}
}
@article{Piscopo2011,
abstract = {This article addresses debates on identity and interest representation by re-concep-tualising descriptive representation. The article revisits Pitkin's original work, arguing that descriptive representatives actively 'stand for' their constituents by making claims about group members' needs, circumstances and values. The utility of this re-conceptualisation is explored by analysing parliamentarians' speeches supporting and opposing sexual health reforms in Argentina. Female legislators, particularly those elected under quotas, will portray female constituents' reproductive health needs through varied ideological prisms and narrative strategies. Reformulating descriptive representation as 'claim-making' usefully sidesteps debates about essentialism, recognises intra-group diversity, and establishes new avenues for empirical analysis based on legislators' public speeches and statements. THE RECENT popularity of legislative quota laws has generated or deepened public debates about the normative and empirical consequences of bringing underrepresented groups into politics. In these debates, representation appears conceptualised in three ways, following the rubric of Hanna Pitkin: symbolic representation, wherein min-orities' inclusion in the legislature becomes emblematic of the political system's legitimacy and other traits; descriptive representation, wherein legislators share ascriptive similarities with population subgroups; and substantive representation, wherein legislators take policy actions that serve their population subgroups. 2 As quota laws are increasingly applied to women's candidacies, the scholarship on women in parliaments has generally focused on the latter two concepts. Using Pitkin's terms, scholars explore how political institutions and sociocultural norms change the level of women's descriptive representation, and whether female legislators substantively act for their ascriptive groups. Quotas ideally deepen the descriptive representation of women as a group and the substantive representation of women's group interests.},
author = {Piscopo, Jennifer M.},
doi = {10.1093/pa/gsq061},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Piscopo - 2011 - Rethinking Descriptive Representation Rendering Women in Legislative Debates.pdf:pdf},
journal = {Parliamentary Affairs},
number = {3},
pages = {448--472},
title = {{Rethinking Descriptive Representation: Rendering Women in Legislative Debates}},
volume = {64},
year = {2011}
}
@incollection{Evans2001,
address = {Ann Arbor},
author = {Evans, Lawrence C.},
booktitle = {Leadership in Committee: A Comparative Analysis of Leadership Behavior in the U.S. Senate},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Evans - 2001 - Understanding Leadership Behavior.pdf:pdf},
pages = {15--44},
publisher = {University of Michigan Press},
title = {{Understanding Leadership Behavior}},
url = {https://muse.jhu.edu/book/7233},
year = {2001}
}
@article{Mair2001,
author = {Mair, Peter and van Viezen, Ingrid},
journal = {Party Politics},
number = {1},
pages = {5--21},
title = {{Party Membership in Twenty European Democracies, 1980-2000}},
volume = {7},
year = {2001}
}
@article{Reingold2011,
author = {Reingold, Beth and Swers, Michele},
doi = {10.1017/S1743923X11000201},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Reingold, Swers - 2011 - An Endogenous Approach to Women's Interests When Interests Are Interesting in and of Themselves.pdf:pdf},
journal = {Politics {\&} Gender},
number = {3},
pages = {429--435},
title = {{An Endogenous Approach to Women's Interests: When Interests Are Interesting in and of Themselves}},
volume = {7},
year = {2011}
}
@book{Lijphart2012,
address = {New Haven},
author = {Lijphart, Arend},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Lijphart - 2012 - Patterns of Democracy Government Forms and Performance in Thirty-Six Countries.pdf:pdf},
publisher = {Yale University Press},
title = {{Patterns of Democracy: Government Forms and Performance in Thirty-Six Countries}},
year = {2012}
}
@article{Greene2016,
abstract = {Parties' parliamentary delegations contain a multitude of interests. While scholars suspect that this variation affects party behaviour, most work on parties' policy statements treats parties as unitary actors. This reflects the absence of strong expectations concerning when (and how) the parliamentary caucus matters for platform construction, as well as the difficulties inherent in testing such claims. Drawing on the literature on women's descriptive representation, this article argues that the makeup of the parliamentary party likely has important consequences for issue entrepreneurship, the scope of issues represented on the manifesto and even the left-right position of election platforms. With the most comprehensive party-level study of women's representation ever conducted, three diversity hypotheses are tested using data on the gender makeup of parties' parliamentary delegations and the content of their manifestos for 110 parties in 20 democracies between 1952 and 2011. The analyses show that as the percentage of women in the parliamentary party increases, parties address a greater diversity of issues in their election campaigns. Women's presence is also associated with more left-leaning manifestos, even when controlling for parties' prior ideological positions. Together, these findings illustrate a previously overlooked consequence of descriptive representation and provide a framework for understanding when and why the parliamentary party influences manifesto formation. They show that diversity – or lack thereof – has important consequences for parties' policy statements, and thus the overall quality of representation.},
author = {Greene, Zachary and O'Brien, Diana Z.},
doi = {10.1111/1475-6765.12141},
file = {:Users/lotte/Dropbox/PhD/topic{\_}project/lit/European J Political Res - 2016 - GREENE - Diverse parties  diverse agendas  Female politicians and the parliamentary party.pdf:pdf},
issn = {14756765},
journal = {European Journal of Political Research},
keywords = {election campaigns,intraparty politics,party manifestos,political parties,women and politics},
number = {3},
pages = {435--453},
title = {{Diverse Parties, Diverse Agendas? Female Politicians and the Parliamentary Party's Role in Platform Formation}},
volume = {55},
year = {2016}
}
@book{Cowley2002,
address = {London},
author = {Cowley, Philip},
publisher = {Politico's},
title = {{Revolts and rebellions: parliamentary voting under Blair}},
year = {2002}
}
@article{Ross2013,
abstract = {In the months leading up to the 2010 British General Election, pundits were claiming that women would be specifically targeted by all political parties. However, this focus never materialized and it was just more business as usual but with the added novelty of televised leaders' debates, which meant that coverage was more male ordered than ever. The study on which this article is based monitored articles published in the four weeks leading up to election day across twelve newspapers, comprising a mix of dailies and weekend editions, broadsheets and midmarket, and tabloid titles. The study concentrated on articles that had the election as the main story and which mentioned or sourced one or more candidates, both MPs seeking reelection, and Parliamentary Candidates. We were interested in exploring (any) differences in the news coverage of women and men candidates, looking at both frequency and content. Our findings suggest that women were much less likely to feature in news stories than men, even when controlling for Party Leader coverage. Women were much more likely to be mentioned or quoted in feature articles focused explicitly on gender issues, made interesting because of their sex and couture rather than their political abilities and experience. {\textcopyright} The Author(s) 2013.},
author = {Ross, Karen and Evans, Elizabeth and Harrison, Lisa and Shears, Mary and Wadia, Khursheed},
doi = {10.1177/1940161212457814},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Ross et al. - 2013 - The Gender of News and News of Gender A Study of Sex, Politics, and Press Coverage of the 2010 British General Elec.pdf:pdf},
issn = {19401612},
journal = {International Journal of Press/Politics},
keywords = {election campaign,gender,newspapers},
number = {1},
pages = {3--20},
title = {{The Gender of News and News of Gender: A Study of Sex, Politics, and Press Coverage of the 2010 British General Election}},
volume = {18},
year = {2013}
}
@article{Bock2017,
abstract = {The 2016 presidential election was one of the most politically charged and volatile elections in recent history. The election also saw its first female candidate, Hillary Clinton, represent a major political party. Prior research is inconclusive on how biases can affect political outcomes, with some research showing that racism has affected presidential elections, while others have shown that sexism does not affect elections. However, agentic women often face discrimination and backlash when seeking positions of power. The current study sought to extend past work by examining the potential role of sexism in the 2016 election. After controlling for participant sex, time of participation, and political party identification, it was found that individual differences in hostile sexism and traditional attitudes toward women significantly predicted voting for Donald Trump. These results suggest that voter attitudes toward women may have played a role in the election outcome.},
author = {Bock, Jarrod and Byrd-Craven, Jennifer and Burkley, Melissa},
doi = {10.1016/j.paid.2017.07.026},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Bock, Byrd-Craven, Burkley - 2017 - The role of sexism in voting in the 2016 presidential election.pdf:pdf},
issn = {01918869},
journal = {Personality and Individual Differences},
keywords = {Attitudes toward women,Hostile sexism,Political psychology,Social cognition},
pages = {189--193},
publisher = {Elsevier Ltd},
title = {{The role of sexism in voting in the 2016 presidential election}},
url = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.paid.2017.07.026},
volume = {119},
year = {2017}
}
@article{Cutts2020,
abstract = {The outcome of the 2019 general election—a resounding Conservative majority and an unprecedented defeat for Labour—delivered a decisive electoral verdict for the first time in recent years following a period where British politics has been characterised by instability and indecision. In this article, we draw on aggregate-level data to conduct an initial exploration of the vote. What was the impact of Brexit on the 2019 general election result? How far has Brexit reshaped electoral politics? Was 2019 a ‘realignment election'? And, if so, what are the implications? With a focus on England and Wales we show that, although the Conservatives made gains deep into Labour's working class heartlands, these gains have been a long time coming, reflected in Labour's weakening relationship with working class Britain. As such, 2019 is not a critical election but a continuation of longer-term trends of dealignment and realignment in British politics.},
author = {Cutts, David and Goodwin, Matthew and Heath, Oliver and Surridge, Paula},
doi = {10.1111/1467-923X.12815},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Cutts et al. - 2020 - Brexit, the 2019 General Election and the Realignment of British Politics.pdf:pdf},
issn = {1467923X},
journal = {Political Quarterly},
keywords = {Brexit,Britain,general election,turnout,voting},
number = {1},
pages = {7--23},
title = {{Brexit, the 2019 General Election and the Realignment of British Politics}},
volume = {91},
year = {2020}
}
@article{Schwarz2022,
abstract = {Candidate choice survey experiments in the form of conjoint or vignette experiments have become a standard part of the political science toolkit for understanding the effects of candidate characteristics on vote choice. We collect 67 such studies from all over the world and reanalyze them using a standardized approach. We find that the average effect of being a woman (relative to a man) is a gain of approximately 2 percentage points. We find some evidence of heterogeneity across contexts, candidates, and respondents. The difference is somewhat larger for white (vs. black) candidates and among survey respondents who are women (vs. men) or, in the US context, identify as Democrats or Independents (vs. Republicans). Our results add to the growing body of experimental and observational evidence that voter preferences are not a major factor explaining the persistently low rates of women in elected office.},
author = {Schwarz, Susanne and Coppock, Alexander},
doi = {10.1086/716290},
file = {:Users/lotte/Dropbox/projects/productivity{\_}experiment/lit/716290.pdf:pdf},
issn = {14682508},
journal = {Journal of Politics},
number = {2},
pages = {655--668},
title = {{What Have We Learned about Gender from Candidate Choice Experiments? A Meta-Analysis of Sixty-Seven Factorial Survey Experiments}},
volume = {84},
year = {2022}
}
@article{Kellermann2013,
abstract = {While the importance of individual candidates in British elections has long been minimized, this article argues that early day motions (EDMs)—formal, non-binding expressions of opinion—allow backbench MPs to cultivate reputations with constituents. First, this article demonstrates that greater sponsorship of EDMs is associated with better electoral outcomes, which suggests that EDMs could help vulnerable MPs improve their electoral prospects. Secondly, a Bayesian hierarchical negative binomial hurdle model, which accounts for specific features of EDM sponsorship and is novel in political science, shows that members from electorally competitive constituencies are more likely to introduce EDMs, and introduce them more often, than members from less competitive constituencies. Moreover, this relationship has increased over the past 20 years.},
author = {Kellermann, Michael},
doi = {10.1017/psrm.2013.19},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Kellermann - 2013 - Sponsoring Early Day Motions in the British House of Commons as a Response to Electoral Vulnerability.pdf:pdf},
issn = {2049-8470},
journal = {Political Science Research and Methods},
number = {2},
pages = {263--280},
title = {{Sponsoring Early Day Motions in the British House of Commons as a Response to Electoral Vulnerability}},
volume = {1},
year = {2013}
}
@book{Firth1957,
address = {New Jersey, US},
author = {Firth, John Rupert},
publisher = {Wiley-Blackwell},
title = {{Studies in Linguistic Analysis}},
year = {1957}
}
@article{Eggers2017,
abstract = {Previous research suggests that female politicians face higher standards in public life, perhaps in part because female voters expect more from female politicians than from male politicians. Most of this research is based on observational evidence. We assess the relationship between accountability and gender using a novel survey vignette experiment fielded in the United Kingdom in which voters choose between a hypothetical incumbent (who could be male or female, corrupt or noncorrupt) and another candidate. We do not find that female politicians face significantly greater punishment for misconduct. However, the effect of politician gender on punishment varies by voter gender, with female voters in particular more likely to punish female politicians for misconduct. Our findings have implications for research on how descriptive representation affects electoral accountability and on why corruption tends to correlate negatively with women's representation.},
author = {Eggers, Andrew C. and Vivyan, Nick and Wagner, Markus},
doi = {10.1086/694649},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Eggers, Vivyan, Wagner - 2017 - Corruption, Accountability, and Gender Do Female Politicians Face Higher Standards in Public Life.pdf:pdf},
isbn = {201902:29:07},
journal = {Journal of Politics },
number = {1},
pages = {321--326},
title = {{Corruption, Accountability, and Gender: Do Female Politicians Face Higher Standards in Public Life?}},
volume = {80},
year = {2017}
}
@article{Searles2020,
abstract = {Campaigns disproportionately choose men to voice their political ads, but it is not clear that men's voices are more credible or better able to persuade an audience. We employ experimental data and novel survey data to test theoretical expectations about the circumstances under which men's and women's voices might be more or less effective, specifically looking at how gender association of the ad issues and gender of the message recipient shape the effectiveness of the ad. We find that men's voices are not universally more effective than women's voices and under some circumstances may even be less effective.},
author = {Searles, Kathleen and Fowler, Erika Franklin and Ridout, Travis N. and Strach, Patricia and Zuber, Katherine},
doi = {10.1080/15377857.2017.1330723},
file = {:Users/lotte/Dropbox/PhD/topic{\_}project/lit/The Effects of Men s and Women s Voices in Political Advertising.pdf:pdf},
issn = {15377865},
journal = {Journal of Political Marketing},
keywords = {gender,political advertising,voice-over},
number = {3},
pages = {301--329},
title = {{The Effects of Men's and Women's Voices in Political Advertising}},
volume = {19},
year = {2020}
}
@article{Branton2018,
abstract = {Extant women {\&} politics literature suggests males are perceived to be better leaders than females. Men are more likely than women to be perceived as competent, decisive, and capable of handling crises–all important qualities for elected officials. This research suggests, on average, female elected officials are viewed as less competent than their male colleagues. Yet, extant literature typically examines perceived competency of elected officials in a vacuum. Notably, the research does not take in to account how the gender and quality of opposing candidates may influence the perceived competency of an elected official. In this research note, we address this limitation by examining evaluations of members of the U.S. House (henceforth MC) relative to the evaluations of their challenger. We find gender differences are larger and more pronounced when we compare male and female MCs competing against quality challengers.},
author = {Branton, Regina and English, Ashley and Pettey, Samantha and Barnes, Tiffany D.},
doi = {10.1016/j.electstud.2018.04.002},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Branton et al. - 2018 - The impact of gender and quality opposition on the relative assessment of candidate competency.pdf:pdf},
issn = {02613794},
journal = {Electoral Studies},
title = {{The impact of gender and quality opposition on the relative assessment of candidate competency}},
year = {2018}
}
@article{Ziv1977,
abstract = {A universal algorithm for sequential data compression is presented. Its performance is investigated with respect to a nonprobabilistic model of constrained sources. The compression ratio achieved by the proposed universal code uniformly approaches the lower bounds on the compression ratios attainable by block-to-variable codes and variable-to-block codes designed to match a completely specified source. {\textcopyright} 1977, IEEE. All rights reserved.},
author = {Ziv, Jacob and Lempel, Abraham},
file = {::},
issn = {15579654},
journal = {IEEE Transactions on Information Theory},
number = {3},
pages = {337--343},
title = {{A Universal Algorithm for Sequential Data Compression}},
volume = {23},
year = {1977}
}
@article{Roberts2019,
abstract = {Seemingly, gender, language, and partisanship are intertwined concepts. We believe that the use of gendered language in political settings may be used strategically by political elites. The purpose of this paper is to craft a tool for scholars to test the interconnection between politics, gender, and language—what we refer to as being the gendered language and partisanship nexus. We test our prediction using original word rating data. From our test, we find significant variation across seven hundred words in ratings as masculine and feminine and discover that words rated as masculine are more likely to be rated as dominant and negatively valenced. We additionally find that Republican men are most likely to rate words as more masculine. Using this dictionary, we find that Republican presidents are more likely to use masculine language than Democratic presidents in their State of the Union addresses and that the Republican Party uses more masculine language than the Democratic Party in their official party platform.},
author = {Roberts, Damon C. and Utych, Stephen M.},
doi = {10.1177/1065912919874883},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Roberts, Utych - 2019 - Linking Gender, Language, and Partisanship Developing a Database of Masculine and Feminine Words.pdf:pdf},
journal = {Political Research Quarterly},
number = {1},
pages = {40--50},
title = {{Linking Gender, Language, and Partisanship: Developing a Database of Masculine and Feminine Words}},
volume = {73},
year = {2020}
}
@techreport{Lilly2018,
abstract = {Parliamentary Monitor is a new Institute for Government project taking a data-driven look at the work of Parliament to improve effectiveness of government. It examines the resources involved in running the Houses of Parliament, how legislation is passed and how government is scrutinised.},
address = {London},
annote = {1243},
author = {IFG},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/IFG - 2018 - Parliamentary Monitor 2018.pdf:pdf},
institution = {Institute for Government},
title = {{Parliamentary Monitor 2018}},
url = {www.instituteforgovernment.org.uk/parliamentary-monitor},
year = {2018}
}
@article{Baumann2017,
abstract = {Mixed-member electoral systems are supposed to simultaneously produce coherent parties and ensure the represen- tation of local interests. Whether these goals are achieved depends on the ability of parties and districts to control members of parliament (MPs). We regard the competitiveness of MPs' bids for renomination as a crucial indicator of the degree to which MPs are punished when deviating from the interests of their principals. The theoretical account we develop makes the competitiveness of MP renomination conditional on the characteristics of the electoral system, the candidate selection regime, an MP's parliamentary behavior, government status, and district characteristics. Corrob- orating our expectations, the analysis of the candidate selection processes in the run-up to the 2013 German Bundestag election shows that an increasing degree of ideological deviation from the party line—as expressed in parliamentary speeches—results in a worse position on the party list for opposition MPs but does not affect the renomination of list candidates from the government camp or district candidates.},
author = {Baumann, Markus and Debus, Marc and Klingelh{\"{o}}fer, Tristan},
doi = {10.1086/690945},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Baumann, Debus, Klingelh{\"{o}}fer - 2017 - Keeping One's Seat The Competitiveness of MP Renomination in Mixed-Member Electoral Systems.pdf:pdf},
issn = {0022-3816},
journal = {The Journal of Politics},
number = {3},
pages = {979--994},
title = {{Keeping One's Seat: The Competitiveness of MP Renomination in Mixed-Member Electoral Systems}},
volume = {79},
year = {2017}
}
@article{Diermeier2011,
abstract = {Legislative speech records from the 101st to 108th Congresses of the US Senate are analysed to study political ideologies. A widely-used text classification algorithm-Support Vector Machines (SVM)-allows the extraction of terms that are most indicative of conservative and liberal positions in legislative speeches and the prediction of senators' ideological positions, with a 92 per cent level of accuracy. Feature analysis identifies the terms associated with conservative and liberal ideologies. The results demonstrate that cultural references appear more important than economic references in distinguishing conservative from liberal congressional speeches, calling into question the common economic interpretation of ideological differences in the US Congress. Over at least fifty years of research, ideology has been used to explain the political behaviour of voters, legislators and other political agents. Ideologies give structure to an individual's view on various issues. Intuitively, a political ideology specifies which issue positions go together, the 'knowledge of what-goes-with-what'. 1 Ideologies do not necessarily imply a logically consistent political, economic or social world view. Indeed, as Converse argued, the association between issues may just be contingent and reflective of a particular, perhaps cultural or historical, experience. 2 Nevertheless, ideologies constrain. It is quite unlikely (though not impossible) that a randomly selected American voter who opposes universal health insurance, gun control, affirmative action, environmental regulation, abortion and higher taxes also supports gay marriage. Converse expresses this idea as follows: 'Constraint may be taken to mean the success we would have in predicting, given an initial knowledge that an individual holds a special attitude, that he holds certain further ideas and attitudes.' 3 Measuring ideological orientations, however, has always been a difficult task. Unlike party affiliation, for example, ideology is not directly observable. Consequently, scholars have employed different strategies to measure ideological positions, ranging from survey responses to statistical estimates based on voting records. In legislative politics, and especially for the},
author = {Diermeier, Daniel and {Ois Godbout}, Jean-fran{\c{c}} and Kaufmann, Stefan},
doi = {10.1017/S0007123411000160},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Diermeier, Ois Godbout, Kaufmann - 2011 - Language and Ideology in Congress.pdf:pdf},
journal = {British Journal of Political Science},
pages = {31--55},
title = {{Language and Ideology in Congress}},
volume = {42},
year = {2011}
}
@article{Rudman2004,
abstract = {Four experiments confirmed that women's automatic in-group bias is remarkably stronger than men's and investigated explanations for this sex difference, derived from potential sources of implicit attitudes (L. A. Rudman, 2004). In Experiment 1, only women (not men) showed cognitive balance among in-group bias, identity, and self-esteem (A. G. Greenwald et al., 2002), revealing that men lack a mechanism that bolsters automatic own group preference. Experiments 2 and 3 found pro-female bias to the extent that participants automatically favored their mothers over their fathers or associated male gender with violence, suggesting that maternal bonding and male intimidation influence gender attitudes. Experiment 4 showed that for sexually experienced men, the more positive their attitude was toward sex, the more they implicitly favored women. In concert, the findings help to explain sex differences in automatic in-group bias and underscore the uniqueness of gender for intergroup relations theorists.},
author = {Rudman, Laurie A. and Goodwin, Stephanie A.},
doi = {10.1037/0022-3514.87.4.494},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Rudman, Goodwin - 2004 - Gender Differences in Automatic In-Group Bias Why Do Women Like Women More Than Men Like Men.pdf:pdf},
issn = {00223514},
journal = {Journal of Personality and Social Psychology},
number = {4},
pages = {494--509},
title = {{Gender Differences in Automatic In-Group Bias: Why Do Women Like Women More Than Men Like Men?}},
volume = {87},
year = {2004}
}
@article{Bergvall1999,
abstract = {The search for explanatory coherence in language and gender research has
fostered a variety of research methods and analyses; this article evaluates
the contributions of the Communities of Practice approach, with its focus on
the constructive practices of a group – especially mutual engagement of
learning a jointly negotiated practice of gender. Rather than presupposing
gender differences as a starting point, CofP emphasizes the learning and
mutability in gendered linguistic displays across groups; CofP theory thus
naturalizes intragroup variation, not marking it as deviant. However, while
the CofP approach focuses much-needed attention on the social construction
of gender as local and cross-culturally variable, gender research must be
augmented by critical study of two other facets of gender: ideology and
innateness, which are critical components of a more comprehensive theory
of gender for language research. (Community of Practice, gender, ideology,
innateness, difference, dominance, diversity)},
annote = {{\textperiodcentered}      Note to self: refer back to this article if I want to write about historical theories of gender and language 
{\textperiodcentered}      Evaluates the contribution of the Communities of Practice approach, with its focus on the constructive practices of a group – especially mutual engagement of learning a jointly negotiated practice of gender 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 274) “One explanation advanced to account for cognitive and linguistic gender differences comes from sociobiologists and their popular interpreters, who claim that such differences arose and were reified over the millennia in which women were gatherers and men were hunters (e.g. Joseph 1992, Nadeau 1996, Morris 1998).” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 277) “Under the difference approach, women were cited as better conversationalists, for using elicitory strategies that operated to raise the level of conversation for all participants (Jenkins {\&} Cheshire 1990, Cheshire {\&} Jenkins 1991), as well as for seeking rapport, nurturing, or collaborating in language, in contrast to men's one-upmanship (Tannen 1990).” 
{\textperiodcentered}      Argument: to arrive at a comprehensive theory of language and gender demands the intersection of both macro- and micro-level analyses (a multi-methodologically approach)},
author = {Bergvall, Victoria L},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Bergvall - 1999 - Toward a comprehensive theory of language and gender.pdf:pdf},
journal = {Language in Society},
pages = {273--293},
title = {{Toward a comprehensive theory of language and gender}},
url = {https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms.},
volume = {28},
year = {1999}
}
@article{Russell2014,
abstract = {High levels of party voting cohesion are common in modern legislatures. Current explanations divide into sociological (based on norms and roles) and rational choice (based on systems of punishment and reward). The latter approach dominates, but cannot explain cohesion in systems with weak disciplinary sanctions, such as the British House of Lords. Social psychology has provided a great deal of insight into conformity in groups, but this has rarely been deployed in studying parties. Neuroscience now also allows us better to understand the physiological mechanisms underlying responses such as need to belong and fear of ostracism. This article outlines key theories and findings from psychology relevant to parliamentary party cohesion, and then explores these using survey data from the relatively 'discipline free' House of Lords. It is suggested that psychological factors such as social identity are important to the operation of party groups, and stronger interdisciplinary links are proposed between political science and psychology. {\textcopyright} The Author(s) 2012.},
author = {Russell, Meg},
doi = {10.1177/1354068812453367},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Russell - 2014 - Parliamentary party cohesion Some explanations from psychology.pdf:pdf},
issn = {14603683},
journal = {Party Politics},
keywords = {House of Lords,parliamentary party groups,social identity,social psychology,voting cohesion},
number = {5},
pages = {712--723},
title = {{Parliamentary party cohesion: Some explanations from psychology}},
volume = {20},
year = {2014}
}
@book{Spirling2019a,
abstract = {We consider the properties and performance of word embeddings techniques in the context of political science research. In particular, we explore key parameter choices-including context window length, embedding vector dimensions and the use of pre-trained vs locally fit variants-with respect to efficiency and quality of inferences possible with these models. Reassuringly , with caveats, we show that results are robust to such choices for political corpora of various sizes and in various languages. Beyond reporting extensive technical findings, we provide a novel crowdsourced "Turing test"-style method for examining the relative performance of any two models that produce substantive, text-based outputs. Encouragingly, we show that popular, easily available pre-trained embeddings perform at a level close to-or surpassing-both human coders and more complicated locally-fit models. For completeness, we provide best practice advice for cases where local fitting is required.},
author = {Spirling, Arthur and Rodriguez, Pedro L.},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Spirling, Rodriguez - 2019 - Word Embeddings What works, what doesn't, and how to tell the difference for applied research(2).pdf:pdf},
publisher = {Working Paper},
title = {{Word Embeddings What works, what doesn't, and how to tell the difference for applied research}},
year = {2019}
}
@article{Fernandes2018,
abstract = {Political parties and legislators use legislative debates to establish their reputation, challenge rivals, and engage in coalition management, among many other tasks. yet, existing theories on parliamentary debates have abstracted away from the need for information and expertise, which are costly to acquire. drawing on the "informational" perspective on legislative organization, we address this problem by arguing that party leaders use committees as training arenas for their backbenchers. they task their assigned members with acquiring specific expertise and then rely heavily on those members during the corresponding debates. We turn to the Portuguese legislature, from 2000 to 2015, to discuss how saliency, government dynamics, and party size affect the use of experts. We test this theory using a novel approach to classify speeches that leverages the texts of legislation as training data for a supervised approach.},
author = {Fernandes, Jorge M and Goplerud, Max and Won, Miguel},
doi = {10.1111/lsq.12226},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Fernandes, Goplerud, Won - 2018 - Legislative Bellwethers The Role of Committee Membership in Parliamentary Debate.pdf:pdf},
journal = {Legislative Studies Quarterly},
number = {0},
pages = {1--37},
title = {{Legislative Bellwethers: The Role of Committee Membership in Parliamentary Debate}},
url = {https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/pdf/10.1111/lsq.12226},
volume = {0},
year = {2018}
}
@article{Saha2020,
abstract = {Are ambitious women punished in politics? Building on literature from negotiation, we argue that women candidates who are perceived to be ambitious are more likely to face social backlash. We first explore what the term 'ambitious' means to voters, developing and testing a new multidimensional concept of perceived ambition, from desire to run for higher office to scope of agenda. We then test the link between these 'ambitious' traits and voter support for candidates using five conjoint experiments in two countries, the U.S. and the U.K. Our results show that while ambitious women are not penalized overall, the aggregate results hide differences in taste for ambitious women across parties. We find that in the U.S. left-wing voters are more likely to support women with progressive ambition than right-wing voters (difference of 7{\%} points), while in the U.K. parties are not as divided. Our results suggest that ambitious women candidates in the U.S. face bias particularly in the context of non-partisan races (like primaries and local elections), when voters cannot rely on party labels to make decisions.},
author = {Saha, Sparsha and Weeks, Ana Catalano},
doi = {10.1007/s11109-020-09636-z},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Saha, Catalano Weeks - 2020 - Ambitious Women Gender and Voter Perceptions of Candidate Ambition.pdf:pdf},
issn = {0190-9320},
journal = {Political Behavior},
pages = {779--805},
title = {{Ambitious Women: Gender and Voter Perceptions of Candidate Ambition}},
volume = {44},
year = {2022}
}
@techreport{TheUKinaChangingEurope2020,
author = {{The UK in a Changing Europe}},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/The UK in a Changing Europe - 2020 - Brexit what next.pdf:pdf},
title = {{Brexit: what next?}},
url = {www.ukandeu.ac.uk},
year = {2020}
}
@article{Norton2003,
abstract = {The two chambers of the British Parliament have particular value in an analysis of cohesion and dissent. As Reuven Hazan has argued in the introduction to this volume, the two concepts are analytically distinct. What is clear from the introduction is that discipline is not a sub-set of cohesion. Equally, discipline covers a number of constraints and incentives designed to produce a particular type of behaviour. These disciplinary tools may be employed by different actors and, consequently, they may work in conflict rather than unison. Thus, for example, members of the House of Commons (MPs) may be subject to certain pressures to support the party leadership in a parliamentary vote. Their local party members – with the power to determine their re-selection as party candidates – may press them to vote against the party leadership. In 2003, for example, Labour MPs were expected by the party leadership to support its line on UK support for military action in Iraq. A number of Labour MPs ran into conflict with their local parties because of their support for military action. The use of disciplinary powers, therefore, does not necessarily induce cohesion. The House of Commons is far from unique in demonstrating this point. The other chamber, the House of Lords, is unique in its value. It allows us to test for cohesion in what is essentially a discipline-free environment.},
annote = {{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 57) There are plenty of reasons to expect that member of the Commons will or won't behave in cohesive ways, however the Lords allows us to test for cohesion in what is essentially a discipline-free environment 
{\textperiodcentered}      The Lords does not have the same powers as the Commons, however it is important in the legislative process, devoting time to examining the detail rather than the principle of bills 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 58) The House has a developed party organisation, it lacks the constraints and incentives that form the essential tools of party discipline. There are also no electoral constraints (members are unelected), no parliamentary constraints (members serve for life and are not subject to removal or sanctions). Given this, voting behaviour allows us to test the sociological and institutional explanations. If there is a high level of cohesion than that provides support for the sociological explanations; if there is a low level of cohesion, then that lends support to the institutional explanations 
{\textperiodcentered}      On the fact of it, the organisation of the Lords suggests it should be amenable to discipline – there are party groups and organisations (e.g. leader, frontbenchers and whips) 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 59) Therefore, there is party organisation in the house (aside from the crossbench peers, who have no party alignment) – although they still have a degree of organisation: they elect a convenor and hold a weekly meeting 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 60) Parties are well organised, but the whips have no formal powers, sticks/carrots are absent 
{\textperiodcentered}      Lack of sticks: notable absence of sanctions that can be deployed against peers who fail to toe the party line (e.g. re-election or re-selection cannot be denied). Once appointed, peers are essentially free agents 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 61) Peers exist free of electoral sanctions and parliamentary sanctions 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 62) Parties in the Lords also lack the carrots available in the Commons: e.g. those of patronage, committee assignment and resource allocation 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 63) Weapons of patronage are essentially not applicable to the Lords: members exhibit little ambition for government office, some have no ambition for government office as they have already held it 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 64) Committee assignment too is a limited tool, the legislative committee stage in the Lords is either taken on the floor of the House or in Grand Committee, which any peer can attend   
{\textperiodcentered}      Resource allocation limited too: desk space is all that is for grabs in the Lords, and there is not a great deal of difference across the offerings 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 65) Party voting: analyses the voting behaviour of peers in all divisions across 1999-2000, 2000-2001 and 2001-2002 sessions 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 66) Finding: party cohesion is not complete but it is high 
{\textperiodcentered}      Finding: the percentage of divisions witnessing members voting against their own side is not markedly higher than witnessed in some sessions in the Commons 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 68) The analysis of voting in the discipline-free Lords shows that, independent of identifiable constraints and inducements, members vote with fellow party members 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 69) Therefore, it would seem peers do not vote with their party because they feel they have to, yet because they want to due to reasons for socialisation 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 70) The analysis of the Lords demonstrates the utility of the distinction drawn between cohesion and discipline. Behaviour in the Lords displays a high level of cohesion without discipline},
author = {Norton, Philip},
doi = {10.1080/1357233042000306254},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Norton - 2003 - Cohesion without Discipline Party Voting in the House of Lords.pdf:pdf},
journal = {The Journal of Legislative Studies},
number = {4},
pages = {57--72},
publisher = {Philip Norton},
title = {{Cohesion without Discipline: Party Voting in the House of Lords}},
url = {http://www.tandfonline.com/action/journalInformation?journalCode=fjls20},
volume = {9},
year = {2003}
}
@article{Blair1991,
abstract = {Interviews with men and women legislators and lobbyists in two southern states suggest certain variations by gender in perceptions of legislative effectiveness. Like studies made nearly 20 years ago, these interviews indicate that women are far more likely than men to recount their difficulty in forging collegial bonds. Women, much more than their male colleagues, stress the need to project "toughness," to discount any female emotionalism, and to behave according to gender-based "double standards" of social conduct. As women become more numerous in state legislatures and as legislatures, including those in this study, move toward conducting themselves in a more issue-oriented and professional manner, gender differences are expected to decrease.},
author = {Blair, Diane D and Stanley, Jeanie R},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Blair, Stanley - 1991 - Personal Relationships and Legislative Power Male and Female Perceptions.pdf:pdf},
journal = {Legislative Studies Quarterly},
number = {4},
pages = {495--507},
title = {{Personal Relationships and Legislative Power: Male and Female Perceptions}},
volume = {16},
year = {1991}
}
@article{Funk2019,
abstract = {Political parties act as gatekeepers, meaning that improvements in the representation of women depend on parties' willingness to nominate women candidates. Previous research suggests that party characteristics and gender quotas largely explain women's nominations, but overlooks the political context in which parties operate. This study highlights the gendered outcomes that occur when parties make nomination decisions in times of public discontent, namely increasing political distrust and increasing perceived corruption. We theorize that parties hold similar biases to voters: gender stereotypes that regard women as more trustworthy and honest should advantage women as political trust falls and perceptions of corruption rise. We hypothesize that parties nominate larger percentages of women in these circumstances. Using two waves of data from over 100 political parties in 18 Latin American countries, we find that parties nominate more women when a large proportion of the public distrusts the national legislature, providing support for the theory.},
author = {Funk, Kendall D. and Hinojosa, Magda and Piscopo, Jennifer M.},
doi = {10.1177/1354068819856614},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Funk, Hinojosa, Piscopo - 2019 - Women to the rescue The gendered effects of public discontent on legislative nominations in Latin Ameri.pdf:pdf},
issn = {14603683},
journal = {Party Politics},
keywords = {candidate nomination,candidate selection,gender stereotypes,political parties,women's representation},
number = {May},
title = {{Women to the rescue: The gendered effects of public discontent on legislative nominations in Latin America}},
year = {2019}
}
@article{Campbell2010,
abstract = {The UK general election of 2010 should have been a critical one for women. But it was not to be. Despite all of the main political parties claiming to want more women MPs the increase in their number relative to the 2005 Parliament was just 2.5{\%}. Women remain under-represented numerically in the House of Commons, constituting less than one-quarter of all MPs. The election campaign was largely women free too, as women married to politicians gained more attention than women politicians. Moreover, and despite enhanced inter-party competition over the women's vote-or rather, and more accurately, the votes of middle income mothers, otherwise known as the 'mumsnet' vote-women's issues and perspectives were marginalised from the campaign proper.},
author = {Campbell, Rosie and Childs, Sarah},
doi = {10.1093/pa/gsq022},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Campbell, Childs - 2010 - 'Wags', 'Wives' and 'Mothers' ... but what about women politicians.pdf:pdf},
issn = {00312290},
journal = {Parliamentary Affairs},
number = {4},
pages = {760--777},
title = {{'Wags', 'Wives' and 'Mothers' ... But What About Women Politicians?}},
volume = {63},
year = {2010}
}
@incollection{Karpowitz2014l,
abstract = {Do women participate in and influence meetings equally with men? Does gender shape how a meeting is run and whose voices are heard?The Silent Sexshows how the gender composition and rules of a deliberative body dramatically affect who speaks, how the group interacts, the kinds of issues the group takes up, whose voices prevail, and what the group ultimately decides. It argues that efforts to improve the representation of women will fall short unless they address institutional rules that impede women's voices.

Using groundbreaking experimental research supplemented with analysis of school boards, Christopher Karpowitz and Tali Mendelberg demonstrate how the effects of rules depend on women's numbers, so that small numbers are not fatal with a consensus process, but consensus is not always beneficial when there are large numbers of women. Men and women enter deliberative settings facing different expectations about their influence and authority. Karpowitz and Mendelberg reveal how the wrong institutional rules can exacerbate women's deficit of authority while the right rules can close it, and, in the process, establish more cooperative norms of group behavior and more generous policies for the disadvantaged. Rules and numbers have far-reaching implications for the representation of women and their interests.

Bringing clarity and insight to one of today's most contentious debates,The Silent Sexprovides important new findings on ways to bring women's voices into the conversation on matters of common concern.},
annote = {Chapter focus: wants to examine whether it is correct that women participate less than men during deliberation and hence have less perceived influence 

Important findings: the relationship between women speaking up more in groups and thinking they were influential/valuable contributors. Implications of this is women need to participate on an equal measure in order to feel that they are valuable 

NOTE TO SELF: equal talk time is perceived as an important measure of equality 
- (p. 115) "Instead, we find that in a formal discussion, the proportion of talk is a robust indicator of authority."
- (p. 116) "Put differently, if men tend to be “loquacious” and women tend to be "timid” during discussions of matters of common concern, and talk begets power, then women are disadvantaged by their quiescence."

(p. 118) Hypothesis: In sum, our interaction hypothesis makes the following predictions: Women underparticipate compared to men in the group either as minorities under majority rule or as majorities under unanimous rule. Minority women par- ticipate more under unanimous than majority rule, while majority women do the reverse. Minority men will also do better in groups deciding unani- mously than by majority rule. Thus our interaction hypothesis significantly qualifies the minority status and token hypotheses of gender role theory.

Measurement of speaking time: we divide the number of seconds each individual spoke by the group's total number of seconds to construct an individual's Proportion Talk (scaled 0– 1). 

Findings
- (p. 122) "Table 5.1 shows that under unanimity, the average woman accounts for a little less than 18{\%} of the conversation no matter what the gender composition of the group. Under majority rule, the average woman's Proportion Talk moves from a mere 13{\%} of the conversation in groups with only one woman to over 20{\%} in groups with four women— a substantial and statistically significant difference (p = 0.02, one- tailed)."
- (p. 137) Women are often disadvantaged in speech participation, while men are never disadvantaged 
- (p. 138) Women participate less than their equal share when they are a minority and at equal rates when in a large majority (at least under majority rule) 
- Women tend to best in enclave groups 
- Female tokens participate less than male tokens 
- Women's influence gap shrinks as their numbers group (under majority rule)},
author = {Karpowitz, Christopher F and Mendelberg, Tali},
booktitle = {The Silent Sex: Gender, Deliberation and Institutions},
chapter = {5},
edition = {First},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Karpowitz, Mendelberg - 2014 - 5. Speech as a Form of Participation Floor Time and Perceived Influence.pdf:pdf},
pages = {114--142},
publisher = {Princeton University Press},
title = {{5. Speech as a Form of Participation: Floor Time and Perceived Influence}},
url = {https://www.jstor.org/stable/pdf/j.ctt7zvffd.11.pdf?refreqid=excelsior{\%}3A3cab719e534d890f4c58b03cea7b3751},
year = {2014}
}
@article{Cowley2003,
abstract = {The 1997 British general election saw a record 120 women returned to the House of Commons, 101 of them Labour. Yet if the most striking feature of the 1997 intake into the House of Commons was the number of newly elected women, then the most striking feature of the backbench rebellions in that parliament was the lack of these women amongst the ranks of the rebels. They were less than half as likely to rebel against the party whip as the rest of the Parliamentary Labour Party; even those who did, did so around half as often. Attempts to explain this difference fall into two broad groups: (i) those that attempt to explain the difference away, as resulting from other characteristics of the women, and (ii) those that attempt to explain it-indeed, celebrate it-as evidence of a different, women's, style of political behaviour. Attempts at (i) are largely unconvincing: most of the supposed explanations for the difference do not stand up to empirical verification. Although difficult to prove, a belief in (ii) is dominant amongst the new women themselves. The 1997 British general election saw the election of an unprecedented number of women members of parliament (MPs). Some 120 women were returned, 18 per cent of the Commons. Of these, 101 sat on the Labour benches (24 per cent of the governing party), sixty-five of whom were newly elected. 1 Yet if the most striking feature of the 1997 Labour intake was the presence of so many women, then the most striking feature of the backbench rebellions in that parliament appeared to be the lack of these women amongst the ranks of the rebels. The media, which criticized all Labour MPs for their cohesion, reserved special venom for the newly elected women. 2 As Anne Perkins wrote, the women suffered 'derision as centrally-programmed automatons {\ldots} being reviled for failing to rebel, condemned as careerists-in short, one great fuschia-suited failure'. She continued: [I]t was their failure to fight collectively, in particular to unite against the lone parent benefit cuts that caused such rumpus in late 97, that earned them the reputation of betraying women who needed them for the sake of their own political futures. Most damaging, it was a view shared by more experienced women colleagues. 3 One long-serving Labour woman MP found the new intake 'very depressing'-'I don't know what they believe in'-and saw their behaviour as a 'betrayal' of all-women short listing (AWS), the system of sex quotas used by Labour in order to raise the number of women candidates selected in winnable seats. 4 A second thought that the new women MPs},
author = {Cowley, Philip and Childs, Sarah},
doi = {10.1017/S0007123403000164},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Cowley, Childs - 2003 - Too Spineless to Rebel New Labour's Women MPs.pdf:pdf},
journal = {British Journal of Political Science},
number = {2},
pages = {345--365},
publisher = {Macmillan},
title = {{Too Spineless to Rebel? New Labour's Women MPs}},
volume = {33},
year = {2003}
}
@article{Kerevel2013,
author = {Kerevel, Yann P. and Atkeson, Lonna Rae},
doi = {10.1017/s0022381613000960},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Kerevel, Atkeson - 2013 - Explaining the Marginalization of Women in Legislative Institutions.pdf:pdf},
journal = {The Journal of Politics},
number = {4},
pages = {980--992},
title = {{Explaining the Marginalization of Women in Legislative Institutions}},
volume = {75},
year = {2013}
}
@article{Berinsky,
author = {Berinsky, Adam J. and de Benefictis-Kessner, Justin and Goldberg, Megan and Margolis, Michele F.},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Berinsky et al. - Unknown - The Effect of Associative Racial Cues in Elections.pdf:pdf},
journal = {Working Paper},
keywords = {campaigns,elections,heuristics,race,voting},
title = {{The Effect of Associative Racial Cues in Elections}}
}
@misc{Morris2017,
author = {Morris, Colin},
booktitle = {The Pudding},
title = {{Are Pop Lyrics Getting More Reptitive? An Exercise in Language Compression}},
url = {https://pudding.cool/2017/05/song-repetition/},
year = {2017}
}
@article{Dahlerup1988,
abstract = {‘It takes a critical mass of women, e.g. 30 percent, to make a difference in polities' This statement is common today, even among women politicians themselves. However, the theory of the importance of the relative size of the minority has not been sufficiently developed in political science. Based on the experience of women in Scandinavian politics (today being a minority of about 30 percent), the article discusses six areas for which an increase in the proportion of the minority might lead to changes in for instance the political culture, the political discourse or the reaction to women as politicians. The article suggests that the concept of a critical mass is replaced by one of critical acts, which would seem to be more relevant when studying human beings.},
annote = {{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 277) Data for the article: “The empirical data used in this article on women in politics in the five Nordic countries comes from several sources: Lengthy interviews with 28 Nordic women politicians at the national and local level in a structured, non-representative sample (Dahlerup 1985): results from a questionnaire sent to all national political parties in the five Nordic countries (Dahlerup: The POP Survey 1984) and results from a questionnaire sent to all women's organizations and equality committees within the same political parties at national level. provided such organizations existed in the party (Dahlerup: The WOC Survey 1984); information about what strategies women in the five countries have used to improve women's political representation (Dahlerup 1988): data on women's political representation in Haavio-Mannila et al. (1985). The surveys of local councillors made by Hellevik {\&} Skard (1985) and Wallin et al. (1YKl) have provided useful information.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 279) When women are underrepresented in an organisation they are: ‘highly visible'; ‘become toke, e.g. symbols of the entire sex (group), symbols of what women can do, stand-ins for all women'; ‘role conflicts, e.g. too feminine or too masculine' 
{\textperiodcentered}      “Women politicians must prove that they are just like (just as able as) male politicians, who in general have longer seniority and whose gender occupied the political arena long before women were allowed to participate.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “Women politicians must prove that it makes a difference when more women are elected. This second demand comes from the women's organizations and the feminist movement, who critically ask why it does not make more difference that there are now more women in politics?” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 283) When more women are in politics there would be ‘changes in the social climate of political life (the political culture)' 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 284) ‘changes in the political discourse' 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 289) what would change if more women in politics: ‘the tone will be softer in politics'; ‘meetings will be less formal and less ceremonious'; ‘shorter speeches, less formal language, more to the point' 
{\textperiodcentered}      “The political culture is a complex issue which political science until now has not paid sufficient attention to. Regarded as a workplace. political life has its social conventions, its tone. its formal and informal rules, and norms of cooperation and conflict. This 'way of doing politics' varies from country to country, commune to commune, and it changes over time. Often politicians themselves are unaware of these variations.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “The individual woman in an organization dominated by men is often faced with a dilemma. Either she lives up to the norms of how women behave, and keep her female style, with the consequence that often she is not really accepted as a colleague. Or she may to some extent adapt to the style of the men, and consequently the public will call her a 'man-woman'!” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 290) “We know now that the entrance of just one woman into an all male group (and vice versa) changes the discussion and behaviour of that group. We all behave differently in front of a woman or a man.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “The higher the proportion of women in politics. the more social conventions will change, although again it is not possible 10 identify a special turning point, a critical mass. But numbers do count, even if the politicians themselves and the public are not aware of it.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 295) “The empowerment of women implies a growth in influence and power not just of individual women, but of women in general. Individual women may make it to the top, but here the focus is on changing the disadvantaged position of women in politics in general.”},
author = {Dahlerup, Drude},
doi = {10.1111/j.1467-9477.1988.tb00372.x},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Dahlerup - 1988 - From a Small to a Large Minority Women in Scandinavian Politics.pdf:pdf},
isbn = {1467-9477},
issn = {14679477},
journal = {Scandinavian Political Studies},
number = {4},
pages = {275--298},
pmid = {25950187},
title = {{From a Small to a Large Minority: Women in Scandinavian Politics}},
volume = {11},
year = {1988}
}
@article{Lawless2018,
abstract = {When women in Congress solve a high-profile problem, their colleagues and the media praise their ability to get Washington's business done by collaborating and compromising in a way that men do not. The problem with this popularly held view is that it is entirely anecdotal. In assembling several new data sets to test this proposition systematically, we find that women are more likely than men to participate in the kinds of activities that foster collegiality. But we uncover almost no evidence that women's legislative behavior on fact finding abroad, cosponsoring legislation, or engaging the legislative process differs from men's. The partisan divide that now characterizes the legislative process creates strong disincentives for women (and men) to engage in bipartisan problem solving. To be sure, women's presence in Congress promotes democratic legitimacy, but it does little to reduce gridlock and stalemate on Capitol Hill.},
author = {Lawless, Jennifer L. and Theriault, Sean M. and Guthrie, Samantha},
doi = {10.1086/698884},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Lawless, Theriault, Guthrie - 2018 - Nice Girls Sex, Collegiality, and Bipartisan Cooperation in the US Congress.pdf:pdf},
journal = {The Journal of Politics},
number = {4},
pages = {1268--1282},
title = {{Nice Girls? Sex, Collegiality, and Bipartisan Cooperation in the US Congress}},
volume = {80},
year = {2018}
}
@article{Yildirim2021,
abstract = {The literature on nomination procedures and intra-party politics shows that engagement in personalized parliamentary activities helps legislators get re-elected and promoted in the party list. However, as a considerable body of scholarly work suggests, women in leadership positions who are perceived to disconfirm the well-known gender stereotypes by being “too assertive” and “agentic” in the workplace may suffer from what social psychologists call the “backlash effect” (i.e., facing economic and social sanctions). Integrating insights from the literatures on perceptions of female leadership and intra-party politics, we reveal the differential effect of legislative speechmaking on the career prospects of male and female members of parliament (MPs). Specifically, using an original dataset of over thirty-five thousand parliamentary speeches and the biographies of 2,140 MPs who served in the Grand National Assembly of Turkey between 1995 and 2011, we show that the well-documented positive effect of engagement in parliamentary activities on career prospects holds for male MPs, but not for their female counterparts. In fact, we found that female MPs who were active on the legislative floor were significantly less likely to get renominated and promoted in the party rank. These results imply that the challenges facing women in leadership positions go beyond electoral competition.},
author = {Yildirim, T. Murat and Kocapınar, G{\"{u}}lnur and Ecevit, Yuksel Alper},
doi = {10.1177/1065912919861443},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Yildirim, Kocapınar, Ecevit - 2021 - Status Incongruity and Backlash against Female Legislators How Legislative Speechmaking Benefits M.pdf:pdf},
isbn = {1065912919},
issn = {10659129},
journal = {Political Research Quarterly},
keywords = {backlash effect,gender stereotypes,intra-party politics,parliament,renomination},
number = {1},
pages = {35--45},
title = {{Status Incongruity and Backlash against Female Legislators: How Legislative Speechmaking Benefits Men, but Harms Women}},
volume = {74},
year = {2021}
}
@article{Kahn1994,
abstract = {Voters see the political landscape largely through the eyes of the news media. In races for statewide office, where direct contact with politicians is rare, citizens receive most of their news about the campaign from state newspapers. Voters' dependence on the press for political information may be problematic for women running for office. A content analysis of newspaper coverage in 47 statewide campaigns between 1982 and 1988 shows that the press differentiate between male and female candidates in their campaign coverage. These differences are more dramatic in U.S. Senate races, but the differences are still evident in gubernatorial contests. In senatorial races, women receive less campaign coverage than their male counterparts and the coverage they receive is more negative--emphasizing their unlikely chances of victory. In both senatorial and gubernatorial races, women receive consistently less issue attention than their male counterparts. Furthermore, the news media seem more responsive to the messages sent by male candidates. The media's agenda more closely resembles the agenda issued by male candidates in their televised political advertisements. These systematic differences in press treatment of male and female candidates may hinder women as they strive for statewide elective office.},
author = {Kahn, Kim Fridkin},
doi = {10.2307/2132350},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Kahn - 1994 - The Distorted Mirror Press Coverage of Women Candidates for Statewide Office.pdf:pdf},
issn = {14682508},
journal = {The Journal of Politics},
number = {1},
pages = {154--173},
title = {{The Distorted Mirror: Press Coverage of Women Candidates for Statewide Office}},
volume = {56},
year = {1994}
}
@article{Lee2016,
author = {Lee, Byungkyu and Conley, Dalton},
doi = {10.1093/sf/sov098},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Lee, Conley - 2016 - Does the Gender of Offspring Affect Parental Political Orientation.pdf:pdf},
journal = {Social Forces},
number = {3},
pages = {1103--1127},
title = {{Does the Gender of Offspring Affect Parental Political Orientation?}},
volume = {94},
year = {2016}
}
@book{McLean2001,
abstract = {Available as an ebook as part of UCL.},
address = {Oxford},
author = {McLean, Iain},
publisher = {Oxford University Press},
title = {{Rational Choice and British Politics: An Analysis of Rhetoric and Manipulation}},
year = {2001}
}
@article{Huddy1993b,
author = {Huddy, Leonie and Terkildsen, Nayda},
file = {:Users/lotte/Dropbox/PhD/style{\_}experiment/lit/2111526.pdf:pdf},
journal = {American Journal of Political Science},
number = {1},
pages = {119--147},
title = {{Gender Stereotypes and the Perception of Male and Female Candidates}},
url = {http://www.jstor.org/stable/2111526},
volume = {37},
year = {1993}
}
@article{Fernandes2021a,
author = {Fernandes, Jorge M. and Debus, Marc and B{\"{a}}ck, Hanna},
doi = {10.1111/1475-6765.12454},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Fernandes, Debus, B{\"{a}}ck - 2021 - Unpacking the politics of legislative debates.pdf:pdf},
journal = {European Journal of Political Research},
keywords = {electoral systems,legislative debates,political par-,representation},
pages = {1--27},
title = {{Unpacking the politics of legislative debates}},
year = {2021}
}
@article{Jagarlamudi2012,
abstract = {Topic models have great potential for helping users understand document corpora. This potential is stymied by their purely unsupervised nature, which often leads to topics that are neither entirely meaningful nor effective in extrinsic tasks (Chang et al., 2009). We propose a simple and effective way to guide topic models to learn topics of specific interest to a user. We achieve this by providing sets of seed words that a user believes are representative of the underlying topics in a corpus. Our model uses these seeds to improve both topicword distributions (by biasing topics to produce appropriate seed words) and to improve document-Topic distributions (by biasing documents to select topics related to the seed words they contain). Extrinsic evaluation on a document clustering task reveals a significant improvement when using seed information, even over other models that use seed information n{\"{a}}ively.},
author = {Jagarlamudi, Jagadeesh and Dauḿe, Hal and Udupa, Raghavendra},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Jagarlamudi, Dauḿe, Udupa - 2012 - Incorporating lexical priors into topic models.pdf:pdf},
isbn = {9781937284190},
journal = {13th Conference of the European Chapter of the Association for Computational Linguistics, Proceedings},
pages = {204--213},
title = {{Incorporating lexical priors into topic models}},
year = {2012}
}
@incollection{Beckwith2014,
address = {Oxford},
author = {Beckwith, Karen},
booktitle = {Representation: The Case of Women's Interests},
editor = {Taylor-Robinson, Michelle and Escobar-Lemmon, Maria},
pages = {19--40},
publisher = {Oxford University Press},
title = {{Plotting the Path from One to the Other: Women's Interests and Political Representation}},
year = {2014}
}
@article{Holman2018,
abstract = {Collaboration plays a key role in crafting good public policy. We use a novel data set of over 140,000 pieces of legislation considered in US state legislatures in 2015 to examine the factors associated with women's collaboration with each other. We articulate a theory that women's collaboration arises from opportunity structures, dictated by an interaction of individual and institutional characteristics. Examining the effect of a combination of characteristics, we find support for an interactive view of institutions, where women's caucuses accelerate collaboration in Democratic-controlled bodies and as the share of women increases. Collaboration between women also continues in the face of increased polarization in the presence of a caucus, but not absent one. Our findings speak to the long-term consequences of electing women to political office, the importance of institutions and organizations in shaping legislative behavior, and the institutionalization of gender in politics.},
author = {Holman, Mirya R. and Mahoney, Anna},
doi = {10.1111/lsq.12199},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Holman, Mahoney - 2018 - Stop, Collaborate, and Listen Women's Collaboration in US State Legislatures.pdf:pdf},
issn = {19399162},
journal = {Legislative Studies Quarterly},
keywords = {US politics,bill sponsorship,caucuses,collaboration,state legislatures,women and politics},
number = {2},
pages = {179--206},
title = {{Stop, Collaborate, and Listen: Women's Collaboration in US State Legislatures}},
volume = {43},
year = {2018}
}
@incollection{OBrien2019,
annote = {Pre publication},
author = {O'Brien, Diana Z. and Piscopo, Jennifer M.},
booktitle = {Handbook of Women's Political Rights},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/O'Brien, Piscopo - 2019 - The Impact of Women in Parliament.pdf:pdf},
title = {{The Impact of Women in Parliament}},
year = {2019}
}
@article{Druckman2013,
abstract = {Competition is a defining element of democracy. One of the most noteworthy events over the last quarter-century in U.S. politics is the change in the nature of elite party competition: The parties have become increasingly polarized. Scholars and pundits actively debate how these elite patterns influence polarization among the public (e.g., have citizens also become more ideologically polarized?). Yet, few have addressed what we see as perhaps more fundamental questions: Has elite polarization altered the way citizens arrive at their policy opinions in the first place and, if so, in what ways? We address these questions with a theory and two survey experiments (on the issues of drilling and immigration). We find stark evidence that polarized environments fundamentally change how citizens make decisions. Specifically, polarization intensifies the impact of party endorsements on opinions, decreases the impact of substantive information and, perhaps ironically, stimulates greater confidence in those-less substantively grounded-opinions. We discuss the implications for public opinion formation and the nature of democratic competition. {\textcopyright} 2013 American Political Science Association.},
author = {Druckman, James N. and Peterson, Erik and Slothuus, Rune},
doi = {10.1017/S0003055412000500},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Druckman, Peterson, Slothuus - 2013 - How elite partisan polarization affects public opinion formation.pdf:pdf},
issn = {15375943},
journal = {American Political Science Review},
number = {1},
pages = {57--79},
title = {{How elite partisan polarization affects public opinion formation}},
volume = {107},
year = {2013}
}
@article{Cronqvist2017,
author = {Cronqvist, Henrik and Yu, Frank},
doi = {10.1016/j.jfineco.2017.09.003},
issn = {0304-405X},
journal = {Journal of Financial Economics},
keywords = {CEOs,Corporate social responsibility,Family environment,Female socialization},
pages = {543--562},
publisher = {Elsevier B.V.},
title = {{Shaped by their daughters: Executives female socialization, and corporate social responsibility}},
url = {https://doi.org/10.1016/j.jfineco.2017.09.003},
volume = {126},
year = {2017}
}
@article{Rice2019,
abstract = {Contemporary dictionary-based approaches to sentiment analysis exhibit serious validity problems when applied to specialized vocabularies, but human-coded dictio-naries for such applications are often labor-intensive and inefficient to develop. We develop a class of " minimally-supervised " approaches for the creation of a sentiment dictionary from a corpus of text drawn from a specialized vocabulary. We demon-strate the validity of this approach through comparison to a well-known standard (nonspecialized) sentiment dictionary, and show its usefulness in an application to the specialized language used in U.S. federal appellate court decisions.},
annote = {Look at this again if I decided to take a sentiment analysis approach},
author = {Rice, Douglas R. and Zorn, Christopher},
doi = {10.1017/psrm.2019.10},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Rice, Zorn - 2019 - Corpus-based dictionaries for sentiment analysis of specialized vocabularies.pdf:pdf},
journal = {Political Science Research and Methods},
number = {1},
pages = {20--35},
title = {{Corpus-Based Dictionaries for Sentiment Analysis of Specialized Vocabularies}},
volume = {9},
year = {2021}
}
@article{Yildirim2020,
abstract = {The introduction of legislative television as a transparency initiative has been welcomed in an increasing number of democracies. The impact of television cameras on parliamentary behavior, however, has received scant attention in systems where personal vote-earning attributes are thought to be of little importance (e.g., closed-list proportional representation). Additionally, studies examining this relationship relied exclusively on over-time variation in legislative behavior (i.e., before and after the introduction of television into parliament), which arguably has important deficiencies in demonstrating the true effect of legislative television. Capitalizing on a unique quasi-experimental setting, the present study aims to close these gaps in the literature by analyzing parliamentary activities in Turkey, where the legislative television was restricted to 3 days per week (Tuesday, Wednesday, and Thursday) in 2011 after almost two decades of continuous 7-day operation. Results based on original data sets of parliamentary activities from the pre- and postreform periods (2009–11 and 2011–13) indicate that the varying presence of television cameras exacerbated the effect of electoral and reputation-building motivations on parliamentary behavior, encouraging electorally unsafe and junior MPs to shift their constituency focus to the televised proceedings. The results offer important implications for the study of legislative transparency and constituency representation in party-list proportional representation systems.},
author = {Yildirim, T. Murat},
doi = {10.1111/lsq.12256},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Yildirim - 2020 - Politics of Constituency Representation and Legislative Ambition under the Glare of Camera Lights.pdf:pdf},
issn = {19399162},
journal = {Legislative Studies Quarterly},
keywords = {Turkey,closed-list proportional representation systems,constituency representation,legislative behavior,legislative television},
number = {1},
pages = {101--130},
title = {{Politics of Constituency Representation and Legislative Ambition under the Glare of Camera Lights}},
volume = {45},
year = {2020}
}
@article{Sevi2022,
author = {Sevi, Semra},
doi = {10.1111/lsq.12376},
file = {:Users/lotte/Dropbox/PhD/topic{\_}project/lit/Legislative Studies Qtrly - 2022 - Sevi - Is Incumbency Advantage Gendered.pdf:pdf},
journal = {Legislative Studies Quarterly},
number = {Forthcoming},
pages = {1--19},
title = {{Is Incumbency Advantage Gendered?}},
year = {2022}
}
@article{Mansbridge2003,
author = {Mansbridge, Jane},
journal = {American Political Science Review},
number = {4},
pages = {515--528},
title = {{Rethinking Representation}},
volume = {97},
year = {2003}
}
@book{Coates1989,
address = {Harlow},
author = {Coates, Jennifer and Cameron, Deborah},
isbn = {0582009693},
pages = {191},
publisher = {Longman},
title = {{Women in their Speech Communities: New Perspectives on Language and Sex}},
year = {1989}
}
@book{Mikolov2013,
abstract = {We propose two novel model architectures for computing continuous vector representations of words from very large data sets. The quality of these representations is measured in a word similarity task, and the results are compared to the previously best performing techniques based on different types of neural networks. We observe large improvements in accuracy at much lower computational cost, i.e. it takes less than a day to learn high quality word vectors from a 1.6 billion words data set. Furthermore, we show that these vectors provide state-of-the-art performance on our test set for measuring syntactic and semantic word similarities.},
archivePrefix = {arXiv},
arxivId = {1301.3781v3},
author = {Mikolov, Tomas and Chen, Kai and Corrado, Greg and Dean, Jeffrey},
eprint = {1301.3781v3},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Mikolov et al. - 2013 - Efficient Estimation of Word Representations in Vector Space.pdf:pdf},
publisher = {Working Paper},
title = {{Efficient Estimation of Word Representations in Vector Space}},
year = {2013}
}
@article{Schwarz2017,
abstract = {W ell-established methods exist for measuring party positions, but reliable means for estimating intra-party preferences remain underdeveloped. While most efforts focus on estimating the ideal points of individual legislators based on inductive scaling of roll call votes, this data suffers from two problems: selection bias due to unrecorded votes and strong party discipline, which tends to make voting a strategic rather than a sincere indication of preferences. By contrast, legislative speeches are relatively unconstrained, as party leaders are less likely to punish MPs for speaking freely as long as they vote with the party line. Yet, the differences between roll call estimations and text scalings remain essentially unexplored, despite the growing application of statistical analysis of textual data to measure policy preferences. Our paper addresses this lacuna by exploiting a rich feature of the Swiss legislature: on most bills, legislators both vote and speak many times. Using this data, we compare text-based scaling of ideal points to vote-based scaling from a crucial piece of energy legislation. Our findings confirm that text scalings reveal larger intra-party differences than roll calls. Using regression models, we further explain the differences between roll call and text scalings by attributing differences to constituency-level preferences for energy policy. LEGISLATIVE SPEECHES AND LEGISLATIVE VOTES A ccurately estimating the policy preferences of individual legislators has long formed a key part of efforts to model intra-party politics. To date, the vast majority of work in this area has relied on inductive scaling of roll call votes, using either discriminant (Poole and Rosenthal 1997) or Bayesian statistical methods (Clinton, Jackman and Rivers 2004). Yet, roll call votes in parliamentary systems suffer from a number of problems that prevent them from forming a reliable basis for estimating legislators' ideal points. In most settings, a significant proportion of legislative votes are not recorded, often for strategic reasons, while the votes that are singled out for roll calls may also be politically motivated, both resulting in selection bias (VanDoren 1990; Carrubba et al. 2006; Carrubba, Gabel and Hug 2008; Hug 2010). Perhaps more significantly, voting in most parliamentary systems is tightly controlled through party discipline, meaning that legislators vote with their party possibly not because of their policy preferences, but rather in spite of them (Laver, Benoit and Garry 2003; Proksch and Slapin 2010).},
author = {Schwarz, Daniel and Traber, Denise and Benoit, Kenneth},
doi = {10.1017/psrm.2015.77},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Schwarz, Traber, Benoit - 2017 - Estimating Intra-Party Preferences Comparing Speeches to Votes.pdf:pdf},
journal = {Political Science Research and Methods},
number = {2},
pages = {379--396},
title = {{Estimating Intra-Party Preferences: Comparing Speeches to Votes}},
url = {https:/www.cambridge.org/core/terms.https://doi.org/10.1017/psrm.2015.77Downloadedfromhttps:/www.cambridge.org/core.London},
volume = {5},
year = {2017}
}
@article{Rudman2001,
author = {Rudman, Laurie A. and Glick, Peter},
journal = {Journal of Social Issues},
number = {4},
pages = {743--62},
title = {{Prescriptive Gender Stereotypes and Backlash toward Agentic Women}},
volume = {57},
year = {2001}
}
@article{Mughan1997,
abstract = {Legislative socialisation has long been an important force for political deradicalisation in capitalist democracies worldwide. It remains barely explored, however, in large part because it is a process very difficult to track by conventional observational or survey methods. We circumvent these problems by taking advantage of an unusually propitious vote on televising the proceedings of the British House of Commons to chart the institutional deradicalisation of its Labour members. Socialisation effects are shown to be non-linear and, while the difference is not statistically significant, to be marginally stronger among Members of Parliament (MPs) with frontbench experience. The somewhat greater conservatism of frontbenchers, however, cannot be explained by anticipatory socialisation. Rather, it seems to be a function of doing well under 'rules of the parliamentary game' threatened by proposals for institutional reform.},
author = {Mughan, Anthony and Box-Steffensmeier, Janet and Scully, Roger},
doi = {10.1111/1475-6765.00333},
file = {:Users/lotte/Dropbox/PhD/topic{\_}project/lit/mapping.pdf:pdf},
issn = {03044130},
journal = {European Journal of Political Research},
number = {1},
pages = {93--106},
title = {{Mapping legislative socialisation}},
volume = {32},
year = {1997}
}
@article{Hanretty2018,
abstract = {Political scientists interested in estimating how public opinion varies by constituency have developed several strategies for supplementing limited constituency survey data with additional sources of information. We present two evaluation studies in the previously unexamined context of British constituency-level opinion: An external validation study of party vote share in the 2010 general election and a cross-validation of opinion toward the European Union. We find that most of the gains over direct estimation come from the inclusion of constituency-level predictors, which are also the easiest source of additional information to incorporate. Individual-level predictors combined with post-stratification particularly improve estimates from unrepresentative samples, and geographic local smoothing can compensate for weak constituency-level predictors. We argue that these findings are likely to be representative of applications of these methods where the number of constituencies is large.},
author = {Hanretty, Chris and Lauderdale, Benjamin E. and Vivyan, Nick},
doi = {10.1017/psrm.2015.79},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Hanretty, Lauderdale, Vivyan - 2018 - Comparing Strategies for Estimating Constituency Opinion from National Survey Samples.pdf:pdf},
issn = {20498489},
journal = {Political Science Research and Methods},
number = {3},
pages = {571--591},
title = {{Comparing Strategies for Estimating Constituency Opinion from National Survey Samples}},
volume = {6},
year = {2018}
}
@article{Paolino1995,
author = {Paolino, Phillip},
file = {:Users/lotte/Dropbox/PhD/topic{\_}project/lit/2111614.pdf:pdf},
journal = {American Journal of Political Science},
number = {2},
pages = {294--313},
title = {{Group-Salient Issues and Group Representation: Support for Women Candidates in the 1992}},
volume = {39},
year = {1995}
}
@article{Price2020,
abstract = {Niederle and Vesterlund (2007) document a large disparity between male and female choices in payment scheme in a simple addition task. This note describes a pure replication conducted at Purdue University in 2008 that fails to replicate these results. Analysis suggests that, although other studies have replicated the previous result, a difference in confidence which is correlated with student status (i.e. undergraduate, graduate or other) is the main contributor to the non-replication. These results are in line with recent research which suggests that much of the gender difference for competition is attributed to differences in confidence and risk preferences and proposes a valuable policy avenue which may help to attenuate the gender competition divide.},
author = {Price, Curtis R.},
doi = {10.2139/ssrn.1444100},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Price - 2020 - Do women shy away from competition Do men compete too much A (failed) replication.pdf:pdf},
issn = {15452921},
journal = {Economics Bulletin},
number = {2},
pages = {1538--1547},
title = {{Do women shy away from competition? Do men compete too much?: A (failed) replication}},
volume = {40},
year = {2020}
}
@article{Marland2018,
author = {Marland, Alex},
doi = {10.1080/11926422.2018.1461665},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Marland - 2018 - The brand image of Canadian Prime Minister Justin Trudeau in international context.pdf:pdf},
issn = {2157-0817},
journal = {Canadian Foreign Policy Journal},
number = {2},
pages = {139--144},
publisher = {Alex Marland},
title = {{The brand image of Canadian Prime Minister Justin Trudeau in international context}},
url = {https://www.tandfonline.com/action/journalInformation?journalCode=rcfp20},
volume = {24},
year = {2018}
}
@article{Bystrom2001,
author = {Bystrom, Dianne G. and Robertson, Terry A. and Banwart, Mary Christine},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Bystrom, Robertson, Banwart - 2001 - Framing the Fight An Analysis of Media Coverage of Female and Male Candidates in Primary Races for.pdf:pdf},
journal = {American Behavioral Scientist},
number = {12},
pages = {1999--2013},
title = {{Framing the Fight: An Analysis of Media Coverage of Female and Male Candidates in Primary Races for Governor and U.S. Senate in 2000}},
volume = {44},
year = {2001}
}
@article{Pennebaker1999,
author = {Pennebaker, James W. and King, Laura A.},
doi = {10.1037/0022-3514.77.6.1296},
journal = {Journal of Personality and Social Psychology},
number = {6},
pages = {1296--1312},
title = {{Linguistic styles: Language use as an individual difference.}},
volume = {77},
year = {1999}
}
@article{MaeKelly1991,
abstract = {In this article we examine the extent to which women in public office exhibit a different voice from that of male officeholders. We explore rationales that justify a different voice as well as how this difference manifests itself in politics. Then we present a model of the different types of voices female public officials have exercised. The research indicates that as the number of women in public office grows, increasing differences will be seen not so much between women and men officeholders as among women officeholders themselves. Finally, we expect to see women in public office advocating a wider variety of policy goals, and as women in public office increase in number, we expect to see a redefinition emerge of the political.},
annote = {{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 78) “At a minimum, a different voice means being different from – but not inferior to superior to – men in a consistent, predictable way.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “More contemporary rationales cite biological, psychological, or sociological research to demonstrate why women would have a different voice.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “Power and assertiveness, traditionally seen as vital components of political interaction, have long been associated more closely with males than females.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “Women view power as a means to promote change, whereas men view power as a means of having influence over other people.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 79) “A woman, from this perspective, approaches decision making by considering others. For the mature male, on the other hand, morality consists of the protection of individual rights. These differences in socialisation are said to produce two distinct voices – the male voice and the female voice.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “Women also tend to choose educational paths and professional careers that differ from those that men choose.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 80) “By electing more women to public office, feminists assumed that women would represent other women, speak for women's interests, and change the content and direction of public policy.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 81) “In a recent study, Becker found that many female state legislators exhibited fewer traditionally feminine characteristics and more androgynous and masculine characteristics than do women in general.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 82) “Strong evidence has been presented that ‘women public officials represent women not only by ‘standing for' them but also by ‘acting for'' them.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “women legislators, in contrast to the men, were more concerned with their responsibilities to the community and spent a good portion of time involved with civic goals.”
{\textperiodcentered}      “Nonetheless, it is evident that women often do speak in a different voice from that of men and in various different voice among themselves.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “Women public officials present a wide spectrum of interests and behaviours. One perspective is broadly humanistic; the other is a more specific women's perspective.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “Within each of these perspectives women can adopt either a consensual or a conflictual approach. That is, relative to the established political system a perspective can be either one in harmony with it or one in conflict with it.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 85) The traditional politician: “using the consensual approach within the humanistic perspective, women public officials participate as individuals, representing themselves and whatever interests their constituents share. They work with men on everything.”  - “no particular gender differences are articulated by these female political actors. Males represent females and females represent males.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      The traditional liberal feminist: “The consensual approach combined with the women's-interest perspective produces the female political actor who specifically represents women's views while also accepting the norms and practices of the established political systems.” – “Female public officials operating within this perspective would typically focus on recruiting more women to the system, emphasising their rights to participate and their rights to garner resources for women's traditional concerns.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 86) The caring humanist: “Gender gap issues – where gender differences in opinions on war, peace, nuclear weapons, use of force or violence, and income distribution, among others, are found – are documented and relatively long-standing.” – “Although women's interests are part of the caring worldview, the caring humanist is less concerned with equality issues per se and more concerned with social justice and ecological balance.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      The change-orientated feminist: “Female public officials in the conflictual quadrants are more likely to assert that sexism is systematic throughout society and that basic changes in the political, economic, and social system must be made if women are to become more than nominally equal. Over time, it appears that more women have moved to the women's-interest conflict quadrant. These female public officials openly represent women and women's interests, oppose male dominance and male bias, accept conflict with men and traditional women as part of political life, and argue for changing the meaning of quality.”},
author = {{Mae Kelly}, Rita and Saint-Germain, Michelle and Horn, Jody D.},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Mae Kelly, Saint-Germain, Horn - 1991 - Female Public Officials A Different Voice.pdf:pdf},
journal = {The Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science},
number = {1},
pages = {77--87},
title = {{Female Public Officials: A Different Voice?}},
url = {http://journals.sagepub.com/doi/pdf/10.1177/0002716291515001007},
volume = {515},
year = {1991}
}
@misc{Lyons2019,
author = {Lyons, Kate and Busby, Mattha and Sparrow, Andrew and Greenfield, Patrick and Farrer, Martin},
booktitle = {The Guardian},
title = {{Chaotic scenes in the Commons as parliament is suspended – as it happened}},
url = {https://tinyurl.com/yxu6kysg},
year = {2019}
}
@article{Volden2013,
abstract = {Previous scholarship has demonstrated that female lawmakers differ from their male counterparts by engaging more fully in consensus-building activities. We argue that this behavioral difference does not serve women equally well in all institutional settings. Contentious and partisan activities of male lawmakers may help them outperform women when in a polarized majority party. However, in the minority party, while men may choose to obstruct and delay, women continue to strive to build coalitions and bring about new policies. We find strong evidence that minority party women in the U.S. House of Representatives are better able to keep their sponsored bills alive through later stages of the legislative process than are minority party men, across the 93 rd-110 th Congresses (1973-2008). The opposite is true for majority party women, however, who counterbalance this lack of later success by introducing more legislation. Moreover, while the legislative style of minority party women has served them well consistently across the past four decades, majority party women have become less effective as Congress has become more polarized. T he 1992 congressional elections marked a watershed moment in American electoral history, with far and away the largest influx of women elected into the U.S. Congress. With 48 women elected to the House, and six women sitting in the Senate, 1992 was denoted the "Year of the Woman," with the implicit promise for the 103 rd Congress to produce dramatic policy changes. Were these expectations realistic? Would these new lawmakers be able to effectively turn their ideas and policy goals into the law of the land? Unfortunately, such a question is difficult to answer, in no small part due to the puzzle of conflicting scholarly evidence about the overall effectiveness of female legislators. Some studies show women to be more effective than their male counterparts (e.g., Anzia and Berry 2011; Volden and Wiseman 2011), some less effective (e.g., Lazarus and Steigerwalt 2011), and some equally effective (e.g., Jeydel and Taylor 2003), both within Congress and across U.S. state legislatures (e.g., Bratton and Haynie 1999; Saint-Germain 1989). We argue that such conflicting evidence can be resolved by uniting two disparate literatures on legislative politics. One, focused on gender and legislative behavior, has shown that men and women behave differently in legislative settings. The second fo-cuses on legislative institutions, such as committees and parties, illustrating their importance in bringing about new public policies. Put simply, we argue that the goals and typical legislative styles of women serve them extraordinarily well in some institutional settings, and less well in others. Based on prior research, gender is clearly important in explaining political behavior and legislative},
annote = {You still need to pull out the sources in the bibliography},
author = {Volden, Craig and Wiseman, Alan E. and Wittmer, Dana E.},
doi = {10.1111/ajps.12010},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Volden, Wiseman, Wittmer - 2013 - When Are Women More Effective Lawmakers Than Men.pdf:pdf},
journal = {American Journal of Political Science},
number = {2},
pages = {326--341},
title = {{When Are Women More Effective Lawmakers Than Men?}},
volume = {57},
year = {2013}
}
@book{Arter2004,
annote = {Chapter 1: The Creation of a Scandinavian-Style Parliament in Scotland 
  
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 4) “A basic premise of this book is that, since devolution in 1999, Scotland has become a Scandinavian-style democracy with, as the centrepiece of its new political system, a Scandinavian-style parliament.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 8) “In fact, the Scottish Parliament is elected using a German-style additional member system – 73 in single-member constituencies and 56 from eight seven-member regions. Ironically, however, this has contributed to producing a Scandinavian rather than German level of female members, albeit not ‘descriptive representation' in its wider sense: 37.2{\%} of MSPs between 1999 and 2003 were women, compared with 45{\%} in Sweden following the September 2002 general election and only 18{\%} elected to Westminster following the 2001 general election.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 10) “The Scottish Parliament may be said to have a Scandinavian-style multiparty system, at least in the sense that Labour is comfortably the leading party with 55 seats.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 11) “As in all the Nordic countries at present except Sweden, the Scottish government is a coalition.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 15) “Not only might it reasonably be suggested that the Scottish Parliament is a Scandinavian-style assembly, but it could also be argued that its architects sought to create something approximating a Scandinavian type of parliamentary politics north of the border.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “it seems the idea was to foster a style of politics diametrically different from Westminster that would be based on high levels of consensus, compromise and co-operation between the legislature and executive.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 16) “Britain exemplifies type 1, in which majority single-party governments and strict party discipline have been accompanied by orientation towards plenary debates. The relationship between the legislature and the executive is essentially an adversarial one and inter-party negotiations across the floor of the House are rare.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 18) Type 3: ‘Majority coalitions are the norm, parliamentary parties are cohesive and disciplined and the assemblies incline to the ‘working' variety.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “Denmark, Norway and Sweden alone possess the features of type 4. Minority governments have become the norm, parties are disciplined and cohesive and their parliaments are very much of the ‘working variety' with specialist standing committees.” – negotiations across parties are the norm/common 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 20) Scotland: “Theirs was a vision of a power-sharing democracy, based on four cardinal principles – power-sharing, accountability, accessibility and equality – in which parliament would be society-directed rather than state-led” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 25) “In Scandinavia, parties are highly cohesive and maverick or individualistic voting – in committee or on the floor of the chamber – is rare.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 26) “Indeed, in recognition of this reality, it may be better to revert to considering the Scottish Parliament as a possible case of a Scandinavian-style (party-based) ‘bargaining democracy'. Inter-party negotiation and compromise may not be ‘new politics' in its radical meaning. But if it could be demonstrated to exist, this type of ‘bargaining democracy' would still be a far cry from Westminster.” 
  
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 138) On the Swedish Riksdag: “although the parliamentary parties are the dominant political actors and display high levels of cohesion, the legislative-executive relationship is significantly less adversarial than in Westminster.” 
  
Chapter 11: The Challenge of Chairing the Althingi Committees 
  
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 192) “Unlike Holyrood and the other Nordic parliaments, committee chairs and deputy chairs are allocated solely to the governing parties and do not reflect the party balance in the assembly as a whole.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 198) “Summing up, the legislative-executive balance in Iceland has favoured the government considerably more than elsewhere in Scandinavia (except Finland since 1966) and minority cabinets have been exceptional.” 
  
  
Chapter 12: The Althingi Committees in Action: Towards a ‘Committee Culture'? 
  
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 217) “Secondly, it follows from this that, while the style of oral evidence-taking depends very much on the chair, the importance of the committee's cross-examination of witnesses for the generation of legislative amendments should not be exaggerated. Most chairs made the point that they engaged in extensive consultation with the opposition members of the committee when extensive consultation with the opposition members of the committee when drawing up the list of ‘guests'.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 227) “It can be seen that there was a female majority on four or one-third of all the Althingi committees in the 127th session (December 2001) – General Affairs, Social Affairs, Education and Culture and Health and Social Security. On the latter, two-thirds of members comprised women MPs. In contrast, there was only one-third or less women on Economy and Trade, Environment, Industry and Energy, Transport and Communications and Fisheries.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 228) “All in all, it is fair to conclude that female Althingi members gravitated to the committees covering social policy, health and education, whereas those dealing with finance, the economy and various sectoral areas (fisheries in particular) were male-dominated committees.”   
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 230) “There is probably more adversarial, Westminster-style ‘old politics' in the unicameral Althingi than in any of the other Nordic parliaments. The tradition of majority coalitions since independence, coupled with the high levels of party cohesion, have meant, in the eyes of many MPs, a weak opposition and a weak parliament.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “The legislative-executive balance has virtually always favoured the government.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “The absence of time limits on plenary speeches at Second and Third Reading, and a history of extemporary floor speaking, moreover, make a persuasive case for considering the Althingi, like the House of Commons, as first and foremost ‘a debating assembly' rather than a ‘working parliament'. 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 231) “The sharp increase in the number of female parliaments – to Scottish and Scandinavian levels – has produced far more than the symbolic representation of women on the Althingi committees. Indeed, several are female-dominated. The consensus is that the increased number of women MPs has had both a significant impact on the political-parliamentary agenda, as well as contributing to strengthening the orientation towards committee work.” 
  
Chapter 13: Scotland: Towards a Scandinavian-Style Parliamentarianism? 
  
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 255) Needs to fulfil criteria of: “Negotiations (held anywhere from clubs and restaurants to party rooms and private residences) on the formation of a government, leading either to a formal (executive) coalition or power-sharing in the form of legislative coalition.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 256) Interparty negotiations are necessary 
{\textperiodcentered}      “co-operation between a number of parties on the submission of a party motion.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 257) “Three general observations on the nature of Scottish parliamentarism are worth recalling” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “as in Scandinavia, the Scottish parties are the dominant parliamentary actors and generally display high levels of cohesion.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “Second, along with Iceland, but in contrast to Sweden, there is much of the classical adversarial Westminster plenary practice in the Scottish Parliament, although in general terms the committees seek to be more consensual.” – e.g. FMQs is very much modelled on PMQs},
author = {Arter, David},
title = {{The Scottish Parliament: A Scandinavian-Style Assembly?}},
year = {2004}
}
@article{Clinton2004a,
abstract = {W e develop a Bayesian procedure for estimation and inference for spatial models of roll call voting. This approach is extremely flexible, applicable to any legislative setting, irrespective of size, the extremism of the legislators' voting histories, or the number of roll calls available for analysis. The model is easily extended to let other sources of information inform the analysis of roll call data, such as the number and nature of the underlying dimensions, the presence of party whipping, the determinants of legislator preferences, and the evolution of the legislative agenda; this is especially helpful since generally it is inappropriate to use estimates of extant methods (usually generated under assumptions of sincere voting) to test models embodying alternate assumptions (e.g., log-rolling, party discipline). A Bayesian approach also provides a coherent framework for estimation and inference with roll call data that eludes extant methods; moreover, via Bayesian simulation methods, it is straightforward to generate uncertainty assessments or hypothesis tests concerning any auxiliary quantity of interest or to formally compare models. In a series of examples we show how our method is easily extended to accommodate theoretically interesting models of legislative behavior. Our goal is to provide a statistical framework for combining the measurement of legislative preferences with tests of models of legislative behavior.},
author = {Clinton, Joshua and Jackman, Simon and Rivers, Douglas},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Clinton, Jackman, Rivers - 2004 - The Statistical Analysis of Roll Call Data(2).pdf:pdf},
journal = {American Political Science Review},
number = {2},
pages = {355--370},
title = {{The Statistical Analysis of Roll Call Data}},
volume = {98},
year = {2004}
}
@book{Bystrom2004,
address = {New York},
author = {Bystrom, Dianne G. and Robertson, Terry and Banwart, Mary Christine and Kaid, Lynda Lee},
publisher = {Routledge},
title = {{Gender and Candidate Communication: Videostyle, Webstyle, Newstyle}},
year = {2004}
}
@article{Hopkins2014,
abstract = {Many developed democracies are experiencing high immigration, and public attitudes likely shape their policy responses. Prior studies of ethnocentrism and stereotyping make divergent predictions about anti-immigration attitudes. Some contend that culturally distinctive immigrants consistently generate increased opposition; others predict that natives' reactions depend on the particular cultural distinction and associated stereotypes. This article tests these hypotheses using realistic, video-based experiments with representative American samples. The results refute the expectation that more culturally distinctive immigrants necessarily induce anti-immigration views: exposure to Latino immigrants with darker skin tones or who speak Spanish does not increase restrictionist attitudes. Instead, the impact of out-group cues hinges on their content and related norms, as immigrants who speak accented English seem to counteract negative stereotypes related to immigrant assimilation. The issue of immigration has taken center stage in many developed democracies, from the United States and the United Kingdom to the Netherlands and Italy. 1 Facing growing immigrant populations and significant popular pressure, governments in both hemispheres are paying renewed attention to immigration. One prominent explanation for that popular pressure, and for native-born attitudes toward immigrants generally, emphasizes the cultural distinctiveness of many contemporary immigrants. In the United States, 2 the Netherlands, 3},
author = {Hopkins, Daniel J},
doi = {10.1017/S0007123413000483},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Hopkins - 2014 - The Upside of Accents Language, Inter-group Difference, and Attitudes toward Immigration.pdf:pdf},
journal = {British Journal of Political Science},
pages = {531--557},
title = {{The Upside of Accents: Language, Inter-group Difference, and Attitudes toward Immigration}},
url = {http://dx.doi.org/},
volume = {45},
year = {2014}
}
@article{Lawless2004,
abstract = {Scores of political science studies reveal that female candidates fare as well as their male counterparts. But the percentage of citizens willing to support a woman presidential party nominee has significantly decreased over the last two years. Based on the results of a Knowledge Networks national random sample survey, this article offers the first empirical examination of the manner in which the atmosphere of war might affect women candidates' electoral prospects. I find that citizens prefer men's leadership traits and characteristics, deem men more competent at legislating around issues of national security and military crises, and contend that men are superior to women at addressing the new obstacles generated by the events of September 11, 2001. As a result of this gender stereotyping, levels of willingness to support a qualified woman presidential candidate are lower than they have been for decades. These findings carry broad implications for the study of women and politics. If women fare as well as men when the political climate is dominated by issues that play to women's stereotypical strengths, but are disadvantaged when "men's issues" dominate the political agenda, then we must reconsider the conclusion that winning elections has nothing to do with the sex of the candidate.},
author = {Lawless, Jennifer L.},
doi = {10.1177/106591290405700312},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Lawless - 2004 - Women, war, and winning elections Gender stereotyping in the post-September 11th era.pdf:pdf},
issn = {10659129},
journal = {Political Research Quarterly},
number = {3},
pages = {479--490},
title = {{Women, War, and Einning Elections: Gender Stereotyping in the Post-September 11th Era}},
volume = {57},
year = {2004}
}
@article{Zelenski2015,
abstract = {Citation: Settanni M and Marengo D (2015) Sharing feelings online: studying emotional well-being via automated text analysis of Facebook posts. Digital traces of activity on social network sites represent a vast source of ecological data with potential connections with individual behavioral and psychological characteristics. The present study investigates the relationship between user-generated textual content shared on Facebook and emotional well-being. Self-report measures of depression, anxiety, and stress were collected from 201 adult Facebook users from North Italy. Emotion-related textual indicators, including emoticon use, were extracted form users' Facebook posts via automated text analysis. Correlation analyses revealed that individuals with higher levels of depression, anxiety expressed negative emotions on Facebook more frequently. In addition, use of emoticons expressing positive emotions correlated negatively with stress level. When comparing age groups, younger users reported higher frequency of both emotion-related words and emoticon use in their posts. Also, the relationship between online emotional expression and self-report emotional well-being was generally stronger in the younger group. Overall, findings support the feasibility and validity of studying individual emotional well-being by means of examination of Facebook profiles. Implications for online screening purposes and future research directions are discussed.},
author = {Zelenski, John M and Serfass, David George and Tov, William and Settanni, Michele and Marengo, Davide},
doi = {10.3389/fpsyg.2015.01045},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Zelenski et al. - 2015 - Sharing feelings online studying emotional well-being via automated text analysis of Facebook posts.pdf:pdf},
journal = {Front. Psychol},
keywords = {cyberpsychology,emotional well-being,psychoinformatics,psychological assessment,psychological measurement,social networking sites},
pages = {1045},
title = {{Sharing feelings online: studying emotional well-being via automated text analysis of Facebook posts}},
url = {www.frontiersin.org},
volume = {6},
year = {2015}
}
@incollection{Karpowitz2014c,
abstract = {Do women participate in and influence meetings equally with men? Does gender shape how a meeting is run and whose voices are heard?The Silent Sexshows how the gender composition and rules of a deliberative body dramatically affect who speaks, how the group interacts, the kinds of issues the group takes up, whose voices prevail, and what the group ultimately decides. It argues that efforts to improve the representation of women will fall short unless they address institutional rules that impede women's voices. Using groundbreaking experimental research supplemented with analysis of school boards, Christopher Karpowitz and Tali Mendelberg demonstrate how the effects of rules depend on women's numbers, so that small numbers are not fatal with a consensus process, but consensus is not always beneficial when there are large numbers of women. Men and women enter deliberative settings facing different expectations about their influence and authority. Karpowitz and Mendelberg reveal how the wrong institutional rules can exacerbate women's deficit of authority while the right rules can close it, and, in the process, establish more cooperative norms of group behavior and more generous policies for the disadvantaged. Rules and numbers have far-reaching implications for the representation of women and their interests. Bringing clarity and insight to one of today's most contentious debates,The Silent Sexprovides important new findings on ways to bring women's voices into the conversation on matters of common concern.},
annote = {Design allows answering of the following Qs: how much do women and men speak? How much do women and men talk about issues of distinc- tive concern to women? Do men use interruptions to establish their status in the group? Do women use them to create a warmer tone of interaction in the group? Do women express their preferences during discussion? And how does what happens during the discussion affect the decisions the group ultimately makes? Finally, we needed postdeliberation measures to ask questions such as: How does all this affect women's and men's sense of their own worth, and sense of other members' worth, after deliberation? Is women's authority affected by gender composition and decision rule?

Benefits of a controlled experiment
- (p. 101) Wanted to ensure effecs could be attributed to gender alone. This is the main rule a controlled expierment was used, as its high internal validity is valuable despite the trade-off with external validity 

Measurement
- In terms of measuring inequality, the total participation or influence of men/women in the group isn't measured, but the participation or influence per capita (e.g. participation or influence of the average man or woman in the group)

Group assignment
- We use a 6 X 2 between- subjects experimental design, randomly assigning individuals to one of six gender compositions (that is, to a group that ranged from zero to five women) and one of two decision- rule conditions, unanimous rule or majority rule.
- (p. 108) Data on 470 individuals in 94 deliberating groups 

NOTE TO SELF: Page 109 has a table containing information about participants in groups and the decision rules of the groups },
author = {Karpowitz, Christopher F and Mendelberg, Tali},
booktitle = {The Silent Sex: Gender, Deliberation and Institutions},
chapter = {4},
edition = {First},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Karpowitz, Mendelberg - 2014 - 4. The Deliberative Justice Experiment.pdf:pdf},
pages = {97--113},
publisher = {Princeton University Press},
title = {{4. The Deliberative Justice Experiment}},
url = {https://www.jstor.org/stable/pdf/j.ctt7zvffd.10.pdf?refreqid=excelsior{\%}3A3cab719e534d890f4c58b03cea7b3751},
year = {2014}
}
@article{Gidengil2003a,
abstract = {Building on the notion of "gendered mediation," we argue that conventional news frames construct politics in stereotypically masculine terms, and we examine the implications of these news frames for the coverage of female party leaders. Content analysis of reported speech in television news coverage of the 1993 and 1997 Canadian elections, combined with the results of an experiment, reveals that the speech of the three women leaders was subject to more interpretation by the media and was reported in more negative and aggressive language. The study concludes that gendered mediation may hinder women's chances of electoral success.},
author = {Gidengil, Elisabeth and Everitt, Joanna},
doi = {10.1080/10584600390218869},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Gidengil, Everitt - 2003 - Talking Tough Gender and Reported Speech in Campaign News Coverage.pdf:pdf},
issn = {10584609},
journal = {Political Communication},
keywords = {Canada,Gender,Media,Party leaders,Reported speech},
number = {3},
pages = {209--232},
title = {{Talking Tough: Gender and Reported Speech in Campaign News Coverage}},
volume = {20},
year = {2003}
}
@article{Bird1996,
author = {Bird, Sharon R.},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Bird - 1996 - Welcome to the Men's Club Homosociality and the Maintenance of Hegemonic Masculinity.pdf:pdf},
journal = {Gender {\&} Society},
number = {2},
pages = {120--132},
title = {{Welcome to the Men's Club: Homosociality and the Maintenance of Hegemonic Masculinity}},
volume = {10},
year = {1996}
}
@article{OBrien2015a,
abstract = {In October 2012 the Danish Socialist People's Party chose Annette Vilhelmsen as its leader. With her ascension to power, women simultaneously headed all three of Denmark's governing parties for the We are grateful to Claire Annesley and Susan Franceschet for organizing this special issue and providing invaluable feedback on early drafts of the manuscript. We would also like to thank the editors and the anonymous reviewers who offered helpful comments and suggestions during the review process.},
author = {O'Brien, Diana Z and Mendez, Matthew and Peterson, Jordan Carr and Shin, Jihyun},
doi = {10.1017/S1743923X15000410},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/O'Brien et al. - 2015 - Letting Down the Ladder or Shutting the Door Female Prime Ministers, Party Leaders, and Cabinet Ministers.pdf:pdf},
journal = {Politics {\&} Gender},
number = {10},
pages = {689--717},
title = {{Letting Down the Ladder or Shutting the Door: Female Prime Ministers, Party Leaders, and Cabinet Ministers}},
volume = {11},
year = {2015}
}
@article{Stewart2015,
abstract = {The smiles and affiliative expressions of presidential candidates are important for political success, allowing contenders to nonverbally connect with potential supporters and bond with followers. Smiles, however, are not unitary displays; they are multifaceted in composition and signaling intent due to variations in performance. With this in mind, we examine the composition and perception of smiling behavior by Republican presidential candidates during the 2012 preprimary period. In this paper we review literature concerning different smile types and the muscular movements that compose them from a biobehavioral perspective. We then analyze smiles expressed by Republican presidential candidates early in the 2012 primary season by coding facial muscle activity at the microlevel using the Facial Action Coding System (FACS) to produce an inventory of politically relevant smile types. To validate the subtle observed differences between smile types, we show viewers a series of short video clips to differentiate displays on the basis of their perceived reassurance, or social signaling. The discussion considers the implications of our findings in relation to political evaluation and communication efficacy.},
author = {Stewart, Patrick A and Bucy, Erik P and Mehu, Marc},
doi = {10.1017/pls.2015.5},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Stewart, Bucy, Mehu - 2015 - Strengthening bonds and connecting with followers A biobehavioral inventory of political smiles.pdf:pdf},
journal = {Politics and the Life Sciences},
number = {1},
pages = {73--92},
title = {{Strengthening bonds and connecting with followers A biobehavioral inventory of political smiles}},
url = {https://www.cambridge.org/core/services/aop-cambridge-core/content/view/24499C8BC80FAE3D1356C9CCB0504906/S0730938415000052a.pdf/strengthening{\_}bonds{\_}and{\_}connecting{\_}with{\_}followers.pdf},
volume = {34},
year = {2015}
}
@article{Karpowitz2015a,
abstract = {Critical mass theory argues that women's numbers are a major cause of women's status and authority in a group. Applications of the theory to political settings have yielded mixed support for the theory. We unpack one mechanism that can explain when, why, and how numbers aid women. That mechanism is the norm of communication during group discussion. Our focus is on how women build or lose authority while they interact with men. We argue that numbers – and group procedures – shape norms that advance or hinder women's authority. Women's authority in turn affects the group's decision about economic redistribution – the higher the women's authority, the higher the group's generosity to the poor. We suggest that future work further explore how rules and norms affect women's status in a group by equalizing their participation and influence, with the ultimate goal being equal gender authority.},
author = {Karpowitz, Christopher F. and Mendelberg, Tali and Mattioli, Lauren},
doi = {10.1080/21565503.2014.999804},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Karpowitz, Mendelberg, Mattioli - 2015 - Why women's numbers elevate women's influence, and when they do not rules, norms, and authority.pdf:pdf},
journal = {Politics, Groups, and Identities},
number = {1},
pages = {149--177},
title = {{Why Women's Numbers Elevate Women's Influence, and When They Do Not: Rules, Norms, and Authority in Political Discussion}},
volume = {3},
year = {2015}
}
@article{Hannah2007,
abstract = {A lot has been written about how and why language use differs between women and men. Status disparity not withstanding, some apparent gender differences are a consequence of interacting with a partner who uses a particular speech style, rather than reflecting a gendered pattern of language use. To further examine the impact of conversational responses to speech style, 48 participants engaged in 2 mixed-sex conversations with 2 strangers. Participants were categorized as facilitative or nonfacilitative, and results indicated that their conversational partners responded to them in a systematic way regardless of gender. Over time, however, women and men shifted their speech towards gendered patterns. Men's talk increased, their utterances became longer, and they asked fewer questions of their partners. Women increased their use of minimal responses, reduced the amount they spoke, and asked more questions. Over time, women and men's language became more clearly differentiated.},
author = {Hannah, Annette and Murachver, Tamar},
doi = {10.1177/0261927X06303457},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Hannah, Murachver - 2007 - Gender Preferential Responses to Speech.pdf:pdf},
journal = {Journal of Language and Social Psychology},
number = {3},
pages = {274--290},
title = {{Gender Preferential Responses to Speech}},
volume = {26},
year = {2007}
}
@article{Ridgeway1999,
abstract = {The gender system includes processes that both define males and females as different in socially significant ways and justify inequality on the basis of that difference. Gender is different from other forms of social inequality in that men and women interact extensively within families and households and in other role relations. This high rate of contact between men and women raises important questions about how interaction creates experiences that confirm, or potentially could undermine, the beliefs about gender difference and inequality that underlie the gender system. Any theory of gender difference and inequality must accommodate three basic findings from research on interaction. (a). People perceive gender differences to be pervasive in interaction. (b). Studies of interaction among peers with equal power and status show few gender differences in behavior. (c). Most interactions between men and women occur in the structural context of roles or status relationships that are unequal. These status and power differences create very real interaction effects, which are often confounded with gender. Beliefs about gender difference combine with structurally unequal relationships to perpetuate status beliefs, leading men and women to recreate the gender system in everyday interaction. Only peer interactions that are not driven by cultural beliefs about the general competence of men and women or interactions in which women are status-or power-advantaged over men are likely to undermine the gender system.},
author = {Ridgeway, Cecilia L and Smith-Lovin, Lynn},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Ridgeway, Smith-Lovin - 1999 - The Gender System and Interaction.pdf:pdf},
journal = {Annual Review of Sociology},
number = {1},
pages = {191--216},
title = {{The Gender System and Interaction}},
url = {www.annualreviews.org},
volume = {25},
year = {1999}
}
@article{Bischof2018a,
abstract = {Which parties use simple language in their campaign messages, and do simple campaign messages resonate with voters' information about parties? This study introduces a novel link between the language applied during election campaigns and citizens' ability to position parties in the ideological space. To this end, how complexity of campaign messages varies across parties as well as how it affects voters' knowledge about party positions is investigated. Theoretically, it is suggested that populist parties are more likely to simplify their campaign messages to demarcate themselves from mainstream competitors. In turn, voters should perceive and process simpler campaign messages better and, therefore, have more knowledge about the position of parties that communicate simpler campaign messages. The article presents and validates a measure of complexity and uses it to assess the language of manifestos in Austria and Germany in the period 1945–2013. It shows that political parties, in general, use barely comprehensible language to communicate their policy positions. However, differences between parties exist and support is found for the conjecture about populist parties as they employ significantly less complex language in their manifestos. Second, evidence is found that individuals are better able to place parties in the ideological space if parties use less complex campaign messages. The findings lead to greater understanding of mass-elite linkages during election campaigns and have important consequences for the future analysis of manifesto data.},
author = {Bischof, Daniel and Senninger, Roman},
doi = {10.1111/1475-6765.12235},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Bischof, Senninger - 2018 - Simple politics for the people Complexity in campaign messages and political knowledge(2).pdf:pdf},
issn = {14756765},
journal = {European Journal of Political Research},
keywords = {campaigns,party competition,populism,quantitative text analysis,voter knowledge},
number = {2},
pages = {473--495},
title = {{Simple politics for the people? Complexity in campaign messages and political knowledge}},
volume = {57},
year = {2018}
}
@article{Fiket2014,
abstract = {In this article, we confront some commonly held assumptions and objections with regard to the feasibility of deliberation in a transnational and pluri-lingual setting. To illustrate our argument, we rely on an analysis of group discussions from EuroPolis, a transnational deliberative experiment that took place one week ahead of the 2009 European Parliamentary elections. The European deliberative poll is an ideal case for testing the viability of deliberative democracy across political cultures because it introduces variation in terms of constituency and group plurality under the controlled conditions of quasi-experimental scientific setting. For measuring group dynamics and interactions we apply a modified version of the Discourse Quality Index (DQI) that is combined with a qualitative content analysis of selected sequences of discussions. Findings show that participants of transnational deliberative polling 1) generally recognise the EU polity as a reference point for exercising communicative power and impact on decision-making, and 2) are in fact able to interact and debate across languages and cultures, developing a self-awareness of citizens of a shared polity and thereby turning a heterogeneous group of randomly selected citizens into a constituency of democracy.},
author = {Fiket, Irena and Olsen, Espen D.H. and Trenz, Hans J{\"{o}}rg},
doi = {10.1080/13183222.2014.11009145},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Fiket, Olsen, Trenz - 2014 - Confronting European Diversity Deliberation in a transnational and pluri-lingual setting.pdf:pdf},
issn = {13183222},
journal = {Journal of the European Institute for Communication and Culture},
number = {2},
pages = {57--73},
title = {{Confronting European Diversity: Deliberation in a transnational and pluri-lingual setting}},
volume = {21},
year = {2014}
}
@article{Seijts2015,
author = {Seijts, Gerard and Gandz, Jeffrey and Crossan, Mary and Reno, Mark},
journal = {Organizational Dynamics},
number = {1},
pages = {65--74},
title = {{Character matters: Character dimensions' impact on leader performance and outcomes}},
volume = {44},
year = {2015}
}
@techreport{Strapparava2008,
abstract = {This paper describes experiments concerned with the automatic analysis of emotions in text. We describe the construction of a large data set annotated for six basic emotions: anger, disgust, fear, joy, sadness and surprise, and we propose and evaluate several knowledge-based and corpus-based methods for the automatic identification of these emotions in text.},
author = {Strapparava, Carlo and Mihalcea, Rada},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Strapparava, Mihalcea - 2008 - Learning to Identify Emotions in Text.pdf:pdf},
isbn = {9781595937537},
title = {{Learning to Identify Emotions in Text}},
url = {http://wndomains.itc.it},
year = {2008}
}
@article{Bradac1995,
author = {Bradac, James J. and Mulac, Anthony and Thompson, Sandra A.},
doi = {10.1207/s15327973rlsi2802_1},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Bradac, Mulac, Thompson - 1995 - Men's and Women's Use of Intensifiers and Hedges in Problem-Solving Interaction Molar and Molecular Ana.pdf:pdf},
journal = {Research on Language and Social Interaction},
number = {2},
pages = {93--116},
title = {{Men's and Women's Use of Intensifiers and Hedges in Problem-Solving Interaction: Molar and Molecular Analyses}},
volume = {28},
year = {1995}
}
@article{Downs1957,
author = {Downs, Anthony},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Downs - 1957 - An Economic Theory of Political Action in a Democracy.pdf:pdf},
journal = {Journal of Political Economy},
number = {2},
pages = {135--150},
title = {{An Economic Theory of Political Action in a Democracy}},
volume = {65},
year = {1957}
}
@incollection{Lindsay2011,
address = {London, UK},
author = {Lindsay, Prior},
booktitle = {Qualitative Resarch: Issues of Theory, Method and Practice},
editor = {Silverman, David},
pages = {93--110},
publisher = {SAGE},
title = {{Using Documents in Social Research}},
year = {2011}
}
@article{Krupnikov2014,
abstract = {Are female candidates disproportionately punished for relying on negative campaign ads? While scholars agree that sponsoring negativity works against traditional gender stereotypes, it is less clear how relying on negativity affects voter evaluations of female candidates. In this manuscript we reconsider the relationship between candidate gender and negativity. Relying on theories of conditional stereotype use, we argue that negative ads translate to significantly poorer evaluations for the female candidate when two conditions are met: (1) the female candidate is perceived as the instigator of negativity and (2) she is of a different party than the voter. We test our predictions using an experiment and show that female candidates only face a disproportionate punishment for relying on negativity under our two specific conditions. In contrast, voters are much more forgiving when they believe that a female candidate simply followed her opponent's lead in using negative ads or when negativity is used to promote the voter's party. While our research suggests that-compared to their male counterparts-female candidates do face some added constraints, our findings have broader implications. Not only are voters more or less likely to use gender stereotypes under certain conditions, but these conditions are highly dependent on the campaign context.},
annote = {This is very useful for both experiment and first part. Return to this article for how to look at mediator variables. Look at the bibliography.},
author = {Krupnikov, Yanna and Bauer, Nichole M.},
doi = {10.1007/s11109-013-9221-9},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Krupnikov, Bauer - 2014 - The Relationship Between Campaign Negativity, Gender and Campaign Context.pdf:pdf},
journal = {Political Behavior},
keywords = {Campaign negativity,Gender {\'{A}}},
pages = {167--188},
title = {{The Relationship Between Campaign Negativity, Gender and Campaign Context}},
volume = {36},
year = {2014}
}
@article{Knobloch2013,
abstract = {As deliberative forums proliferate, scholars and practitioners need to establish a shared evaluative framework grounded in a theoretical definition of deliberation, applicable across contexts, and capable of yielding results comprehensible to public officials and key stakeholders. We present such a framework and illustrate its utility by evaluating the Oregon Citizens' Initiative Review (CIR), a public event that serves as both a critical case study and an important practical innovation in its own right. Our analysis shows that the CIR met a reasonable standard for democratic deliberation, and we pinpoint CIR features that both aided and detracted from its overall quality. We also show how we summarized these results to communicate our evaluation efficiently to the Oregon State Legislature. We conclude by making recommendations for future applications of our theoretical model and evaluative framework and offer practical suggestions for future deliberative forums. {\textcopyright} 2013 Copyright National Communication Association.},
author = {Knobloch, Katherine R. and Gastil, John and Reedy, Justin and {Cramer Walsh}, Katherine},
doi = {10.1080/00909882.2012.760746},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Knobloch et al. - 2013 - Did They Deliberate Applying an Evaluative Model of Democratic Deliberation to the Oregon Citizens' Initiative.pdf:pdf},
issn = {00909882},
journal = {Journal of Applied Communication Research},
keywords = {Deliberation,Democratic Theory,Evaluation,Group Communication,Initiative Elections,Political Communication,Public Forums},
number = {2},
pages = {105--125},
title = {{Did They Deliberate? Applying an Evaluative Model of Democratic Deliberation to the Oregon Citizens' Initiative Review}},
volume = {41},
year = {2013}
}
@article{Koch2002a,
abstract = {This research develops and tests hypotheses on the citizen and candidate characteristics that moderate utilization of candidate gender for forming impressions of House candidates' ideological orientations. High candidate visibility attained through incumbency or campaign expenditures enhances citizens' categorization of candidates on the basis of gender to infer ideological orientation. The effects of candidate gender are conditioned by political awareness for perception of Republican candidates' ideological positions because citizens receive conflicting cues about their orientations. In contrast, the relatively easy information process task for forming an impression of a Democratic female candidate allows for categorization on the basis of gender to occur among the most and least politically sophisticated. Finally, citizens draw on stereotypes of women to assign attributes to female candidates, not on stereotypes of men to infer attributes of male candidates. candidates.},
author = {Koch, Jeffrey W.},
doi = {10.2307/3088388},
file = {:Users/lotte/Dropbox/PhD/style{\_}experiment/lit/3088388.pdf:pdf},
issn = {00925853},
journal = {American Journal of Political Science},
number = {2},
pages = {453},
title = {{Gender Stereotypes and Citizens' Impressions of House Candidates' Ideological Orientations}},
volume = {46},
year = {2002}
}
@article{Schaffner2005,
author = {Schaffner, Brian F.},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Schaffner - 2005 - Priming Gender Campaigning on Women's Issues in U.S. Senate Elections.pdf:pdf},
journal = {American Journal of Political Science},
number = {4},
pages = {803--817},
title = {{Priming Gender: Campaigning on Women's Issues in U.S. Senate Elections}},
volume = {49},
year = {2005}
}
@article{Celis2010,
abstract = {This article deals with the apparent contradiction between, on the one hand, parliaments as envisaged by neo-institutionalists as stable and stabilising institutions and, on the other hand, the societal desire to diversify political personnel and to open up political decisionmaking processes to include group interests that were under-represented in the past. To answer the question whether and to what extent norms have changed to embrace diversity in parliament, the authors investigate everyday rituals, including role behaviour. Based on a focus group interview and a series of individual interviews with women, ethnic minority and blue-collar MPs in the Belgian Chamber, the article concludes that these groups are more likely to adapt themselves than to change parliamentary norms. Regarding the role of the group representative, the major finding is that it cannot be seen as a sign of parliament truly and positively embracing diversity. Moreover, it might even be interpreted as a strategy to address the request for diversity without changing existing power relations. {\textcopyright} 2010 Taylor {\&} Francis.},
author = {Celis, Karen and Wauters, Bram},
doi = {10.1080/13572334.2010.498106},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Celis, Wauters - 2010 - Pinning the butterfly Women, Blue-Collar and ethnic minority mps vis-{\`{a}}-vis parliamentary norms and the parliame.pdf:pdf},
issn = {13572334},
journal = {Journal of Legislative Studies},
keywords = {Class,Ethnic minorities,Gender,Parliamentary roles,Representation,Rituals},
number = {3},
pages = {380--393},
title = {{Pinning the butterfly: Women, Blue-Collar and ethnic minority mps vis-{\`{a}}-vis parliamentary norms and the parliamentary role of the Group Representative}},
volume = {16},
year = {2010}
}
@incollection{Schneider2020,
address = {Philadelphia, US},
author = {Schneider, Monica and Sweet-Cushman, Jennie},
booktitle = {Good Reasons to Run: Women and Political Candidacy},
pages = {203--214},
publisher = {Temple University Press},
title = {{Pieces of Women's Political Ambition Puzzle: Changing Perceptions of a Political Career with Campaign Training}},
year = {2020}
}
@article{Cassese2018,
abstract = {Research on negative campaigning has largely overlooked the role of stereotypes. In this study, we argue that the gender and partisan stereotypes associated with traits and policy issues interact with a candidate's gender and parti-sanship to shape the effectiveness of campaign attacks. We draw on expectancy-violation theory to argue that candidates may be evaluated more harshly when attacks suggest the candidate has violated stereotypic assumptions about their group. Thus, attacks on a candidate's ''home turf,'' or those traits or issues traditionally associated with their party or gender, may be more effective in reducing support for the attacked candidate. We use two survey experiments to examine the effects of stereotype-based attacks-a Trait Attack Study and an Issue Attack Study. The results suggest that female candidates are particularly vulnerable to trait based attacks that challenge stereotypically feminine strengths. Both male and female candidates proved vulnerable to attacks on policy issues stereotypically associated with their party and gender, but the negative effects of all forms of stereotype-based attacks were especially large for democratic women. Our results offer new insights into the use of stereotypes in negative campaigning and their consequences for the electoral fortunes of political candidates.},
author = {Cassese, Erin C. and Holman, Mirya R.},
doi = {10.1007/s11109-017-9423-7},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Cassese, Holman - 2018 - Party and Gender Stereotypes in Campaign Attacks.pdf:pdf},
journal = {Political Behavior},
keywords = {Gender,Issue ownership,Negative campaigning,Partisanship,Stereotypes,Traits,Vote choice},
pages = {785--807},
title = {{Party and Gender Stereotypes in Campaign Attacks}},
volume = {40},
year = {2018}
}
@incollection{Bevan2019,
address = {Oxford},
author = {Bevan, Shaun and Jennings, Will},
booktitle = {Comparative Policy Agendas: Theory, Tools, Data},
editor = {Baumgartner, Frank R. and Breunig, Christian and Grossman, Emiliano},
pages = {176--183},
publisher = {Oxford University Press},
title = {{The UK Policy Agendas Project}},
year = {2019}
}
@article{Fernandes2021,
author = {Fernandes, Jorge M and Saalfeld, Thomas},
doi = {10.1111/lsq.12332},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Fernandes, Saalfeld - 2021 - The Politics of Select Committee Assignments in the British House of Commons.pdf:pdf},
journal = {Legislative Studies Quarterly},
number = {February},
pages = {1--32},
title = {{The Politics of Select Committee Assignments in the British House of Commons}},
year = {2021}
}
@article{Brescoll2016a,
abstract = {The belief that women are more emotional than men is one of the strongest gender stereotypes held in Western cultures (Shields, 2002). And yet, gender stereotypes of emotion have received little attention from gender and leadership scholars. In this paper, I review the existing research on gender and emotions and propose that gender stereotypes of emotion present a fundamental barrier to women's ability to ascend to and succeed in leadership roles. I first define the nature of people's gender-emotion stereotypes and outline why perceptions of emotionality may be particularly detrimental to women when they are in high-status positions in work contexts. I then suggest that gender-emotion stereotypes create two complex minefields that female, but not male, leaders have to navigate in order to be successful: (1) identifying how much emotion should be displayed and (2) identifying what kind of emotions should be displayed. Specifically, female leaders can be penalized for even minor or moderate displays of emotion, especially when the emotion conveys dominance (e.g., anger or pride), but being emotionally unexpressive may also result in penalties because unemotional women are seen as failing to fulfill their warm, communal role as women. I conclude by considering the interactive role of race and ethnicity with regards to gender stereotypes of emotion and proposing avenues for future research.},
author = {Brescoll, Victoria L.},
doi = {10.1016/j.leaqua.2016.02.005},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Brescoll - 2016 - Leading with their hearts How gender stereotypes of emotion lead to biased evaluations of female leaders.pdf:pdf},
issn = {10489843},
journal = {Leadership Quarterly},
keywords = {Emotion,Gender,Gender stereotypes,Leadership,Prejudice},
number = {3},
pages = {415--428},
publisher = {Elsevier B.V.},
title = {{Leading with their hearts? How gender stereotypes of emotion lead to biased evaluations of female leaders}},
volume = {27},
year = {2016}
}
@article{Aldrich2020,
author = {Aldrich, Andrea S. and Lotito, Nicholas J.},
doi = {10.1017/S1743923X20000549},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Aldrich, Lotito - 2020 - Pandemic Performance Women Leaders in the Covid-19 Crisis.pdf:pdf},
journal = {Politics {\&} Gender},
publisher = {F},
title = {{Pandemic Performance: Women Leaders in the Covid-19 Crisis}},
year = {2020}
}
@book{Gomard2001,
address = {Aarhus, Denmark},
annote = {NOTE: SEE PHD READINGS FOR PICTURES OF CERTAIN PAGES 

Chapter 1: ‘Introduction', Kirsten Gormard and Anne Krogstad, pp. 15-32. 
  
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 15) Politicians need to use language to create trust between voters 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 16) Televised debates analysed in the volume – 1993-1994 in connection with parliamentary elections in Denmark, Norway and Sweden; and a presidential election in Denmark; referenda on membership of the EU membership in Norway, Sweden and Finland; and a referendum in Denmark concerning the EU-Maastricht Treaty 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 20) Thelander (1986) interviewed 56 members of the Swedish Parliament and 16 local councils – she also anslysed written speeches given by the same members in 1978-79 and compared them to the oral language employed by both parliamentary and local politicians – Thelander's informants (both women and men) believed there to be differences between male and female language in politics. Claimed women used less complex, more concrete and more personal language than men 
SOURCE: Thelander, K. (1986), Politikerspr{\aa}k i k{\"{o}}nsperspektiv (M{\"{a}}lmo, Sweden: Liber Forlag). 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 21) In regards to the quantity of speech, Thelander found that women spoke less – women also used the pronoun we more often than men 
{\textperiodcentered}      Gormard (1997) analysed the rhetoric of local politicians during sessions of the City Council in Aarhus in 1992 – found that the majority of politicians used a style that was fairly close to an everyday idiom (e.g. brief and to the point, and they did not embellish their contributions with linguistic puns, jokes, anecdotes, or formal rhetoric). Further, most women did not attack their colleagues, personally. (p. 22) The male members were divided some of the less senior men used a style very similar to that of the women, whilst senior men used a more traditional style, with long-winded contributions embellished with jokes, puns, anecdotes and other elements of traditional rhetoric – more men also attacked their colleagues personally 
SOURCE: Gormard, K. (1997), ‘Doing gender – doing politics: Wie l{\"{o}}sen Politikerinnen den konflikt?' in F. Braun {\&} U. Pasero (eds.), Kommunikation von Geschlecht: Communication of Gender (Pfaffenweiler: Centaurus), pp. 70-87.  
{\textperiodcentered}      Vantanen (1988) did a content analysis of political ads in local radio broadcasting in Finland in 1988 – found differences between female and male politicians along the firm/soft dimensions: male politicians emphasised toughness more often, while their female counterparts stressed compassion and warmth 
SOURCE: Just say referenced in this book 
Summary of previous work on language and gender in the Nordic countries: 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 25) The amount of speech: “Female politicians speak less than do male politicians in Parliament. In interactional campaign discourse, on the other hand, this does not seem to be the case. Female journalists, moreover, speak less than do male journalists in political interviews.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 26) Working conditions: “In interactional campaign discourse in Denmark, Norway, and Finland, the working conditions of female politicians are slightly less favourable than those of their male colleagues. Journalists and colleagues listen less carefully, and the women are challenged more often than the men.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      Styles of speech: “Where formal political speech in Parliament is concerned, the style of female politicians has become even more complex over the years than that of the men, as measured in the length of sentences and words; in less formal situations however, the language of the same female politicians is similar (Thelander 1986).” “When engaged in interaction with journalists and other politicians, women adopt a style that is just as tough – or even more so – than that of their male colleagues.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      Topics: “Women speak, in part, about different topics than do men (Karvonen et al. 1995).” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 27) Evaluations: “Gender stereotypes seem to be at work in voters' evaluation of female and male politicians. When women and men do the same thing, it is nonetheless perceived as different.” 
  
Chapter 2: ‘Argumentative and symbolic discourse in Nordic electoral debate', N. H{\aa}kansson, pp. 33-59. 
  
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 36) Studies the debates between party leaders on national television in Denmark, Norway and Sweden (using content analysis) 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 39) Found that in Norwegian party leader TV debates in 1993 women contributed to the debate relative to their proportion as participants 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 42) Also assess the debates for how rational the argumentation is 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 44) “Gender differences were generally very small. The Danish debate showed greater and more consistent differences than the two others. Danish male leaders provided more arguments than did female participants.” 
  
Chapter 3: ‘Negotiating competence and gender: an analysis of televised political debates in Denmark', K. Gormard, pp. 60-96. 
  
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 62) Analyses eleven programmes broadcast by Danish national television in May 1993, during the last two weeks prior to the referendum on the amended version of the Maastricht Treaty 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 66) Analyses ‘invited contributions'; ‘taking the floor spontaneously'; ‘long contributions'; ‘competitive strategies'; ‘control of the internal floor distribution'; ‘supplementary remarks and captures of the floor'; ‘face-saving and face-maintaining minimal responses'   
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 67) (Pictures include operationalisation of variables) 
Results: Negotiating competence and gender 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 83) “Take together, working conditions and communicative styles are the most important ingredients in negotiating one's face as a competent female or male politician.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      Speaking time: (p. 84) “The three female leaders had the lowest shares of speaking time among the leaders” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 85) “The finding that women spoke less in public than men is partly in accord with the results of other studies on this topic” “Yet it is interesting to note that, according to this material, women who had achieved leadership spoke less than men in the same position, and that women who were not leaders ended up in the lowest place in the hierarchy.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      Competitive strategies: (p. 87) “None of the female leaders and none of the subordinate female panel members used competitive strategies frequently” – “other male leaders used competitive strategies frequently” 
  
  
Discussion 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 89) “If we count all invitations to speak, we see that the two female panel leaders who are party politicians received very few invitations to speak, as compared to other panel leaders.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “The chairman also completely ignored two of the female subordinate politicians. This did not happen to any man. Three of the subordinate female panel members also fell victim to an alliance between their panel leader and the subordinate male member.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “There are, then, some subtle signs that the women in particular – be they panel leaders or subordinate politicians – are treated as less important than their male colleagues.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 90) “All three of the female panel leaders, and most of the subordinate women as well, fought quite hard, insisting on their image as competent politicians.” “The two female party leaders, moreover, made themselves visible by means of supplementary remarks and captures of the floor, just like the majority of their male colleagues.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “It is interesting, though, that neither female panel leaders nor female subordinate panel members used competitive strategies frequently.” – they were less competitive than the male leaders. “A woman loses accountability as a woman if she is too aggressive. For the men, a less aggressive style may be an element in a more modern way of doing politics.” 
  
Chapter 4: ‘Projecting unity: strategic uses of we in televised debates', Mats Nylund, pp. 97-128. 
  
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 97) Analyses comparatively how the pronoun we is used in televised election debates by Danish, Finnish, Norwegian and Swedish politicians 
{\textperiodcentered}      “My argument is that this pronoun – the use of which is both chameleonic and frequent, and yet rather inconspicuous too – has certain qualities making it useful for speakers who wish to persuade.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      Use quant and qual methods 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 100) The political significance of we: “When people use we, they manifest their membership in, or identification with, certain groups of a political, national, ethnic, gender, class or other nature. Membership in such groups nay be regarded as a contextual resource which speakers can bring to the fore and make manifest in their discourse.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “When people use pronouns like we (as well as other such pronouns as they and I), they position themselves in socio-political space; the produce and reproduce various relationships (to people, to artifacts, and to objects of other kinds); they construct their social reality. This is why studying the use of we is important in social sciences too.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 101) “In a comparison of parliamentary speeches by male and female politicians in Sweden, Thelander (1986) found that female politicians, in turn, used the pronoun I more often.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      The distribution of we: (p. 102) comparing the distribution of we vs. I – women used we and I at a ratio of 2.01:1 (a little more than twice as much); men used we at a ratio of just 1.56:1 – “analysis shows that female politicians used we relatively more often than I.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      Use of who we is (p. 106):
Conclusion 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 127) “Where gender differences are concerned, it is clear that women used we more frequently on average than men did. But the difference here was rather small, and the variations among individual politicians were more significant.” 
  
Chapter 5: ‘“Trust me!” – On the nature of ethos argumentation', by M. Bauhr and P. Esaiasson, pp. 129-154. 
  
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 129) “Credibility is the hard currency of politicians and other persuaders. One needs credibility in order to persuade an audience to think, act or believe in a particular way.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “Another way of claiming credibility – other than by reference to the policies which have actually been implemented – is through political communication.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 130) “Our focus of interest in this chapter is on a certain communicative strategy which politicians can employ to stress their personal character: the direct challenge to “Trust me!”” 
Chapter 6: ‘Image and issue in televised debates', by A. Krogstad, pp. 155-184. 
  
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 155) Analyses the final official televised debate held in each country prior to the 1994 referendum on EU membership 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 157) In the chapter examine some violations of the rules: long-windedness; credit-claiming; performance; question evasion; negative attention towards fellow debaters 
{\textperiodcentered}      Long-windedness: (p. 159) When politicians aren't concise, they repeat themselves, they lack clarity, or they might digress from the issue by making comparisons with previous issues 
{\textperiodcentered}      Credit-claims: positive descriptions of one's party/association 
{\textperiodcentered}      Performance: (p. 160) consists of rhetorical devices and adjournments such as metaphors, metonyms, striking expressions, illustrations, analogies, jokes, meta comments, and rhetorical questions 
{\textperiodcentered}      Question evasion: (p. 162) to some extent changing the topic in the course of discussion is legitimate – counted the times a moderator calls attention or other blatant examples of this happening 
{\textperiodcentered}      Negative attention towards fellow debaters: (p. 163) mainly whenever there is violation of the maxim “be polite” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 169) Swedish results: “The women have the fewest violations of the cooperative principle – approximately one third. This means their contributions are more in accordance with Grice's ideal of a formal, brief and polite language.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 172) Norwegian results: the only woman included in the study was a polite rule breaker 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 178) Some of the women violate through being long winded or credit claiming, however tend to be highly personal and non-aggressive in their rhetorical styles 
  
Chapter 7: ‘A debate on the debates', by A. Krogstad and K. Gomard, pp. 185-200. 
  
Similarities in the political discourse of female and male politicians 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 186) Women and men use symbolic appeals with a similar frequency, and presented arguments with a similar frequency (defined as the provision of reasons for standpoints held and actions recommended) 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 187) most women and men negotiated their image as competent politicians in traditional ways that implied visibility, authority and control 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 188) “A major conclusion, then, is that we can speak of a general style of political discourse held largely in common by Nordic female and male politicians. The styles and arguments used by both female and male politicians belong to a form of mainstream political discourse.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      Men participated more than the women in the debates 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 190) “In an examination of the communicative styles of Danish politicians, for example, Gomard found a striking difference in the way female and male panel leaders handled the balance between the members of their panel. Whereas most of the male leaders created alliances with the panel member who was already in the stronger position, the female leaders handled the internal floor distribution in a compensatory way – ensuring greater visibility for the other panel member, even at their own disadvantage.” “The Danish female leaders created somewhat unfavourable working conditions for themselves, then, but they may have considered this price worth paying, inasmuch as their promotion of other panel members served to project a unified and less hierarchical image of their party or organisation.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “None of the women in either the Norwegian or the Swedish debate were particularly attack-oriented.” “Aggressive women easily become ‘too much'. On the other hand, they cannot – if they are to achieve visibility, authority and control – be too ‘soft'.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 191) “In the debates the non-aggressive women whom the viewers rated favourably compensated for their lack of aggressiveness by violating many of the other cooperative maxims.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “while men and women used ‘arguments' with a similar frequency in the Danish, Norwegian, and Swedish debates, the men were more inclined than the women to engage in elaborate reasoning – that is, to furnish more than one reason for their standpoint. This difference appears systematically throughout the three countries.” (Denmark, Norway and Sweden) 
{\textperiodcentered}      “The women tended to mark affinity between themselves and their audience, while the men were inclined towards a somewhat more authoritative argumentation. There seemed, in other words, to be a difference in the ‘distance' that female and male politicians created between themselves and the electorate. Thelander's (1986) study of the parliamentary language of Swedish politicians indirectly supported this finding. It concluded that the use of the pronoun we is correlated with gender: female members of the Swedish Parliament more often said we; male member more often said I.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 192) “we must conclude that there are gender differences in both interactional patterns and styles of speech among Nordic politicians.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 198) “The rhetorical differences between women and men which did nonetheless turn up seem to indicate that women create less distance to their audience and engage in less elaborate reasoning. We also found that, in the case of the Danish debates, female panel leaders were more attentive – even at their own expense – to the balance on their panels than were male leaders.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “These qualities on the part of women make the political discourse less formal and bring it closer to everyday speech. When also behave less aggressively. Ritual aggression is a traditional feature of political debates. Refraining from such aggression is another way of making the political discourse less formal.”},
author = {Gomard, Kirsten and Krogstad, Anne},
publisher = {Aarhus University Press},
title = {{Instead of the Ideal Debate: Doing Politics and Doing Gender in Nordic Political Campaign Discourse}},
year = {2001}
}
@article{Hurwitz1998,
author = {Hurwitz, Jon and Smithey, Shannon},
file = {:Users/lotte/Dropbox/PhD/topic{\_}project/lit/106591299805100104.pdf:pdf},
journal = {Political Research Quarterly},
number = {1},
pages = {89--115},
title = {{Gender Differences and Crime and Punishment}},
volume = {51},
year = {1998}
}
@article{Roberts2014,
abstract = {Collection and especially analysis of open-ended survey responses are relatively rare in the discipline and when conducted are almost exclusively done through human coding. We present an alternative, semiautomated approach, the structural topic model (STM) (Roberts, Stewart, andAiroldi 2013; Roberts et al. 2013), that draws on recent developments in machine learning based analysis of textual data. A crucial contribution of the method is that it incorporates information about the document, such as the author's gender, political affiliation, and treatment assignment (if an experimental study). This article focuses on how the STMis helpful for survey researchers and experimentalists. The STM makes analyzing open-ended responses easier, more revealing, and capable of being used to estimate treatment effects. We illustrate these innovations with analysis of text from surveys and experiments.},
archivePrefix = {arXiv},
arxivId = {arXiv:1011.1669v3},
author = {Roberts, Margaret E. and Stewart, Brandon M. and Tingley, Dustin and Lucas, Christopher and Leder-Luis, Jetson and Gadarian, Shana Kushner and Albertson, Bethany and Rand, David G.},
doi = {10.1111/ajps.12103},
eprint = {arXiv:1011.1669v3},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Roberts et al. - 2014 - Structural topic models for open-ended survey responses.pdf:pdf},
isbn = {0092-5853},
issn = {15405907},
journal = {American Journal of Political Science},
number = {4},
pages = {1064--1082},
pmid = {25246403},
title = {{Structural topic models for open-ended survey responses}},
volume = {58},
year = {2014}
}
@article{Monroe2008,
abstract = {Entries in the burgeoning ''text-as-data'' movement are often accompanied by lists or visualizations of how word (or other lexical feature) usage differs across some pair or set of documents. These are intended either to establish some target semantic concept (like the content of partisan frames) to estimate word-specific measures that feed forward into another analysis (like locating parties in ideological space) or both. We discuss a variety of techniques for selecting words that capture partisan, or other, differences in political speech and for evaluating the relative importance of those words. We introduce and emphasize several new approaches based on Bayesian shrinkage and regularization. We illustrate the relative utility of these approaches with analyses of partisan, gender, and distributive speech in the U.S. Senate.},
author = {Monroe, Burt L and Colaresi, Michael P and Quinn, Kevin M},
doi = {10.1093/pan/mpn018},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Monroe, Colaresi, Quinn - 2008 - Fightin' Words Lexical Feature Selection and Evaluation for Identifying the Content of Political Conf.pdf:pdf},
journal = {Political Analysis},
pages = {372--403},
title = {{Fightin' Words: Lexical Feature Selection and Evaluation for Identifying the Content of Political Conflict}},
volume = {16},
year = {2008}
}
@article{Erikson2018,
abstract = {Do men and women legislators have equal opportunities to carry out their parliamentary duties? An important first step to uncover the parliament's inner life is to evaluate members of parliament's (MPs) experiences of their work environment. In this article, we explore the Swedish parliament where women have held over 40{\%} of the seats for two decades to test the persistence of gendered norms and practices. Using an originally-collected survey dataset of 279 Swedish MPs (82{\%} response rate), we find that female MPs experience greater pressure, higher levels of anxiety, and are subject to more negative treatment than male MPs. Yet, while men and women report participating in debates and influencing their political party's agenda to the same degree, we conclude that the Parliament's working environment remains gendered in that women pay a higher personal cost for their political engagement.},
annote = {{\textperiodcentered}      Examines how women and men may have different experiences and unequal opportunities whilst carrying out their parliamentary duties 
{\textperiodcentered}      Explores this in Sweden where women have held over 40{\%} of legislative seats for two decades 
{\textperiodcentered}      Methods: surveys 279 Swedish MPs and takes a feminist institutionalist approach 
{\textperiodcentered}      Findings: female MPs experience greater pressure, higher levels of anxiety and are subjected to more negative treatment than male MPs – this is interesting when considering Sweden should be more equal given the its nearness to gender parity 
{\textperiodcentered}      Findings: women and men report participating in debates and influencing their political party's agenda to the same degree, however they conclude that the parliament's working environment remains gendered in that women pay a higher personal cost for their political engagement 
{\textperiodcentered}      Significance of study: important that women and men have equal opportunities to carry out their parliamentary duties. Important as it takes a workplace approach, can and do women and men carry out their parliamentary duties in an equal sense 
{\textperiodcentered}      “In seeking to answer this question, we argue that it is imperative to take the parliamentary working environment into consideration—including not only formal regulations and procedures, but also informal practices, norms, and expectations.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      Research reveals that political organisations, including legislative bodies, are often characterised by a culture of traditional masculinity, or institutional sexism, that empowers male legislators while placing female legislators at a disadvantage. “That is to say that although formal rules and regulations no longer discriminate against women, power hierarchies, informal norms, practices, and expectations may still be gendered, thereby privileging men and masculine behaviour.” (p. 2) 
{\textperiodcentered}      Informal institutions and rules are just as powerful as formal regulations 
{\textperiodcentered}      Research in social psychology indicates that women are often subject to discrimination in male-dominated domains because of a lack of congruence between masculine occupational norms and the attributes typically associated with women (e.g. Burgess and Borgida 1999; Eagly and Karau 2002; Heilman 2001) 
{\textperiodcentered}      “The gendered consequences of masculine norms are often manifested in the first case in the disqualification of women or the devaluation of their performance, whereas they often take the form of a disparate treatment of women in the second, including harassment” (p. 4) 
{\textperiodcentered}      “In respect to legislative role, empirical studies have found that a feminine style of politics is perceived as less legitimate (Childs 2004), and that male and female legislators face different expetations that put higher pressure on women (Anzia and Berry 2011).” (p. 4) 
{\textperiodcentered}      Working environments that disfavour women are problematic in their own rights, but may also influence the possibilities legislators have to perform on equal terms 
{\textperiodcentered}      Findings: on average, women are interrupted in meetings more than men, their clothes and looks are commented on my often, feel credit is taken by others for work that they do 
{\textperiodcentered}      Findings: women and men don't statistically significantly report that they speak less in party groups or committee meetings. Therefore women experience a tougher time in the working environment, but this does not seem to impact their participation. Negative treatment therefore does not seem to affect the extent to which female legislators speak 
{\textperiodcentered}      “Although changing formal rules may end officially sanctioned gender discrimination, more than two decades of nearly gender equal descriptive representation have not been enough to change informal norms and practices and overcome all institutionalised forms of male bias.” (p. 15) 
{\textperiodcentered}      “An important issue for future research is to compare the findings presented here with empirical studies from other legislative bodies having both similar as well as different formal conditions in order to identify mechanisms that either foster or obstruct gender-equal working conditions for legislators.” (p. 15)},
author = {Erikson, Josefina and Josefsson, Cecilia},
doi = {10.1177/0192512117735952},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Erikson, Josefsson - 2019 - The legislature as a gendered workplace Exploring members of parliament's experiences of working in the Swed.pdf:pdf},
journal = {International Political Science Review},
keywords = {Swedish parliament,experiences,gender,influence,legislators,legislature,members of parliament,representation,treatment,work place},
number = {2},
pages = {197--214},
title = {{The Legislature as a Gendered Workplace: Exploring Members of Parliament's Experiences of Working in the Swedish Parliament}},
volume = {40},
year = {2019}
}
@book{Reingold2000,
address = {North Carolina, US},
author = {Reingold, Beth},
publisher = {The University of North Carolina Press},
title = {{Representing Women: Sex, Gender, and Legislative Behavior in Arizona and California}},
year = {2000}
}
@article{Piston2018a,
abstract = {Campaign advisors and political scientists have long acknowledged the benefits of ambiguous position taking. We argue, however, that these benefits do not extend to black candidates facing nonblack voters. When a white candidate makes vague statements, many of these voters project their own policy positions onto the candidate, increasing support for the candidate. But they are less likely to extend black candidates the same courtesy. We test these claims with an original two-wave survey experiment varying the race of male candidates on a national sample of nonblack voters. We find that ambiguity boosts support for white male candidates but not for black male candidates. In fact, black male candidates who make ambiguous statements are actually punished for doing so by racially prejudiced voters. These results clarify limits on the utility of the electoral strategy of ambiguity and identify a key condition under which prejudice shapes voter behavior.},
author = {Piston, Spencer and Krupnikov, Yanna and Milita, Kerri and Ryan, John Barry},
doi = {10.1086/696619},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Piston et al. - 2018 - Clear as Black and White The Effects of Ambiguous Rhetoric Depend on Candidate Race(2).pdf:pdf},
isbn = {202007:41:41},
journal = {Journal of Politics},
number = {2},
pages = {662--674},
title = {{Clear as Black and White: The Effects of Ambiguous Rhetoric Depend on Candidate Race}},
url = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/696619.},
volume = {80},
year = {2018}
}
@article{Eichorst2018,
abstract = {Democratic accountability relies on citizens to anticipate future governing behavior. We explore the strategic incentives for parties to shape voter expectations by generating vague or concrete campaign statements. Using an English-language dictionary, we scale electoral statements from all industrialized English-speaking nations to develop a measure of con-creteness. Concrete statements can create electoral risks from unfulfilled expectations. Yet, political parties have incentives to use concrete statements to clarify reputation uncertainty associated with unclear informational cues. Political context shapes these incentives. Incumbent parties tend to dictate concrete statements to balance attributed responsibility for government outcomes and signal that they are competent managers. Strong government performance, however, reduces the incentive for incumbents to be concrete, as favorable outcomes reveal competent management. Opposition parties are unconstrained from these demands. The research reveals how political parties actively manage and balance the information that voters use in order to adjust the informative value of party reputation. Party responsibility to the public, enforced in elections, implies that there be more than one party, for the public can hold a party responsible only if it has a choice. Again, unless the parties identify themselves with programs, the public is unable to make an intelligent choice between them.-American Political Science Association (1950, 22)},
author = {Eichorst, Jason and Lin, Nick C. N.},
doi = {10.1086/700002},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Eichorst, Lin - 2018 - Resist to Commit Concrete Campaign Statements and the Need to Clarify a Partisan Reputation.pdf:pdf},
journal = {The Journal of Politics},
number = {1},
pages = {15--32},
title = {{Resist to Commit: Concrete Campaign Statements and the Need to Clarify a Partisan Reputation}},
volume = {81},
year = {2018}
}
@article{Smith-Lovin1989,
abstract = {Conversations both reflect and maintain social inequalities. They import hierarchical structures from larger society and help perpetuate them by creating inequalities in the ability to accomplish interactional goals. In this study of speaker transitions in six-person, task-oriented experimental groups, we explore the well-known finding that men interrupt women more frequently than women interrupt men. We ask three questions about the structure of interruptions. Who attempts to interrupt whom and under what conditions? How does the affective character of interruptions vary across speakers and groups? What determines whether an interruption succeeds? We find that gender inequality in these task-oriented discussions is created by a mixture of attempts to use power and of differential success. In their interruptions, men discriminate by sex in attempts and in yielding to interruptions by others. Women interrupt and yield the floor to males and females equally. The sex composition of the group affects interruption patterns in complex ways. Men interrupt men with supportive comments in all-male groups, but these supportive interruptions drop as the number of women in the group increases. Supportive interruptions also succeed in gaining the floor more often in single-sex groups. Taken together, the results suggest a mixture of status and conflict models and reaffirm the importance of group composition in interaction.},
author = {Smith-Lovin, Lynn and Brody, Charles},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Smith-Lovin, Brody - 1989 - Interruptions in Group Discussions The Effects of Gender and Group Composition.pdf:pdf},
journal = {American Sociological Review},
number = {3},
pages = {424--435},
title = {{Interruptions in Group Discussions: The Effects of Gender and Group Composition}},
volume = {54},
year = {1989}
}
@article{Reingold2020a,
author = {Reingold, Beth},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Reingold - 2020 - Linking Descriptive and Substantive Representation.pdf:pdf},
isbn = {9780511790621},
number = {May},
pages = {128--147},
title = {{Linking Descriptive and Substantive Representation}},
year = {2020}
}
@article{Goodwin2020,
annote = {Useful info in this on the select committee system and the 2010 Wright Reforms that may be useful for the methods paper},
author = {Goodwin, Mark and Stephen, Bates and McKay, Steve},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Goodwin, Stephen, McKay - 2020 - Electing to Do Women's Work Gendered Divisions of Labour in UK Select Committees, 1979-2016.pdf:pdf},
journal = {Politics {\&} Gender},
publisher = {Forthcoming},
title = {{Electing to Do Women's Work? Gendered Divisions of Labour in UK Select Committees, 1979-2016}},
year = {2020}
}
@article{Henderson2005,
abstract = {Part of the appeal of creating a new Scottish Parliament lay in the ability of legislators
to re-define the institutional culture of politics. For advocates of change, the
Westminster system, with its emphasis on adversarial and male-dominated politics,
turned citizens off politics. Devolution advocates argued that a Scottish Parliament,
composed of a new type of politician and operating according to modernised rules,
would better serve the public. The four principles of the Consultative Steering
Group report included among them references to a more open and accessible political
system. The 1999 elections introduced a number of new faces but among the 129
Members of the Scottish Parliament (MSPs) are a number of sitting and former local
councillors, Members of Parliament and party workers. This article examines these
individuals and their behaviour in the first year of plenary debates to determine
whether the social characteristics of these MSPs, their gender, their partisan ties or
their previous political experiences affects the likelihood of a new model of political
debate. It argues that initially the political experience of MSPs affected their levels
of participation but that increasingly, position within the Parliament exerts a greater
influence. Some social characteristics such as gender, however, continue to influence
the extent and manner of participation.},
annote = {{\textperiodcentered}      Part of the appeal of creating a new Scottish Parliament lay in the ability of legislators to re-define the institutional culture of politics – advocates of change wanted to shift from the Westminster style system “with its emphasis on adversarial and male-dominated politics” (p.275) 
{\textperiodcentered}      Devolution advocates argued the Scottish parliament should compose a new type of politician and operate according to modernise rules, this would better serve the public 
{\textperiodcentered}      “This article examines these individuals and their behaviour in the first year of plenary debates to determine whether the social characteristics of these MSPs, their gender, their partisan ties or their previous political experiences affects the likelihood of a new model of political debate.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      Findings: political experience of MSPs affected their levels of participation, but increasingly experience within the parliament exerts a greater influence 
{\textperiodcentered}      Some social characteristics such as gender continue to influence the extent and manner of participation 
{\textperiodcentered}      “The culture of the institutions can affect the behaviour of those who work within it, and the way it is received by those on the outside.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      Rules and practices of a legislature can affect the behaviour of legislators and the way it is perceived by the electorate 
{\textperiodcentered}      “Some within the institution might be reluctant to alter rules that suit them, and the public might be slow to respond to anything other than wholesale restructuring.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p.277) “Within this literature, however, there is minimal attention to how the presence of women will produce changes in culture and policy. If part of the desires of institutional architects was a new form of politics then the performance of women is of interest.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p.278) “Integral to the notion of ‘new politics' was the concept of a ‘new politician'. Within the analysis of Westminster political practices, considerable attention surrounded the link between exceedingly aggressive political debate and a male-dominated chamber.” – “An increase in the number of female representatives was heralded as a necessary change if the tone of debate were to become more consensual and civilised.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p.279) “A ‘new politician' would thus ensure that the social composition of the chamber resembled wider society but would also contribute to a different type of debate.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      Examines: whether and to what extent women participate in the same way as their male counterparts 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p.281) Participation rules: in many ways the rules that govern Holyrood are similar to Westminster (e.g. allow for participation that is either prepared or spontaneous) 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p.282) “Given the innovations of the plenary sessions, and their role in the public image of politics, it is worth examining how the MSPs spent their time in the first year of the Parliament.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      Methods: looks at a database tracking participation rates of MSPs during the first year of the Scottish parliament (see p.283 for more details on what this database included) 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p.287) “Despite the institutional innovations of the Scottish Parliament and despite the desires of institutional architects, the standing orders allow for a legislature in which there is considerable room for aggressive behaviour and intimidation. By allowing members to offer interventions, those with questions, or those seeking to disrupt speeches, may interrupt members. Furthermore, early coverage of the legislature criticised some of the female members for their timidity and unpolished debating ability.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      Findings: women tended to participate later in the first year of the parliament – men made their first speech earlier in the term. In almost all measures men participated earlier than women: “This holds true for participation that might be considered spontaneous, or within the sole control of the representative (points of order, interventions), and those requiring party approval and the recognition of the presiding officer (speeches, statements).” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p.288) “These data suggest that while the ease with which men began participating in the parliament distinguished them from their female counterparts, women did not necessarily participate less than men in all aspects of chamber business.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p.289) Women offered significantly fewer interventions than their male counterparts, while speaking they also faced significantly fewer interventions.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p.290) “This also conforms to visions of female representation that suggested their behaviour would be qualitatively different from men in the chamber. This appears to be true. Women interrupt less frequently, and tend to be interrupted less than men while speaking.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “In sum, women began participating later in the first year than men. In terms of total activity levels, men participate more than women in all but members' business debates. These differences are significant for total speaking times, points of order and interventions. These results are interesting but lead to an incomplete vision of participation. Although Holyrood possesses a greater proportion of female representatives than Westminster, it also contained a number of representatives with considerable political experience, some of whom were women.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p.298) Finding: women participate differently from men: “Although prone to participate much later than men in almost all aspects of plenary debate, female MSPs participate equally in Parliament, are more likely to participate in Members' Business Debates and less likely to prompt or engage interventions. Gender is not, however, an enduring predictor of participation when measured against political experiences or current political position.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      Finding: as critical mass suggests, the presence of under-represented groups is useful only if they are able to exert an influence over the behaviour of the institution and the outcome of its deliberations.”},
author = {Henderson, Ailsa},
doi = {10.1080/13572330500166642},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Henderson - 2005 - Forging a new political culture Plenary behaviour in the scottish parliament.pdf:pdf},
journal = {The Journal of Legislative Studies},
number = {2},
pages = {275--301},
title = {{Forging a new political culture: Plenary behaviour in the scottish parliament}},
url = {http://www.tandfonline.com/action/journalInformation?journalCode=fjls20},
volume = {11},
year = {2005}
}
@article{Esterling2019,
abstract = {This article proposes a new statistical method to measure persuasion within small groups, and applies this approach to a large-scale randomized deliberative experiment. The authors define the construct of 'persuasion' as a change in the systematic component of an individual's preference, separate from measurement error, that results from exposure to interpersonal interaction. Their method separately measures persuasion in a latent (left-right) preference space and in a topic-specific preference space. The model's functional form accommodates tests of substantive hypotheses found in the small-group literature. The article illustrates the measurement method by examining changes in study participants' views on US fiscal policy resulting from the composition of the small discussion groups to which they were randomly assigned. The results are inconsistent with the 'law of small-group polarization', the typical result found in small-group research; instead, the authors observe patterns of latent and policy-specific persuasion consistent with the aspirations of deliberation.},
author = {Esterling, Kevin M. and Fung, Archon and Lee, Taeku},
doi = {10.1017/S0007123419000243},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Esterling, Fung, Lee - 2019 - When Deliberation Produces Persuasion rather than Polarization Measuring and modeling Small Group Dynamics.pdf:pdf},
issn = {14692112},
journal = {British Journal of Political Science},
keywords = {Bayesian statistics,deliberative democracy,measurement,persuasion,randomized design},
pages = {1--19},
title = {{When Deliberation Produces Persuasion rather than Polarization: Measuring and modeling Small Group Dynamics in a Field Experiment}},
year = {2019}
}
@article{Schreiber2018,
author = {Schreiber, Ronnee},
doi = {10.1017/S1743923X17000587},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Schreiber - 2018 - Is There a Conservative Feminism An Empirical Account.pdf:pdf},
journal = {Politics {\&} Gender},
pages = {56--79},
title = {{Is There a Conservative Feminism? An Empirical Account}},
volume = {14},
year = {2018}
}
@article{Debus2014,
abstract = {In modern democracies, the representation of voter interests and preferences is primarily the job of political parties and their elected officials. These patterns can, however, change when the issues that are at stake concern the interests of social groups represented by all relevant parties of a political system. In this article we focus on the behavior of female MPs in the parliament of Weimar Germany and, thus, on a parliament where legislative party discipline was very high. On the basis of a dataset containing information on the legislative voting behavior of MPs, we show that gender, even when controlling for a battery of further theoretically derived explanatory factors, had a decisive impact on the MPs' voting behavior on a law proposal to curb the spread of sexually transmitted diseases. {\textcopyright} The Women and Politics Research Section of the American Political Science Association 2014.},
author = {Debus, Marc and Hansen, Martin Ejnar},
doi = {10.1017/S1743923X1400021X},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Debus, Hansen - 2014 - Representation of women in the parliament of the weimar republic Evidence from roll call votes.pdf:pdf},
issn = {17439248},
journal = {Politics and Gender},
number = {3},
pages = {341--364},
title = {{Representation of women in the parliament of the weimar republic: Evidence from roll call votes}},
volume = {10},
year = {2014}
}
@article{Fiske2010,
abstract = {Psychological scientists, like lay people, often think in categorical dichotomies that contrast men and women and exaggerate the differences between groups. These value-laden divides tend to privilege one side over the other, often to the advantage of the scientists' own identity group. Besides balancing perspectives in the academic marketplace of ideas, scientists can recognize the complexity of stigma. Gender, like many categories, entails two fundamental dimensions that characterize intergroup stigma (and all interpersonal perception): perceived warmth and competence. These dimensions identify groups viewed with ambivalence (e.g., traditional women are stereotypically warm but incompetent, whereas professional women are allegedly competent but cold). In gender and in other areas, psychological scientists can go beyond value-laden dichotomies and consider the fundamental , continuous dimensions along which we think about stigma.},
author = {Fiske, Susan T.},
doi = {10.1177/1745691610388768},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Fiske - 2010 - Venus and Mars or Down to Earth Stereotypes and Realities of Gender Differences.pdf:pdf},
journal = {Perspectives on Psychological Science},
number = {6},
pages = {688--692},
title = {{Venus and Mars or Down to Earth: Stereotypes and Realities of Gender Differences}},
volume = {5},
year = {2010}
}
@article{Biernat2012,
abstract = {Performance evaluations of male and female junior attorneys in a Wall Street law firm were analyzed. Male supervisors judged male attorneys more favorably than female attorneys on numerical ratings that mattered for promotion but offered narrative comments that showed either no sex effects or greater favorability toward women. Judgments of male attorneys were more consistent overall than they were for female attorneys, and predictors of numerical ratings differed by sex: Narrative ratings of technical competence mattered more for men than women, and narrative ratings of interpersonal warmth mattered more for women than men. Open-ended use of positive performance words-the only outcome that favored women-did not translate into positive numerical ratings for women. The data suggest subtle patterns of gender bias, in which women were harmed by not meeting gendered expectations of interpersonal warmth but were less benefited than men by meeting masculine standards of high technical competence. Keywords stereotypes, social judgment, sexism, prejudice/stereotyping, language Modern forms of gender bias often take subtle rather than blatant forms. Rather than across-the-board discrimination against women in the workplace, backlash may occur against women who are perceived as too agentic (Heilman, 2001; Rudman, 1998; Rudman {\&} Fairchild, 2004) or may take the form of overweighting of attributes that men possess (Uhlmann {\&} Cohen, 2005) and paying greater attention to negative workplace behaviors of women than men (Biernat, Fuegen, {\&} Kobry-nowicz, 2010). We suggest another form of gender bias in the workplace: Differential patterns of employee sex effects on numerical and narrative evaluations. Numerical ratings are among the most common forms of performance evaluation (Murphy {\&} Cleveland, 1995), and in some work settings, these are supplemented with narrative commentary. Our question is whether and how these forms of evaluation relate to each other: Do positive narrative comments map onto positive numerical evalua-tions? Does employee sex moderate these patterns? We address these questions by examining the evaluations received by male and female junior attorneys working at a Wall Street law firm from their male supervisors. Given the ''masculine'' nature of finance law, we expect that male attorneys will receive more favorable performance evaluations-the consequential numbers that matter for promotion-than female attorneys (see Landy {\&} Farr, 1980). Both Heilman's (1983) ''lack of fit'' perspective and Eagly and Karau's (2002) role congruity theory suggests that gender stereotyping of women will be most evident in masculine domains: ''negative expectations resulting from perceptions of lack of fit detrimentally affect how women are regarded and how their work is evaluated when they are in traditionally male jobs'' (Lyness {\&} Heilman, 2006, p. 777). An additional question is whether this pattern holds across other types of evaluation and feedback offered to employees. The literature on performance evaluations suggests that correspondence between types of evaluation may be modest. For example, a meta-analysis by Heneman (1986) found an average correlation of .27 between subjective and objective (e.g., sales volume, output) ratings of employee performance; a more recent meta-analysis reported a slightly stronger effect, r ¼ .39 (Bommer, Johnson, Rich, Podsakof, {\&} MacKenzie, 1995). Other studies have shown that correlations between subjective ratings and other indicators of performance may be moderated by ethnicity or sex of the ratee and/or rater (e.g., Castilla, 2008; Kraiger {\&} Ford, 1990).},
author = {Biernat, Monica and Tocci, M J and Williams, Joan C},
doi = {10.1177/1948550611415693},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Biernat, Tocci, Williams - 2012 - The Language of Performance Evaluations Gender-Based Shifts in Content and Consistency of Judgment.pdf:pdf},
journal = {Social Psychology and Personality Science},
number = {2},
pages = {186--192},
title = {{The Language of Performance Evaluations: Gender-Based Shifts in Content and Consistency of Judgment}},
volume = {3},
year = {2012}
}
@article{Bates2014,
abstract = {This article provides a comparative analysis of the opening sessions of Prime Min-ister's Questions (PMQs) for the last five Prime Ministers in order to test a general perception that PMQs has become increasingly a focal point for shallow political point scoring rather than serious prime ministerial scrutiny. Our data appear to confirm that PMQs has become both rowdier and increasingly dominated by the main party leaders. It also indicates that Prime Ministers are increasingly expected to be able to respond to a wider range of questions, female MPs are as likely to ask helpful questions but less likely to ask unanswerable questions than male counterparts, and MPs are less likely to ask helpful questions and more likely to ask unanswerable questions the longer their parliamentary tenure. More surprisingly perhaps, our findings also suggest that, at the beginning of their premierships at least, Thatcher and Brown appear the most accomplished in terms of the fullness of their answers, and Blair and Cameron the least accomplished.},
author = {Bates, Stephen R. and Kerr, Peter and Byrne, Christopher and Stanley, Liam},
doi = {10.1093/pa/gss044},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Bates et al. - 2014 - Questions to the Prime Minister A Comparative Study of PMQs from Thatcher to Cameron.pdf:pdf},
journal = {Parliamentary Affairs},
number = {1},
pages = {253--280},
title = {{Questions to the Prime Minister: A Comparative Study of PMQs from Thatcher to Cameron}},
volume = {67},
year = {2014}
}
@article{Krauss2020,
author = {Krauss, Svenja and Kroeber, Corinna},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Krauss, Kroeber - 2020 - How women in the executive influence government stability.pdf:pdf},
journal = {Journal of European Public Policy},
title = {{How women in the executive influence government stability}},
year = {2020}
}
@article{Ciftci2019,
abstract = {Why do representatives prioritize certain types of constituency service in parliamentary systems? This study argues that the choice for constituency-oriented activities is conditioned by both partisan factors and legislative role orientations. Two novel data sets combining behavioral and attitudinal measures of constituency-oriented behavior are used for empirical tests: an elite survey including detailed interviews with 204 members of the Turkish parliament and 4000 parliamentary questions tabled by these members. The results from a series of ordered logit, ordinary least squares (OLS), and negative binomial regression estimations confirm that members of parliament choose different types of constituency-oriented activities based on their visibility to the party leadership and their constituency. This choice is primarily driven by partisanship and members of parliament's perceptions about the influence of party leader in renomination. The analysis provides important insights about the role of partisan factors as drivers of parliamentary behavior.},
author = {Ciftci, Sabri and Yildirim, Tevfik Murat},
doi = {10.1177/1354068817720438},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Ciftci, Yildirim - 2019 - Hiding behind the party brand or currying favor with constituents Why do representatives engage in different t.pdf:pdf},
issn = {14603683},
journal = {Party Politics},
keywords = {Turkish parliament,constituency service,legislative roles,parliamentary questions,party leaders},
number = {3},
pages = {369--381},
title = {{Hiding behind the party brand or currying favor with constituents: Why do representatives engage in different types of constituency-oriented behavior?}},
volume = {25},
year = {2019}
}
@article{Blumenau2019a,
author = {Blumenau, Jack and Lauderdale, Benjamin E.},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Blumenau, Lauderdale - 2021 - The Variable Persuasiveness of Political Rhetoric.pdf:pdf},
journal = {American Journal of Political Science},
number = {Forthcoming},
pages = {1--16},
title = {{The Variable Persuasiveness of Political Rhetoric}},
year = {2022}
}
@article{Shaw2013,
abstract = {The devolution of powers from Westminster to the Northern Ireland Assembly, the Scottish Parliament and the National Assembly for Wales led to much speculation about the creation of a new political era that would herald new ways of 'doing politics'. It was thought that the new institutions would provide a more inclusive, less combative culture that aimed to include a greater proportion of women members. With the 'new' institutions now over ten years old, linguistic research into the participation of men and women on the debate floor shows that they participate equally and that improvements have been made in relation to the extent that women feel included. However, the devolved institutions retain some of the adversarial features associated with Westminster, and women are still subject to the burden of gendered stereotypical judgements and expectations that may affect their performance and inclusion within them.},
annote = {{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 81) “Is a new, more woman-friendly, politics developing in the devolved institutions?” 
{\textperiodcentered}      Women's underrepresentation is a continuing issue – “Some gains have been made within Britain in the last decade or so, most notably in the devolved institutions of the UK. The National Assembly for Wales now boasts a proportion of 40 per cent women members, and in the Scottish Parliament women hold 35 per cent of the seats. However, the representation of women in the Northern Ireland Assembly and the House of Commons still lags behind, at 19 and 23 per cent respectively.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “it is now widely recognised that the achievement of a greater numerical representation of women (or any other under-represented group) in an institution is not enough on its own to improve the position of the group: the progress and influence of such a group is also dependent upon the existence of ‘critical actors' within the group, and on their ability to perform ‘critical acts'.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “If under-represented groups are to become influential members of an institution, they need to participate in a way that enables them to perform these critical acts.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      Can look at impact by examining the kinds of language used 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 82) “The House of Commons at Westminster is often described as the archetypal parliament: it has been used as a blueprint for the proceedings - and in some cases the physical layout - of parliaments in a number of different parts of the world, while even more legislatures have adopted some aspects of the ‘Westminster System'.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      Westminster typically described as: “‘masculine', adversarial forum, and one in which women find it hard to participate.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 83) “Thus illegal contributions, such as speaking out of turn from a sedentary position and ‘barracking' other members, are practices that have, over time, become a feature of House of Commons debates.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “Linguistic analyses of the debate floor of the House of Commons have shown that gender is salient in relation to these legal and illegal turns. Within the parts of the debate that are conducted according to the legal rules men and women politicians participate in proportion to their overall representation: the percentage of legal speeches and give-way interventions that men and women make corresponds to their relative numbers in the House. However, when it comes to illegal turns and barracking there is a different pattern. Illegal turns are taken more by men than by women.” – this also extends to filibustering which is undertaken exclusively by men 
{\textperiodcentered}      “It is in some ways unsurprising that this highly formal institution, which has only admitted women in significant numbers over the last fifty years, is one that inhibits or restricts their behaviour.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “Rule-breaking activities such as speaking out of turn are fundamental linguistic practices in this context, and these gendered linguistic practices serve to construct women as peripheral members of the institution.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “One possible explanation for such differences is that women consciously choose to behave differently by rejecting the male, elitist, old-fashioned traditions of the Commons.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “An alternative explanation is that the different behaviour of men and women MPs is a result of coercive forces within the institution through which women are made to feel like ‘interlopers', and are subject to negative sanctions such as sexist barracking and negative stereotyping.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 84) “Traditional parliaments can therefore be viewed as a ‘gendered space' in which the setting and the communicative tasks, taken together, become an index of a gendered style.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      Clare Walsh's work on the Church of England, analysing the marginalised position of women priests within the church: She argues that women's marginalised position is partly the effect of their own belief in women's ‘civilizing difference' and the resulting avoidance of conflict, and partly the effect of sexist reactions to them by male priests and the media. She also finds that ‘their language and behaviour is more likely than those of male colleagues to be fractured by competing, and often contradictory norms and expectations' (C. Walsh, Gender and Discourse: Language and Power in Politics, the Church and Organisations, p. 217). 
{\textperiodcentered}      Differences between the Commons and the devolved institutions: women were involved in the creation of them; the assemblies have been constructed on a principle of egalitarianism; the different voting systems and shortlists makes it possible to achieve greater representation of women 
{\textperiodcentered}      “Both buildings symbolically and physically reflect the egalitarian ideals of consensus and openness: the chambers are laid out in a circular formation to avoid the confrontational ‘opposition' of the Westminster benches, and public galleries and viewing points were a priority in their design.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 85) “In aiming for a new consensual style of debate, a distinction can be drawn between adopting a less aggressive, combative manner in debates and the wider meaning of the notion of ‘consensus politics'. While a consensual style can settle deep political divisions in an amicable manner, a political consensus implies general political agreement on a given issue.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      Results from this project (ESRC funded project: Gender and Linguistic Participation in the Devolved Parliaments of the UK (RES 000223792)): “This showed that, unlike in the House of Commons, women and men participated equally (in proportion to their numbers overall) in all types of speaking turns, including illegally speaking out of turn.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 87) “The fact that women politicians engage in this type of activity as much as men in the new institutions suggests that it is unlikely that women have been positioned as ‘interlopers' in the same way as they have been in the House of Commons.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “However, the frequency of these highly adversarial exchanges in all the new institutions perhaps shows that a ‘new' politics of consensus and cooperation in debate discourse has not been achieved. Furthermore, the involvement of women in these adversarial exchanges challenges the long-held assumption that women will make a civilising difference by bringing a consensual style to political forums.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 88) Noted here (read again if necessary) that in interviews with MSPs some felt that interrupting and ‘barracking' was justified in some circumstances (e.g. when a minster was failing to answer a Q) but not in others (e.g. to intimidate another member) 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 89) “A woman MLA said that she had been surprised by the masculine ‘performance' aspect of the chamber, which involved ‘back-slapping and insincere comments passed across the chamber for political gain'. Women MLAs also agreed that barracking was characteristic of proceedings, one MLA saying that ‘it is important to shout out' and join in because ‘you have to find your voice in these male-dominated assemblies'.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “It is also worth noting that the wider working environment of the Assembly does not reflect the animosity in the chamber and has a friendly, helpful and non-hierarchical atmosphere.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “In spite of these adversarial exchanges and tactics, there has been some success in the new institutions in terms of achieving a more consensual, egalitarian culture.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 90) “These opinions and observations suggest that the informality and flexibility that are key features of the new institutions have been important for contributing to a less regulatory and more inclusive atmosphere in debates.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      The clearest example of this is in relation to parliamentary language and the relaxation of the formal address forms in the new assemblies. In the House of Commons MPs must address each other as ‘The (Right) Honourable Lady/Gentleman', or by their constituency title. In the Northern Ireland Assembly, MLAs can use the constituency title, as in the House of Commons, but mainly refer to each other as ‘the Member', although there is much more variability in the use of address terms, and people also use first name and surname, and first name only.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 91) “The prevalence of adversarial exchanges in the devolved institutions as it odds with the hope for a more consensual, less combative style of politics.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “The interviews with politicians highlighted another major constraint on the progress of women in politics - and indeed in professional life more generally: 
{\textperiodcentered}      the persistence of gendered stereotypes.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 92) “The finding that women participate in illegal exchanges in the devolved political institutions perhaps shows that a degree of equality has been reached: it appears to be easier in the new parliaments than in the House of Commons for women to participate in all the different types of speaking turns.”},
author = {Shaw, Sylvia},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Shaw - 2013 - New politics Gender and Language in the Devolved Political Assemblies.pdf:pdf},
journal = {Soundings: A Journal of Political Culture},
number = {1},
pages = {81--93},
title = {{New politics? Gender and Language in the Devolved Political Assemblies}},
volume = {55},
year = {2013}
}
@article{Malley2012,
author = {Malley, Rosa},
doi = {10.1111/j.1467-923X.2012.00000.x},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Malley - 2012 - Feeling at Home Inclusion at Westminster and the Scottish Parliament.pdf:pdf},
issn = {00137758},
journal = {The Political Quarterly},
number = {4},
pages = {20},
title = {{Feeling at Home: Inclusion at Westminster and the Scottish Parliament}},
volume = {83},
year = {2012}
}
@article{Coffe2019,
author = {Coff{\'{e}}, Hilde and Bolzendahl, Catherine and Schnellecke, Katia},
journal = {European Journal of Politics and Gender},
number = {2},
pages = {257--281},
title = {{Parties, Issues, and Power: Women's Partisan Representation on German Parliamentary Committees}},
volume = {2},
year = {2019}
}
@article{Childs2011,
abstract = {The case for greater descriptive representation of groups such as women and ethnic minorities has become widely, though not wholly, accepted in much of the academic literature and in the 'real world' of politics in most advanced democracies. In the UK the goal of greater descriptive representation of women has often become framed as a zero-sum game against men, especially local men, with consequences for the descriptive representation of women. This article examines whether claims made for the descriptive representation of women and black candidates can and should apply to local candidates, whatever their sex or race. It draws a distinction between the representation of a territory (common to most representative systems) and the representation of a territory by someone from that territory, a similar distinction to the difference common in the gender and politics literature between the representation of women by an elected representative and the representation of women by women representatives. The article also distinguishes between a hard and a soft form of this argument. The latter applies to almost every constituency in the UK, but it is a claim not based on arguments for the presence of the disadvantaged. However, the case for a local candidate to represent a more disadvantaged constituency, the harder form of the argument, can be made on almost all of the criteria applied to other excluded groups identified in the politics of presence literature. {\textcopyright} 2010 The Authors. Journal compilation {\textcopyright} 2010 Political Studies Association.},
author = {Childs, Sarah and Cowley, Philip},
doi = {10.1111/j.1467-9248.2010.00846.x},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Childs, Cowley - 2011 - The Politics of Local Presence Is there a Case for Descriptive Representation.pdf:pdf},
issn = {00323217},
journal = {Political Studies},
number = {1},
pages = {1--19},
title = {{The Politics of Local Presence: Is there a Case for Descriptive Representation?}},
volume = {59},
year = {2011}
}
@article{Campbell2018,
abstract = {In increasingly personalised electoral contests, voters use evaluations of candidates' personal characteristics in their vote decisions, and candidates deploy personal information about themselves which they believe convey a positive message in their communications with voters. We expand the study of candidate characteristics to include parental status, examining the public's view of politicians with and without children and the behaviour of politicians in their communications with voters. Men and women are equally likely to refer to their children regardless of party. We find a preference for candidates who are parents and no punishment effect for women politicians with children. Our findings, from a British study, contradict some of the research from the United States which finds that voters' reactions to candidates' parental status vary depending on candidate gender; as such, our results suggest that political and cultural context are important factors determining the role gender plays in political behaviour.},
author = {Campbell, Rosie and Cowley, Philip},
doi = {10.1177/1369148118775032},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Campbell, Cowley - 2018 - The impact of parental status on the visibility and evaluations of politicians.pdf:pdf},
journal = {The British Journal of Politics and International Relations},
number = {3},
pages = {753--769},
title = {{The impact of parental status on the visibility and evaluations of politicians}},
volume = {20},
year = {2018}
}
@book{Schreier2012,
address = {London, UK},
author = {Schreier, Margrit},
publisher = {SAGE},
title = {{Qualitative Content Analysis in Practice}},
year = {2012}
}
@article{Dorey2008,
abstract = {After more than 10 years in Office, New Labour has still not completed ‘stage two' of House of Lords reform, and in spite of the March 2007 vote by MPs in favour of an 80 or 100{\%} elected Second Chamber, there remains considerable disagreement within the Labour Party, at all levels, over precisely how the composition of the Upper House should be determined, now that most of the hereditary peers have been removed. Although many Labour MPs support a (more) democratic Upper House, they remain unable to agree on whether all, or only some, members of the Upper House should be elected, and by what method. There are also many Labour parliamentarians, who fear that an elected Second Chamber would acquire sufficient democratic legitimacy to challenge the House of Commons (and the government therein) on a much more regular and damaging basis. Now that most of the hereditary peers have been removed, these Labour MPs reason, the House of Lords is more politically representative than it has ever been, and should thus be left intact. Meanwhile, Labour MPs who want to abolish the House of Lords also fear that democratisation will enhance the legitimacy of the Second Chamber, and so often find themselves reluctantly endorsing a non-elected Second Chamber as the lesser of two evils. These intra-party divisions, clearly discernible in the votes held on proposals for reform in 2003 and 2007, coupled with the Labour leadership's determination to defend the primacy of the House of Commons, and the tacit acceptance of the Westminster Model, have ensured that after more than 10 years in Office, ‘stage two' of House of Lords reform is still far from complete.},
annote = {{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 23) in 2007 MPs voted in favour of motions for both an 80{\%} and wholly elected Lords; this is 10 years after New Labour's proposals for a ‘two stage' reform 
{\textperiodcentered}      The Labour party had experienced severe ‘inter-party' divisions over what form the second stage of reform should take. Every proposed model has revealed deeply divergent views and preferences among Labour MPs 
{\textperiodcentered}      Again article reviews various proposals for Lords reform over the years 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 41) In general concludes that in 2008 there was still no clear vision or proposals for what the government wants from a reformed Lords (e.g. who is electing, is it elected, which electoral systems, timing of elections, supremacy of the Commons) 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 43) ‘New Labour, like Old Labour, is characterised by both a virtually irreconcilable lack of agreement over how exactly to reform the House of Lords, and by a concomitant lack of political will-power or enthusiasm over the issue among many senior Labour parliamentarians. Consequently, the vexatious nature of House of Lords reform invariably leads many senior Labour politicians to conclude that it is probably best to let sleeping peers lie.'},
author = {Dorey, Peter},
doi = {10.1057/palgrave.bp.4200077},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Dorey - 2008 - Stumbling through 'stage two' New labour and house of lords reform.pdf:pdf},
issn = {1746918X},
journal = {British Politics},
keywords = {Appointed,Elected,Legitimacy,Representative,Westminster model},
number = {1},
pages = {22--44},
title = {{Stumbling through 'stage two': New labour and house of lords reform}},
volume = {3},
year = {2008}
}
@misc{UKParliament2020,
author = {{UK Parliament}},
title = {{State of the parties}},
url = {https://members.parliament.uk/parties/Commons},
urldate = {2020-02-04},
year = {2020}
}
@article{Sweet-Cushman2022,
abstract = {Different stereotypes exist for women politicians in a way that is not true for men; a difference that may affect voter evaluations. While some research concludes that these stereotypes disadvantage women candidates, other findings suggest there is no effect, or that women may have some advantages. I employ three unique experiments to offer insight to this disconnect, expanding the knowledge of stereotypes about the goals of legislative vs. executive offices and female politicians in these roles. This analysis provides insight into how the type of office matters, sharpening our understanding of gender stereotypes in candidate evaluation. I find that stereotypes of women in these offices are unique from those of an ungendered officeholder or male officeholders and stereotypes of women are vastly positive, but that these positive stereotypes never equate to an electoral feminine advantage and may penalize a woman with traits counter to the stereotype of the office.},
author = {Sweet-Cushman, Jennie},
doi = {10.1007/s11109-021-09721-x},
file = {:Users/lotte/Dropbox/PhD/style{\_}experiment/lit/Sweet-Cushman2022{\_}Article{\_}LegislativeVsExecutivePolitica.pdf:pdf},
isbn = {1110902109721},
issn = {15736687},
journal = {Political Behavior},
number = {1},
pages = {411--434},
publisher = {Springer US},
title = {{Legislative vs. Executive Political Offices: How Gender Stereotypes Can Disadvantage Women in Either Office}},
url = {https://doi.org/10.1007/s11109-021-09721-x},
volume = {44},
year = {2022}
}
@book{Hall1996,
address = {London},
author = {Hall, Valerie},
isbn = {1853962872},
pages = {214},
publisher = {Paul Chapman},
title = {{Dancing on the Ceiling: A Study of Women Managers in Education}},
year = {1996}
}
@book{Ban2018,
author = {Ban, Pamela and Grimmer, Justin and Kaslovsky, Jaclyn and West, Emily},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Ban et al. - 2018 - A Woman's Voice in the House Gender Composition and its Consequences in Committee Hearings.pdf:pdf},
publisher = {Working Paper},
title = {{A Woman's Voice in the House: Gender Composition and its Consequences in Committee Hearings}},
year = {2018}
}
@article{Campbell2017,
author = {Campbell, Rosie and Heath, Oliver},
doi = {10.1017/S1743923X16000672},
file = {:Users/lotte/Dropbox/PhD/topic{\_}project/lit/do-women-vote-for-women-candidates-attitudes-toward-descriptive-representation-and-voting-behavior-in-the-2010-british-election.pdf:pdf},
issn = {17439248},
journal = {Politics and Gender},
number = {2},
pages = {209--231},
title = {{Do women vote for women candidates? attitudes toward descriptive representation and voting behavior in the 2010 british election}},
volume = {13},
year = {2017}
}
@article{Hanretty2019,
abstract = {Measuring how much citizens care about di{\"{i}}¿¿erent policy issues is critical for political scientists, yet existing measurement approaches have signi{\"{i}}¿¿cant limitations. We provide a new survey-experimental, choice-based approach for measuring the importance voters attach to di{\"{i}}¿¿erent positional issues, including issues not currently contested by political elites. We combine information from (i) direct questions eliciting respondents' positions on di{\"{i}}¿¿erent issues with (ii) a conjoint experiment asking respondents to trade-o{\"{i}}¿¿ departures from their preferred positions on those issues. Applying this method to study the relative importance of {\"{i}}¿¿{\"{i}}¿¿ issues in the UK, we show that British voters attach signi{\"{i}}¿¿cant importance to issues like the death penalty which are not presently the subject of political debate and attach more importance to those issues associated with social liberal-conservative rather than economic left-right divisions.},
author = {Hanretty, Chris and Lauderdale, Benjamin E and Vivyan, Nick},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Hanretty, Lauderdale, Vivyan - 2019 - A Choice-Based Measure of Issue Importance in the Electorate.pdf:pdf},
journal = {American Journal of Political Science},
number = {Forthcoming},
title = {{A Choice-Based Measure of Issue Importance in the Electorate}},
year = {2019}
}
@book{Jalalzai2013,
address = {Oxford},
author = {Jalalzai, Farida},
publisher = {Oxford University Press},
title = {{Shattered, Cracked or Firmly Intact? Women and the Executive Glass Ceiling Worldwide}},
year = {2013}
}
@article{Meeks2012,
abstract = {This study analyzes news coverage of 4 female political candidates-Elizabeth Dole, Claire McCaskill, Hillary Clinton, and Sarah Palin-and their male competitors, as each competed in 2 elections between 1999 and 2008. Analysis focused on novelty labeling, and 'feminine' and 'masculine' political issues and character traits to determine whether the coverage of women and men differed in general, and across the offices of Senator, Governor, Vice President, or President. Overall, women received more news coverage, and the gendered gap in coverage was especially large for novelty, issue, and trait coverage when women sought the 'executive' offices of Governor and in the White House. These findings provide insight into the evolving gender dynamics of women running within the masculinized domain of politics},
author = {Meeks, Lindsey},
doi = {10.1111/j.1460-2466.2011.01621.x},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Meeks - 2012 - Is She Man Enough Women Candidates, Executive Political Offices, and News Coverage.pdf:pdf},
issn = {00219916},
journal = {Journal of Communication},
number = {1},
pages = {175--193},
title = {{Is She "Man Enough"? Women Candidates, Executive Political Offices, and News Coverage}},
volume = {62},
year = {2012}
}
@article{Eason2009,
abstract = {When the House of Lords Act 1999 was passed, women's presence almost doubled overnight from 8.8{\%} to 15.8{\%}. Yet almost a decade later, the increases have been nominal, reaching 19.9{\%} in December 2008. This article examines the feminisation of the House of Lords in terms of numbers from the point of reform to the present day to account for increases in women's representation, and why the increases are so modest. The article identifies clear facilitators and constraints to women's presence in the Lords. Individuals with the capacity to feminise are critical to the increased presence of women, yet peerages also compensate and correct women's low representation in other political arenas. Constraints on women's representation are largely due to historical, systemic and cultural factors with the outcome that one-fifth of the House's membership is effectively reserved for male peers.},
annote = {{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 399) “When the House of Lords Act 1999 was passed, women's presence almost doubled overnight from 8.8{\%} to 15.8{\%}. Yet almost a decade later, the increases have been nominal, reaching 19.9{\%} in December 2008.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “This article examines the feminisation of the House of Lords in terms of numbers from the point of reform to the present day to account for increases in women's representation, and why the increases are so modest.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “Individuals with the capacity to feminise are critical to the increased presence of women, yet peerages also compensate and correct women's low representation in other political arenas.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “Constraints on women's representation are largely due to historical, systemic and cultural factors with the outcome that one-fifth of the House's membership is effectively reserved for male peers.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “The concurrent establishment of new political institutions such as the Scottish Parliament, the Welsh Assembly and the London Assembly saw women's numerical presence reach unprecedented levels, with gender parity achieved in the second term of office in the Welsh Assembly.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “The practice of ‘feminising' politics, that is the ‘insertion and integration of women in terms of numbers and ideas', is becoming more evident in elected British political institutions. Yet the House of Lords is an appointed legislature, and little attention has been paid to women's recruitment to this chamber. This article examines the numerical feminisation of the House of Lords from the 1999 reforms to 2008.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 400) “Additionally, future reform to the House of Lords has focused upon the mode and method of composition; yet women's representation has still not been prioritised as a concern in the debates on such issues.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 401) “The essence of Pitkin's writings holds that the actions of representatives (substantive representation) are more import- ant than who is doing the representing (descriptive representation). Thus, ‘acting for' is raised above ‘standing for' in importance. Descriptive representation, she argues, ‘has no room for any kind of representing as acting for others'.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “Yet Phillips and Mansbridge argue that the male monopoly on political governing and women's exclusion matters. For these theorists the most basic and convincing argument for more women in political life is that of justice. They argue that the current levels of women's representation are neither democratic nor fair. In order to remedy previous exclusions, women should be represented descriptively. Mansbridge takes the argument further by claiming that women's descriptive representation constructs a precedent and meaning for women to partake in governing activities when historically this has not always been the case. It legitimises the institution in the eyes of female citizens and links women's descriptive and symbolic representation.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “Despite the Lords being an unelected chamber, feminist theoretical claims on women's representation remain suitable. Feminist theorists would no doubt argue that women's representation in the Lords matters for the basic reason of justice. The House plays a part in the wider democratic process, even though the mode of composition is undemocratic. Indeed, most feminists would argue that women's political representation is important per se, and would still consider the gender composition of the House of Lords relevant for the justice argument alone.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 402) “Membership of second chambers is often connected to ‘a record of achievement elsewhere in politics'. For this reason, women's presence is likely to be minor because they are under-represented in politics more generally.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “Russell also suggests that appointed chambers offer party elites the opportunity to foster women's numerical presence, in this case specifically where it has failed in other political institutions.” – e.g. in Canada? 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 404) “The removal of most (male) hereditary peers increased women's representation from 8.8{\%} to 15.8{\%}.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 405) There is a clear upward trend in the appointment of women to the Lords, indicating a ‘feminisation'?
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 410) “An analysis of the backgrounds of current women peers against a sample of male peers reveals a significant gender divergence. Almost one-third of sampled male life peers had previously been an MP, whereas less than 15{\%} of female peers had.” – this supports Russell's political achievement theory
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 411) “Women's under- representation in the House of Commons indirectly affects women's presence in the House of Lords because there is a smaller supply-pool of women from which party leaders can choose.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 412) “The use of correctional peerages for women in the House of Lords stretches to other party elites. It was suggested in an interview with a Labour woman peer that Cameron was deliberately ‘gendering' his available appointments to the Lords due to the inherent sexism in some quarters of the Conservative Party who controlled selections in safe Conservative seats.” 
  
  
  
  
Constraints on women's representation in the Lords 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 414) To stand in a hereditary by-election a candidate has to be on the official list, there are no women on this list hence the 90 elected hereditary seats offers no opportunity for female advancement to the chamber 
{\textperiodcentered}      “Despite over 50 years since women were first permitted to enter the Lords, one facet of systemic and direct discrimination against women still exists. In the contemporary House, a small proportion of seats are reserved exclusively for men. The 26 ‘Lords Spiritual' are the most senior figures of the Church of England, usually 24 bishops and 2 arch- bishops. The right to sit in the Lords is terminated upon retirement from religious office, but in practice retiring archbishops have subsequently received life peerages. This occupation is only open to men. Whilst numerically bishops comprise only a nominal section of the Lords' membership, the reservation of these seats is again symbolically powerful because women's presence is systemically barred.”   
{\textperiodcentered}      The issue with the House of Lords is that appointment is made due to significant life achievement (be it political, judicial etc.) and women have been underrepresented in high political office and high judicial office. So women's representation in other fields directly limits women's representation in the Lords – e.g. (p. 415) “Women's representation in political parties, political institutions and at the highest levels of political office has important consequences for the recruitment of women to the Lords.”},
author = {Eason, Christina},
doi = {10.1093/pa/gsn049},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Eason - 2009 - Women Peers and Political Appointment Has the House of Lords Been Feminised Since 1999.pdf:pdf},
journal = {Parliamentary Affairs},
number = {3},
pages = {399--417},
title = {{Women Peers and Political Appointment: Has the House of Lords Been Feminised Since 1999?}},
url = {https://academic.oup.com/pa/article-abstract/62/3/399/1511560},
volume = {62},
year = {2009}
}
@article{Lippa2014,
abstract = {To explore factors associated with occupational sex segregation in the United States over the past four decades, we analyzed U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics data for the percent of women employed in 60 varied occupations from 1972 to 2010. Occupations were assessed on status, people-things orientation, and data-ideas orientation. Multilevel linear modeling (MLM) analyses showed that women increasingly entered high-status occupations from 1972 to 2010, but women's participation in things-oriented occupations (e.g., STEM fields and mechanical and construction trades) remained low and relatively stable. Occupations' data-ideas orientation was not consistently related to sex segregation. Because of women's increased participation in high-status occupations, occupational status became an increasingly weak predictor of women's participation rates in occupations, whereas occupations' people-things orientation became an increasingly strong predictor over time. These findings are discussed in relation to theories of occupational sex segregation and social policies to reduce occupational sex segregation. {\textcopyright} 2014 Lippa et al.},
author = {Lippa, Richard A. and Preston, Kathleen and Penner, John},
doi = {10.1371/journal.pone.0095960},
file = {:Users/lotte/Dropbox/PhD/gendered{\_}styles/lit/file.pdf:pdf},
issn = {19326203},
journal = {PLoS ONE},
number = {5},
pages = {1--8},
pmid = {24788710},
title = {{Women's Representation in 60 Occupations from 1972 to 2010: More Women in High-Status Jobs, Few Women in Things-Oriented Jobs}},
volume = {9},
year = {2014}
}
@article{Pearson2011b,
abstract = {We ask whether women's descriptive representation in Congress enhances women's substantive representation through speechmaking on the House floor. Much of the research on women's substantive representation has focused on members' votes for and sponsorship of "women's issues" legislation. We depart from this research by systematically analyzing how members' gender and partisan identities affect gendered rhetoric in their floor speeches. In an era marked by significant increases in the number of congresswomen and partisan polarization, understanding the interactive effect of gender and partisanship on women's representation is particularly important. In an analysis of more than 30,000 speeches from 1993 to 2008, we find that when members speak about issues of their choosing during one-minute speeches, and during specific legislative debates over the most important policies considered on the House floor, congresswomen in both parties are significantly more likely than men to discuss women, enhancing women's representation. {\textcopyright} The Women and Politics Research Section of the American Political Science Association, 2011.},
author = {Pearson, Kathryn and Dancey, Logan},
doi = {10.1017/S1743923X1100033X},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Pearson, Dancey - 2011 - Speaking for the underrepresented in the house of representatives Voicing women's interests in a partisan era.pdf:pdf},
issn = {1743923X},
journal = {Politics and Gender},
number = {4},
pages = {493--519},
title = {{Speaking for the Underrepresented in the House of Representatives: Voicing Women's Interests in a Partisan Era}},
volume = {7},
year = {2011}
}
@article{Blei2006,
author = {Blei, David and Lafferty, John},
journal = {Advances in neutral information processing systems},
number = {147},
title = {{Correlated Topic Models}},
volume = {18},
year = {2006}
}
@article{Eshima2020,
abstract = {For a long time, many social scientists have conducted content analysis by using their substantive knowledge and manually coding documents. In recent years, however, fully automated content analysis based on probabilistic topic models has become increasingly popular because of their scalability. Unfortunately, applied researchers find that these models often fail to yield topics of their substantive interest by inadvertently creating multiple topics with similar content and combining different themes into a single topic. In this paper, we empirically demonstrate that providing topic models with a small number of keywords can substantially improve their performance. The proposed keyword assisted topic model (keyATM) offers an important advantage that the specification of keywords requires researchers to label topics prior to fitting a model to the data. This contrasts with a widespread practice of post-hoc topic interpretation and adjustments that compromises the objectivity of empirical findings. In our applications, we find that the keyATM provides more interpretable results, has better document classification performance, and is less sensitive to the number of topics than the standard topic models. Finally, we show that the keyATM can also incorporate covariates and model time trends. An open-source software package is available for implementing the proposed methodology.},
archivePrefix = {arXiv},
arxivId = {2004.05964},
author = {Eshima, Shusei and Imai, Kosuke and Sasaki, Tomoya},
eprint = {2004.05964},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Eshima, Imai, Sasaki - 2020 - Keyword Assisted Topic Models.pdf:pdf},
issn = {23318422},
journal = {Working Paper},
keywords = {Content analysis,Latent dirichlet allocation,Mixture model,Text analysis},
title = {{Keyword Assisted Topic Models}},
year = {2020}
}
@book{Eagly2013,
address = {New York},
author = {Eagly, Alice H.},
publisher = {Psychology Press},
title = {{Sex Differences in Social Behavior: A Social-Role Interpretation}},
year = {2013}
}
@article{Stensota2020,
abstract = {A central argument in theories on women's political interests has been that the sexual division of labor, inter alia, gives women greater experience of responsibility for the care of others, especially children, which in turn influences their political attitudes. However, the specifics of this claim have not been sufficiently examined in prior literature. By applying unique data on Swedish legislators' subjective policy preferences and use of their parental leave over time, this article explores empirically whether the personal roles of members of parliament (MPs) in reproduction affect their political preferences, regardless of their sex. The analysis reveals that men's interest in social policy tends to increase after being on parental leave while in office, whereas women's interest in social and family policy remains strong, regardless. This finding might indicate a care experience mechanism at work, pertinent also to men, but with a possibly shallower content. The analysis raises the question: are care issues, previously seen as women's issues, now becoming human issues? It further contributes to the discussion on ways to measure gender other than using sex as proxy.},
author = {Stensota, Helena Olofsdotter},
doi = {10.1017/S1743923X1800082X},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Stensota - 2020 - Does Care Experience Affect Policy Interests Male Legislators, Parental Leave, and Political Priorities in Sweden.pdf:pdf},
issn = {17439248},
journal = {Politics {\&} Gender},
keywords = {Sweden,care experience mechanisms,gender,legislators,political preferences,politics of presence,sex,substantive representation},
number = {1},
pages = {123--144},
title = {{Does Care Experience Affect Policy Interests? Male Legislators, Parental Leave, and Political Priorities in Sweden}},
volume = {16},
year = {2020}
}
@article{DanielMyers2017,
abstract = {The ability of citizens to advance arguments and have them considered fairly is essential to the equality and epistemic quality of deliberative institutions. This article builds on game-Theoretic models of strategic information transmission to offer a theory of how the interests that deliberators have in the outcome of deliberation can reduce the influence of some citizens in deliberative process. Specifically, this article argues that the influence of an argument depends on whether the deliberator making the argument is in the majority or minority in terms of her interests in the outcome of deliberation. An argument made by a member of the minority will be less influential than the same argument made by a member of the majority. We offer the first empirical test of this kind of model in realistic deliberative conditions using a laboratory experiment and a field experiment and find support for this theory.},
author = {Myers, Daniel C.},
doi = {10.1086/690304},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Myers - 2017 - Interests, information, and minority influence in deliberation.pdf:pdf},
issn = {14682508},
journal = {The Journal of Politics},
number = {3},
pages = {804--822},
title = {{Interests, information, and minority influence in deliberation}},
volume = {79},
year = {2017}
}
@book{Mayhew1974,
address = {Yale, US},
author = {Mayhew, David R.},
publisher = {Yale University Press},
title = {{Congress: The Electoral Connection}},
year = {1974}
}
@article{Baerg2018,
abstract = {Scholars often use voting data to estimate central bankers' policy preferences but consensus voting is commonplace. To get around this, we combine topic-based text analysis and scaling methods to generate theoretically motivated comparative measures of central bank preferences on the US Federal Open Market Committee (FOMC) leading up to the financial crisis in a way that does not depend on voting behavior. We apply these measures to a number of applications in the literature. For example, we find that FOMC members that are Federal Reserve Bank Presidents from districts experiencing higher unemployment are also more likely to emphasize unemployment in their speech. We also confirm that committee members on schedule to vote are more likely to express consensus opinion than their off schedule voting counterparts. Political economists have long studied the role of central banks and central bankers in the governance structure of modern countries. Despite their specialty, central banks share similarities with many other political institutions. For example, in the United States, a small committee of individuals set interest rate policy according to majority rule. Because central bank committees often take roll-call votes during committee meetings like in legislatures, researchers commonly apply spatial voting models to help understand central bank decisionmaking. With informative voting, researchers can locate central bankers on a single common dimension, based on the correlations in their voting behavior (see e.g. Previous research has presented some possible problems with applying spatial voting models to central bank decisionmaking. First, committee members often vote according to consensus and consensus voting seems to describe most central bank policy outputs irrespective of how the committee is organized; this makes computation of members' preferences difficult because of invariant or sparse data (Riboni and Ruge-Murcia 2010). Second, the status of committee members, such as duration of tenure on the committee, whether the member is appointed by the president or elected by his or her district, and whether a member has dissented before, is shown to predict whether a member will dissent or not (Meade 2005; Meade and Sheets 2005); this makes it hard to distinguish members' preferences from member hierarchy. Worse, any willingness to cast a dis-senting vote is made harder by a dominant committee Chair (Crawford and Haller 1990; Shapiro and Varian 2013) as well as tendencies towards "group-think" due to members' socialization, such as education and vocation, that may lead members to draw similar conclusions (Johnson 2016; Kaplan 2017; Hallerberg and Wehner 2018). In short, sparse data and differences across individuals},
author = {Baerg, Nicole and Lowe, Will},
doi = {10.1017/psrm.2018.31},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Baerg, Lowe - 2018 - A textual Taylor rule estimating central bank preferences combining topic and scaling methods.pdf:pdf},
journal = {Political Science Research and Methods},
number = {17},
publisher = {Eijffinger},
title = {{A textual Taylor rule: estimating central bank preferences combining topic and scaling methods}},
url = {https://doi.org/10.1017/psrm.2018.31},
volume = {1},
year = {2018}
}
@incollection{Karvonen1995,
address = {Farnham, UK},
annote = {{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 343) “The basic question is whether systematic differences exist between men and women in their use of political language.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      Analysing a formalistic use of political language (parliamentary debates in Norway) and individual election campaigns in Finland 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 344) Dahlerup identifies differences that occur when more women enter parliamentary settings. “Of particular interest for our study is that given the increased representation of women in politics, the expectation is that ‘the tone will be softer in politics', and that ‘shorter speeches' and ‘less formal language, more to the point' will increasingly characterise the political culture (pp. 288-89).” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 346) “Women use a simpler and a more concrete language than men, whose usage favours abstractions.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “Women's language seeks to identify the person's concerned, whereas men employ objective expressions which avoid personal considerations.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “Women use emotional expressions and refer to emotions considerably more frequently than men.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “Female language is more empathic, and the flow of communication is characterised by reciprocity; women frequently use expressions that are intended to produce confirmations of consent. Unpleasant things are expressed in an indirect way.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “Men are more inclined towards a one-way communication, they convey messages rather than engage in a dialogue. This generally gives them a better capacity for authority-oriented situations: men command, lecture, and issue statements more naturally than women.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 347) “Thelander analysed both the perceptions of Swedish politicians about the language of politics and the actual linguistic usage of different groups of politicians. Fifty-six members of the Swedish Parliament and 16 local councillors were interviewed. The language spoken in Parliament in 1978-1979 by those same 56 MPs was then analysed as evidence in the Parliamentary Records. These findings were contrasted with a comparative sample from 1952.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “The opinions of the interviewees were largely similar to the generalised differences between men and women which were briefly presented above: women were claimed to use a less complicated, more concrete and more personal language than men.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “This impression is strongly reinforced by an early study by Esko Vierikko. Vierikko studied the language of Finnish Members of Parliament in the late 1960s in two different situations: informal language use (interviews) was contrasted with formal language, i.e. speeches at the plenary sessions of the parliament. He found a strikingly consistent pattern. In informal situations, female politicians used a clearly less complicated language than men. They used fewer nouns, adjectives and numerals but more pronouns and subject terms; on the average, they also used shorter words than their male colleagues. In formal situations, however, this order was completely reversed. In their parliamentary speeches, female MPs used an official and complicated language which stood in a clear contrast to their unofficial usage.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 348) “Benze and Declerq note that female candidates face a dilemma: whether to fight the perception of lacking toughness and competence by choosing a rather male style of campaigning, thus taking the risk of being seen as ‘too tough and hence strident and bitchy', or clinging to the existing female style (p. 283).” 
Empirical analysis I: parliamentary debates in Norway 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 350) Empirical data consists of parliamentary debates in the Norwegian Storting in 1956 and 1986/87 
{\textperiodcentered}      Picked 13 women and they were assigned ‘male counterparts' resembling them in party affiliation, region and age (as much as possible) – picked from both 1956 nd later 1986 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 352) 
Linguistic patterns: 
“Four such categories found in the literature were used as instruments of classifications in a content analysis of the parliamentary speeches” 
1.     (p. 353) Orientation: “Who are the recipients and beneficiaries of policies and politics? Whose problems are politicians trying to solve? Here, the main distinction is between a concrete and an abstract orientation. Statements referring to concrete groups of individuals and their problems were classified as representing a concrete orientation. ‘The people', ‘farmers', ‘single mothers', ‘pensioners' and ‘students' are typical examples of statements with a concrete orientation. As for abstractions, ‘the system', ‘the State', ‘the development', ‘the economy', ‘the cultural milieu' and ‘the economic situation' are some frequent expressions classified as representing an abstract orientation. Various types of orientation lie somewhere in between these two extremes. ‘Northern Norway', ‘the schools', ‘local government authorities' and ‘cultural organisations' are some examples. These were left unclassified.” 
2.     Arguments: “What kinds of reasons were presented as arguments for or against a certain policy, a standpoint or an opinion? The study distinguished between three different types. Realism denotes arguments which expressedly stress that which is possible to achieve rather than what is desirable: ‘given the current economic situation we must{\ldots}'l ‘we all want peace but{\ldots}'; ‘give this time frame{\ldots}' etc. Acceptability refers to popular will, public opinion or some overarching value: ‘this is the clearly expressed view of the majority of our people'; ‘it would be incompatible with our tradition of local self-government' etc. Consistency refers to compatibility with earlier policies and decisions and the consistent application of rules, principles and guidelines: ‘given the fact that we have invested millions in this system, it is only logical that{\ldots}'; ‘if these groups have been granted this right, others must also be entitled{\ldots}' etc.” 
3.     Propaganda: “Political persuasion is not solely a matter of rationale argumentation. More subtle techniques are frequently used to persuade people without their necessarily being aware of the fact that they are the object of persuasion. In a classical study from the early years of propaganda research (Lee and Lee 1939), a number of propaganda techniques (‘tricks of the trade') were presented. Three of these were used as indicators in the present study. Name calling, ‘giving an idea a bad label – is used to make us reject and condemn an idea without examining the evidence (Lee and Lee 1939: 23-24): ‘this waste of the taxpayers' money'; ‘these anti-democratic features' etc. Glittering Generality, ‘associating something with a ‘virtue word' – is used to make us accept and approve the thing without examining the evidence' (Ibid.)..: ‘international solidarity demands'; ‘this just and fair proposition' etc. Testimonial ‘consists of having some respected or hated person say that a given idea or program or product is good or bad' (Ibid.): ‘as was aptly pointed out by the Chairman'; ‘Hitler was an eager advocate of such practices' etc.” 
4.     (p. 354) Metaphors: “During recent years, many scholars have stressed the importance of metaphor in political language. Metaphors not only constitute an instrument of expression; they also reflect more general views of politics and society and overall patterns of thought. Palonen (1991: 14) has pointed out that the distinction between metaphors that have their origins in mechanistic notions and those that are of an organic origin is potentially interesting from a political science point of view. Examples of the former are references to society and politics as a machine (‘the government machinery'), vehicles (‘the man at the helm') or arguments using the laws of physics (‘equilibrium', ‘centrifugal tendencies') as illustrative examples. Organic metaphors refer to the human body (‘social disease', ‘we need a strong hand'), animals, plants and organic processes (‘flourishing economy'; ‘rooted in a belief'). Many such metaphors are naturally quite commonplace and are used in an unreflected way; at the same time, they may tell us something about the ‘deep structures' of the minds of the speakers.” 
  
{\textperiodcentered}      This kind of content analysis rests of qualitative judgements – “At the same time, the very rationale behind this kind of systematic analysis is to try to reduce large and complicated bodies of empirical material to manageable proportions.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      Unit of analysis: individual politician speaking in parliament – calculate the relative frequency (measured in terms of occurrence per 100 cm of text column)
{\textperiodcentered}      “Thus, saying that the value of ‘concrete orientation' for women MPs in 1956 was 9.9 means that such expressions occurred on the average 9.9 times per 100 centimetres of column.”
{\textperiodcentered}      “In sum, differences between women and men MPs were found to be less than dramatic. The reasonably clear differences for ‘orientation' – women displaying a more concrete orientation than men – has diminished somewhat over time.” 
Empirical analysis II: election campaigns in Finland 
Coding for images of candidates 
1.     “‘Competence/experience' encompasses signs that are linked to competence and different aspects of skills and experiences.” 
2.     ‘Warmth/Compassion' includes signs that stress human warmth, cordiality and compassion 
3.     ‘Performance/Activity' comprises signs by which candidates underline their ability to be active and efficient political decision-makers. 
4.     ‘Honesty/Trustworthiness' is a fairly straightforward category containing signs by which the candidates try to establish themselves as particularly honest and worthy of the voters' trust. 
5.     ‘Family references' simply denotes signs alluding to the candidates' families, parenthood etc. 
6.     ‘Group identification' contains candidates who have underlined their affiliation to some particular group of citizens 
7.     ‘Independence/Bravery' focuses on signs by which candidates try to picture themselves as independent and as persons that sick to their own views whatever the circumstances 
8.     ‘Strength/Toughness' contains signs that are linked to firmness, strength and endurance 
9.     ‘Other signs' is a residual category for candidate ads exhibiting signs that do not match any of the categories above},
author = {Karvonen, Lauri and Djupsund, G{\"{o}}ran and Carlson, Tom},
booktitle = {Women in Nordic Politics: Closing the Gap},
editor = {Karvonen, L and Selle, P},
pages = {343--382},
publisher = {Ashgate Publishing},
title = {{Political Language}},
year = {1995}
}
@article{Francis2003,
author = {Francis, Becky and Read, Barbara and Melling, Lindsay and Robson, Jocelyn},
doi = {10.1080/01425690301891},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Francis et al. - 2003 - University Lecturers' Perceptions of Gender and Undergraduate Writing.pdf:pdf},
issn = {1465-3346},
journal = {British Journal of Sociology of Education},
number = {3},
pages = {357--373},
title = {{University Lecturers' Perceptions of Gender and Undergraduate Writing}},
volume = {24},
year = {2003}
}
@article{Renwick2019,
abstract = {High-quality information is widely regarded as essential for democratic referendum campaigns, but what this means and how it can be advanced has not been systematically studied. By reviewing existing literature and drawing on a survey of practice around the democratic world, this article addresses this gap by making three contributions. First, it identifies four key dimensions to high-quality information: accuracy; balance; accessibility; and relevance. Second, it identifies four strategies through which information quality may be advanced: controlling campaign finance; confronting misinformation; creating and disseminating quality information; and promoting quality discussion. Third, it examines existing knowledge on the most promising of these strategies, offering preliminary conclusions and pointers for further research. The article suggests that the optimal strategy has not yet been found, and that further research could help to develop it.},
author = {Renwick, Alan and Palese, Michela and Sargeant, Jess},
doi = {10.1080/00344893.2019.1661872},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Renwick, Palese, Sargeant - 2019 - Information in Referendum Campaigns How Can It Be Improved.pdf:pdf},
issn = {17494001},
journal = {Representation},
keywords = {Deliberation,democracy,information,referendum},
number = {0},
pages = {1--17},
publisher = {Taylor {\&} Francis},
title = {{Information in Referendum Campaigns: How Can It Be Improved?}},
url = {https://doi.org/10.1080/00344893.2019.1661872},
volume = {0},
year = {2019}
}
@article{Mansbridge1999,
author = {Mansbridge, Jane},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Mansbridge - 1999 - Should Blacks Represent Blacks and Women Represent Women A Contingent Yes.pdf:pdf},
journal = {The Journal of Politics},
number = {3},
pages = {628--657},
title = {{Should Blacks Represent Blacks and Women Represent Women? A Contingent "Yes"}},
volume = {61},
year = {1999}
}
@book{Karpowitz2014,
abstract = {Do women participate in and influence meetings equally with men? Does gender shape how a meeting is run and whose voices are heard?The Silent Sexshows how the gender composition and rules of a deliberative body dramatically affect who speaks, how the group interacts, the kinds of issues the group takes up, whose voices prevail, and what the group ultimately decides. It argues that efforts to improve the representation of women will fall short unless they address institutional rules that impede women's voices. Using groundbreaking experimental research supplemented with analysis of school boards, Christopher Karpowitz and Tali Mendelberg demonstrate how the effects of rules depend on women's numbers, so that small numbers are not fatal with a consensus process, but consensus is not always beneficial when there are large numbers of women. Men and women enter deliberative settings facing different expectations about their influence and authority. Karpowitz and Mendelberg reveal how the wrong institutional rules can exacerbate women's deficit of authority while the right rules can close it, and, in the process, establish more cooperative norms of group behavior and more generous policies for the disadvantaged. Rules and numbers have far-reaching implications for the representation of women and their interests. Bringing clarity and insight to one of today's most contentious debates,The Silent Sexprovides important new findings on ways to bring women's voices into the conversation on matters of common concern.},
address = {Princeton},
annote = {Findings
- (p. 1) Women less likely than men to talk and to influence others when discussing matters of common concern 
- (p. 2) When groups are composed of many women and the group uses majority rule, women's au- thority rises and sometimes equals that of men
- (p. 6) "Our evidence establishes that gender inequality is deep and pervasive despite the steps commonly assumed to guard against it."

Defining gender
- social identity of men/women but also not just a characteristic of the individual - can also be a dimension of the style of interaction between individuals (e.g. more masculine or more feminine) 
- gender can also refer to a setting (e.g. emphasising cooperation or competition) 
- (p. 3) Authority interacts with this: e.g. women can assert authority by speaking more/less and men can support women by validating their speech and supporting what they say 

Key insights from the book
- nature of interaction and how it shapes authority of group members and how their opinion is weighted in discussion
- social identity matters (matters who interacts with who)
- institutions and their procedures deserve a central place in attempts to understand how group dynamics construct authority and how authroity affects group decisions 
- (p. 7) "The gender dynamics of groups play out anywhere people gather and interact with each other in more formal settings."

Methods
- Rely on speech-act theory 
- (p. 6) Uses controlled experiments that randomly vary the conditions of discussion, using many groups. Results are validated within a study fo naturally occurring groups},
author = {Karpowitz, Christopher F. and Mendelberg, Tali},
booktitle = {The Silent Sex: Gender, Deliberation, and Institutions},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Karpowitz, Mendelberg - 2014 - The Silent Sex Gender, Deliberation {\&} Institutions.pdf:pdf},
pages = {1--7},
publisher = {Princeton University Press},
title = {{The Silent Sex: Gender, Deliberation {\&} Institutions}},
year = {2014}
}
@article{Brescoll2008,
abstract = {Three studies examined the relationships among anger, gender, and status conferral. As in prior research, men who expressed anger in a professional context were conferred higher status than men who expressed sadness. However, both male and female evaluators conferred lower status on angry female professionals than on angry male professionals. This was the case regardless of the actual occupational rank of the target, such that both a female trainee and a female CEO were given lower status if they expressed anger than if they did not. Whereas wom-en's emotional reactions were attributed to internal characteristics (e.g., ''she is an angry person,'' ''she is out of control''), men's emotional reactions were attributed to external circumstances. Providing an external attribution for the target person's anger eliminated the gender bias. Theoretical implications and practical applications are discussed.},
author = {Brescoll, Victoria L and Uhlmann, Eric Luis},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Brescoll, Uhlmann - 2008 - Can an Angry Woman Get Ahead Status Conferral, Gender, and Expression of Emotion in the Workplace.pdf:pdf},
journal = {Psychological Science},
number = {3},
pages = {268--275},
title = {{Can an Angry Woman Get Ahead? Status Conferral, Gender, and Expression of Emotion in the Workplace}},
volume = {19},
year = {2008}
}
@article{Schneider2016,
abstract = {We provide a novel approach to understanding the political ambition gap between men and women by examining perceptions of the role of politician. Across three studies, we find that political careers are viewed as fulfilling power-related goals, such as self-promotion and competition. We connect these goals to a tolerance for interpersonal conflict and both of these factors to political ambition. Women's lack of interest in conflict and power-related activities mediates the relationship between gender and political ambition. In an experiment, we show that framing a political career as fulfilling communal goals—and not power-related goals—reduces the ambition gap.},
author = {Schneider, Monica C. and Holman, Mirya R. and Diekman, Amanda B. and McAndrew, Thomas},
doi = {10.1111/pops.12268},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Schneider et al. - 2016 - Power, Conflict, and Community How Gendered Views of Political Power Influence Women's Political Ambition.pdf:pdf},
issn = {14679221},
journal = {Political Psychology},
keywords = {conflict avoidance,gender,political ambition,political behavior,role congruity},
number = {4},
pages = {515--531},
title = {{Power, Conflict, and Community: How Gendered Views of Political Power Influence Women's Political Ambition}},
volume = {37},
year = {2016}
}
@article{Yildirim2021a,
abstract = {Much of the vast literature on the substantive representation of women takes as its point of departure important a priori assumptions about the nature of women as a group. Calling for a rethink of many of those assumptions, a recent body of work recommends an inductive approach to defining women's interests. In line with this view, this article draws on a recently constructed dataset that codes nearly a million Americans' policy priorities over the past 75 years to explore what constitutes women's interests and whether gender differences in priorities cut across partisan and racial divisions. The results suggest there are consistent gender gaps across a large number of policy categories, with women showing particular concern for policy areas traditionally associated with issues of 'women's interests'. While in many policy areas women were more likely to share policy priorities with other women than with their male counterparts of the same race or partisan background, the results also document considerable heterogeneity among women in various policy areas, which has major policy implications for the representation of women's interests.},
author = {Yildirim, Tevfik Murat},
doi = {10.1017/S0007123421000235},
file = {:Users/lotte/Dropbox/PhD/topic{\_}project/lit/rethinking-womens-interests-an-inductive-and-intersectional-approach-to-defining-womens-policy-priorities.pdf:pdf},
issn = {14692112},
journal = {British Journal of Political Science},
keywords = {USA,gender,intersectionality,most important problems,partisanship,policy priorities,race,women's substantive representation},
number = {Forthcoming},
pages = {1--18},
title = {{Rethinking Women's Interests: An Inductive and Intersectional Approach to Defining Women's Policy Priorities}},
year = {2021}
}
@book{Puwar2004,
address = {Oxford, UK},
annote = {Chapter 5: Performative Rites: Ill-fitting Suits 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 77) “you learn the style, and the norm is the male style” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “you feel very sort of, very much like an outsider, because it is such a male institution, because it is an institution built by men, shaped by men, in men's image you feel sort of separate from it and you think you're not part of it and it's quite difficult to get into your stride” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 78) “When Pateman says (1995: 6) that the political lion skin is a costume for men and that it is exceedingly ill-fitted and unbecoming for women, she is making an explicit link between the political realm and the (unspoken) body.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 79) “So, when, for instance, we analyse the body politic, instead of locating gender and the role of MPs in two independent structures (legislatures and gender), we need to think of them as being inbuilt. Both of these scripts are fused. Genders are simultaneously produced and re-enacted through the rituals within the higher echelons of the body politic – as they are in other organisations.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “Thus the routine ritualistic enactment of the script of an MP simultaneously involves the repetition of gendered scripts. The two are interwoven together, and the body is central to the way in which they are synchronised.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 80) “Butler starts from the premise that there is no essential essence to gender, gender is not a fact, gender is something one is always in the process of becoming. Thus our gendered identities do not express out so-called natural gender, because after all there is no such thing, but rather out gendered identities are a performative accomplishment.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 81) “If we take a cue from this framework, it is possible to consider the kind of gendered scripts (styles, acts, performances) – the ‘kind of acting in concert and acting in accord' – has been forged into the script of a gender/MP as bearing specific forms of masculine accomplishments.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 82) “However, while physical violence is replaced by rational verbal communication in the formation of the bourgeoisie state, the combination of violence, sexuality and political power remains in the rituals (Pitkin 1984; Brown 1988, 1995), only now it is bureaucratically/theatrically institutionalised.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 83) “Performances in the Chamber were characterised by a number of the women MPs that I interviewed as being predominantly adversarial, aggressive and ‘macho'.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 86) “The Chamber is a place where aggressive debates are conducted, with one side of the benches vocally attacking the other.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “What, however, is distinctive about the insertion of women into this violent political theatre is that women's bodies are visible in a way that men's bodies are not. This means that the attack on women MPs can often be mediated through their bodies, with their bodies being used as an additional source of fuel during the exchange of political fire.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 87) “Although some of the women in the Labour Party found that the ‘sexual harassment and catcalling' was largely limited to the Conservative benches, most of them thought that it also existed on the Labour benches, albeit in a diluted form.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 89) “Because women represent the social sphere that has been excluded from the state, they often have to struggle to be heard in the Chamber. Their speech is not automatically given as much recognition and space as the men's is.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “Some of the MPs noted various ways in which women's speech is not given as much recognition as that of the men. When the House is pressed for time, the assumption is often made that women ‘will naturally give way to a man'.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 91) “Due to the convergence of gender/occupational scripts, historically, the ‘core' qualities of leadership are seen to be ‘classically' male.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “Because women are not expected to have certain abilities, there is always an element of doubt, even if it is temporary, concerning their capability to do the job well.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “When women are in portfolios considered to be ‘classically' male, then the burden of doubt/representation pressures are further intensified. Women feel that they have to be careful of making mistakes, ‘because they'd love to say, “Well, you can't do the job, you know, this is not traditional.” Some women MPs stressed that, when women are given the opportunity to undertake roles that they are not expected to be in, they ‘must excel' to show that they can do non-traditional jobs.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 93) “An awful lot of energy is expended by women on managing their femininity in a social position constructed in masculine terms, with a masculine body in mind.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 95) “The risk of being labelled as ‘naggers or being thought of as exhibitionists' means that women face all sorts of dilemmas that male MPs rarely have to confront. Under these conditions, women have to weigh up one way of behaving against another. The political issues they articulate are integral to the way they may be labelled.”},
author = {Puwar, Nirmal},
publisher = {Berg},
title = {{Space Invaders: Race, Gender and Bodies Out of Place}},
year = {2004}
}
@article{Newman2008,
abstract = {Differences in the ways that men and women use language have long been of interest in the study of discourse. Despite extensive theorizing, actual empirical investigations have yet to converge on a coherent picture of gender differences in language. A significant reason is the lack of agreement over the best way to analyze language. In this research, gender differences in language use were examined using standardized categories to analyze a database of over 14,000 text files from 70 separate studies. Women used more words related to psychological and social processes. Men referred more to object properties and impersonal topics. Although these effects were largely},
author = {Newman, Matthew L. and Groom, Carla J. and Handelman, Lori D. and Pennebaker, James W.},
doi = {10.1080/01638530802073712},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Newman et al. - 2008 - Gender Differences in Language Use An Analysis of 14,000 Text Samples.pdf:pdf},
journal = {Discourse Processes },
pages = {211--236},
title = {{Gender Differences in Language Use: An Analysis of 14,000 Text Samples}},
volume = {45},
year = {2008}
}
@article{Bolzendahl2014,
abstract = {as men and women increasingly share access to state power, there has been a question of whether women's rising descriptive representation leads to substantive change, and a sizable body of literature suggests it does. as a mechanism for this effect, i theorize legislatures as gendered organizations that build gender into their institutional operation, as enmeshed in legislative committee systems. Using case studies of Germany, Sweden, and the United States, i examine 40 years of data collected on legislative committees and memberships. this study reveals some similarities, where all committee systems emphasize gender-typed roles, particularly female legislators' greater segregation into social issue committees. Yet, gender is constructed differentially across these organizations, and the nations vary in the gender structure of their committee systems, degree of gender segregation and typing, and gendered relations of power and prestige. implications for integrating theories of gender as an institution, gendered organizations, and feminist institutionalism are discussed.},
author = {Bolzendahl, Catherine},
doi = {10.1177/0891243214542429},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Bolzendahl - 2014 - Opportunities and expectations the Gendered Organization of Legislative Committees in Germany, Sweden, and the Unite.pdf:pdf},
journal = {Gender {\&} Society},
keywords = {comparative,gender,institutions,legislative committees,organizations},
number = {6},
pages = {847--876},
title = {{Opportunities and expectations the Gendered Organization of Legislative Committees in Germany, Sweden, and the United States}},
url = {https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/pdf/10.1177/0891243214542429},
volume = {28},
year = {2014}
}
@article{Fulton2020,
abstract = {Are female candidates less likely than male candidates to attract votes or win elections? We conduct a large-n longitudinal analysis employing survey and observational data from every two-party congressional race over a 12-year period (2006–2018) and connect individual-level theory and evidence with aggregate-level results. We demonstrate that candidate gender significantly influences congressional vote-choice and election outcomes. Holding other variables constant, we show that male Republican and male independent voters are significantly less likely to vote for female Democratic candidates, but do not assess a similar penalty on female Republican candidates. Perceived ideological distance does not explain the lack of support for female Democrats—however, variations in candidate quality does: Female Democratic candidates can attract the support of male Republican and male independent voters when they have a qualifications advantage, but are penalized when they are merely “as qualified.” At the aggregate-level, female Democratic candidates with a qualifications advantage are as likely as males to win elections; but are significantly less likely than males to win when qualifications are held constant. The proportion of male Republicans and male independents in a district determines the extent of the penalty, with women's electoral prospects declining as this proportion increases. Women can win, but they need to be highly qualified and strategic about the races in which they emerge. These findings contribute to our understanding of the micro- and macro-level factors that shape women's electoral fortunes; and advance the goal of representational equality by helping candidates and campaigns concentrate their efforts on the most winnable voters and districts.},
author = {Fulton, Sarah A. and Dhima, Kostanca},
doi = {10.1007/s11109-020-09604-7},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Fulton, Dhima - 2020 - The Gendered Politics of Congressional Elections.pdf:pdf},
isbn = {0123456789},
issn = {15736687},
journal = {Political Behavior},
keywords = {Bias,Congressional elections,Gender,Heuristics,Ideological distance,Partisanship,Sexism,Vote-choice},
pages = {1--27},
publisher = {Springer US},
title = {{The Gendered Politics of Congressional Elections}},
year = {2020}
}
@book{Halperin2012,
address = {Oxford, UK},
author = {Halperin, Sandra and Heath, Oliver},
publisher = {Oxford University Press},
title = {{Political Research Methods and Practical Skills}},
year = {2012}
}
@techreport{Hale1994,
abstract = {This paper discusses dilemmas related to gender parity. Several constraints related to overcoming gendered reality are enumerated, along with the conceptual models that shape the way we tend to think about women's and men's workplace roles. The article proposes the need for a reformulation of administrative theory and personnel practices that will reflect greater equality between men and women in the workplace. espite considerable attention in N recent years to the glass ceiling problem for women, data on the gender composition of administrative positions continue to indicate that men disproportionately occupy upper level positions in organizations, public and private alike. Looking just at the past five years, when it might be thought that significant progress has been made in promoting women into these positions, public sector studies show that progress, al-beit present, has not been substantial This article attempts to answer this question by focusing on the dilemmas involved in remediating gender inequality' and the conditions necessary for its demise. Some of the dilemmas inherent in the quest to overcome gender inequality, and some ideas on how these dilemmas can begin to be resolved, are discussed m the first section. The focus is on understanding the conceptual models of gender that underlie these dilemmas, and appreciating the need for strategic interaction to overcome them. In the second section, I point to the conditions needed to attain gender parity in organizations and outline a project designed to help reach this end. DILEMMAS INHERENT IN REACHING GENDER EQUALITY IN ORGANIZATIONS There are numerous dilemmas associated with achieving gender equity in organi-zations2. The following discussion contains seven types of dilemmas inherent in the quest to overcome the gendered reality present in modern organizations. The},
author = {Hale, Mary M},
booktitle = {Bayes},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Hale - 1994 - Gender Equality in Organizations Resolving the Dilemmas Given the substantial rhetoric favor-ing political equality, why h.pdf:pdf},
publisher = {Hale and Kelly},
title = {{Gender Equality in Organizations Resolving the Dilemmas Given the substantial rhetoric favor-ing political equality, why has more progress not been made in achieving equality for women in organizations?}},
url = {http://journals.sagepub.com/doi/pdf/10.1177/0734371X9601600103},
year = {1994}
}
@misc{Moore1997,
author = {Moore, Suzanne},
booktitle = {The Independent},
title = {{Welcome to 'Blair's Babes' but the struggle goes on}},
url = {https://www.independent.co.uk/voices/welcome-to-blairs-babes-but-the-struggle-goes-on-1260491.html},
urldate = {2019-12-03},
year = {1997}
}
@misc{Crace2017,
author = {Crace, John},
booktitle = {The Guardian},
title = {{The making of the Maybot: a year of mindless slogans, U-turns and denials}},
url = {https://www.theguardian.com/politics/2017/jul/10/making-maybot-theresa-may-rise-and-fall},
year = {2017}
}
@article{Winter2010,
abstract = {During the past three decades Americans have come to view the parties increasingly in gendered terms of masculinity and femininity. Utilizing three decades of American National Election Studies data and the results of a cognitive reaction-time experiment, this paper demonstrates empirically that these connections between party images and gender stereotypes have been forged at the explicit level of the traits that Americans associate with each party, and also at the implicit level of unconscious cognitive connections between gender and party stereotypes. These connections between the parties and masculinity and femininity have important implications for citizens' political cognition and for the study of American political behavior. {\textcopyright} 2010 Springer Science+Business Media, LLC.},
author = {Winter, Nicholas J.G.},
doi = {10.1007/s11109-010-9131-z},
file = {:Users/lotte/Dropbox/PhD/style{\_}experiment/lit/Winter2010{\_}Article{\_}MasculineRepublicansAndFeminin.pdf:pdf},
issn = {01909320},
journal = {Political Behavior},
keywords = {Femininity,Gender,Implicit attitudes,Masculinity,Party images,Public opinion},
number = {4},
pages = {587--618},
title = {{Masculine Republicans and Feminine Democrats: Gender and Americans' Explicit and Implicit Images of the Political Parties}},
volume = {32},
year = {2010}
}
@article{Banaji1993,
author = {Banaji, Mahzarin R. and Hardin, Curtis and Rothman, Alexander J.},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Banaji, Hardin, Rothman - 1993 - Implicit Stereotyping in Person Judgment.pdf:pdf},
isbn = {00223514(93},
journal = {Journal of Personality and Social Psychology},
number = {2},
pages = {272--281},
title = {{Implicit Stereotyping in Person Judgment}},
volume = {65},
year = {1993}
}
@article{Ward2016a,
abstract = {At the U.S. 2012 general election, six minority women were newly elected to the House of Representatives, a net increase from 21 to 23, and a rise from 23{\%} to 27{\%} as a proportion of all women in the House (CAWP 2010, 2012). Among this group was Iraq War veteran Tulsi Gabbard (D-HI 2nd District), the first Hindu American to serve in Congress. Despite generally positive coverage, her local paper also framed Gabbard's identity as an “underdog {\ldots} on the margins of popular respectability.” In Utah, Mormon Mia Love ran the first viable black female Republican campaign, securing 47{\%} of the vote in the state's overwhelmingly white 4th District. Love was frequently framed positively as a “historic candidate” and was invited to speak at the GOP convention that year. Despite this, her self-portrayal as a product of the American dream—linking her second-generation Haitian identity to her partisan politics—drew sharp criticism. Local campaign coverage even interrogated the legality of her family history with headlines such as “Love's Immigrant Story may be True, but Some Questions Linger.”},
annote = {Falk, Erika. 2008. Women for President: Media Bias in Eight Campaigns. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.},
author = {Ward, Orlanda},
doi = {10.1017/S1743923X16000222},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Ward - 2016 - Seeing Double Race, Gender, and Coverage of Minority Women's Campaigns for the U.S. House of Representatives.pdf:pdf},
issn = {17439248},
journal = {Politics and Gender},
number = {2},
pages = {317--343},
title = {{Seeing Double: Race, Gender, and Coverage of Minority Women's Campaigns for the U.S. House of Representatives}},
volume = {12},
year = {2016}
}
@article{Hainmueller2015,
author = {Hainmueller, Jens and Hangartner, Dominik and Yamamoto, Teppei},
doi = {10.1073/pnas.1416587112},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Hainmueller, Hangartner, Yamamoto - 2015 - Validating vignette and conjoint survey experiments against real-world behavior.pdf:pdf},
journal = {Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences},
number = {8},
pages = {2395--2400},
title = {{Validating vignette and conjoint survey experiments against real-world behavior}},
volume = {112},
year = {2015}
}
@article{Yoder2001,
abstract = {This article explores strategies for enhancing women's effectiveness as leaders by first recognizing that leadership itself is gendered and is enacted within a gendered context, two themes that recur throughout this issue. These contexts exist along a continuum ranging from male-dominated, hierarchical, performance-oriented, power-expressive and thus masculinized contexts at one extreme to trans-formational contexts that stress the empowerment of followers at the other pole. Each context suggests different strategies for making women leaders effective, emphasizing women-specific recommendations in masculinized contexts that focus on status enhancement and the legitimation of women leaders in contrast to innovative contexts with broader task goals that prove more congenial for women, as well as men, leaders.},
author = {Yoder, Janice D},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Yoder - 2001 - Making Leadership Work More Effectively for Women.pdf:pdf},
journal = {Journal of Social Issues},
number = {4},
pages = {815--828},
title = {{Making Leadership Work More Effectively for Women}},
url = {https://spssi.onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/pdf/10.1111/0022-4537.00243},
volume = {57},
year = {2001}
}
@article{Blumenau2022,
author = {Blumenau, Jack and Wolkenstein, Fabio and Wratil, Christopher},
journal = {Working Paper},
title = {{Measuring Multidimensional Represention}},
year = {2022}
}
@unpublished{Knox2018,
abstract = {Social scientists increasingly rely on statistical models of text to resolve a wide range of questions about speech across a range of domains. However, humans communicate with more than text alone. Auditory cues convey important information, such as emotion, in many contexts of interest to social scientists. Nonetheless, researchers typically discard this information and work only with transcriptions of audio data. We develop the Structural Speaker Affect Model (SSAM), to classify auditorily distinct "modes" of speech (e.g., emotions, speakers) and the transitions between them. SSAM incorporates ridge-like regularization into a nested hidden Markov model, allowing the use of high-dimensional audio features. We implement a fast estimation procedure that enables a principled approach to uncertainty based on the Bayesian bootstrap. As a validation test, we show that SSAM markedly outperforms existing audio and text approaches in both (a) identifying individual Supreme Court justices and (b) detecting human-labeled "skepticism" in their speech. We extend the analysis by examining the dynamics of expressed emotion in oral arguments.},
annote = {In general, come back to this later - it's too techincal for my understanding at the moment. 

Notes from this video: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Hs8A9dwkMzI

- Speaker-Affect Model (SAM) - meauring emotion in political speech wih audio data 
- Nice example of differences between videos of these things and text - emotions and the way words are spoken matter 
- Audio data - essentially a pressure wave of peaks and trophs (e.g. an audio wave)

Steps:
1. Experts determine speaking modes and rubric 
2. Humans code 'speaking mode' for training set 
3. Unsupervised HMM for each speaking mode (automatically classify sounds, estimate content/usage)
4. Supervised HMM for changes in mode of speech (estimate flow of speech) - usage of different speaing modes; how speaking modes change over course of speech; interplay in speaking modes betwen people 

- Can pick up joy, disgust, anger, fear, sagness, surprise etc
- SAM is about transitions between modes of speech - this is important},
author = {Knox, Dean and Lucas, Christopher},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Knox, Lucas - 2018 - A Dynamic Model of Speech for the Social Sciences.pdf:pdf},
keywords = {Hidden Markov model,Latent process,Signal processing,Social sciences,Speech dynamics *},
title = {{A Dynamic Model of Speech for the Social Sciences}},
url = {http://www.dcknox.com/},
year = {2018}
}
@article{Schneider2014,
abstract = {One explanation for the dearth of women in elected office is that voters stereotype candidates based on their gender. Research in this vein often assumes that female candidates will be stereotyped similarly to women (e.g., as compassionate) and measures stereotypes as such. We question this assumption, proposing instead that female politicians constitute a subtype – a new stereotypical category with its own qualities – of the broader group women. We compare the content of female politician stereotypes to other relevant comparison groups including politicians, male politicians, and female professionals. Using a classic methodology to determine stereotype content (Katz and Braly 1933), we find that female politicians do not share the qualities that are ascribed to women (e.g., warm, empathetic). Our results show that female politicians seem to be „losing‟ on male stereotypical qualities while also not having any advantage on qualities typical of women. The content of female politician stereotypes is nebulous and lacks clarity in comparison to all other groups examined. We discuss implications for the future of measurement of politician stereotypes. 2},
annote = {{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 245) “One explanation for the dearth of women in elected office is that voters stereotype candidates based on their gender.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “We compare the content of female politician stereotypes to other relevant comparison groups including politicians, male politicians, and female professionals. Using a classic methodology to determine stereotype content (Katz {\&} Braly, 1933), we find that female politicians do not share the qualities that are ascribed to women (e.g., warm, empathetic).” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “The content of female politician stereotypes is nebulous and lacks clarity in comparison to all other groups examined.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 246) “Empathy, along with leadership, integrity, and competency, are usually important in predicting candidate vote choice (Funk, 1999; Kinder, 1986).” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “A second explanation posits that these differences result from voters viewing female politicians as having more liberal beliefs than male politicians (the “belief” approach).” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “we note that trait stereotypes of women in general may not apply to female politicians. Stereotypes of women are generally related to being beautiful, intuitive, and warm (Diekman {\&} Eagly, 2000) and are typically unrelated to ideas about those who engage in leadership roles (Eagly {\&} Carli, 2007; Eagly {\&} Karau, 2002; Koenig et al., 2011).” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “Huddy and Terkildsen (1993a) ascribed the feminine traits of compassion, trustworthiness, being family-oriented, and having people skills to a target candidate.”
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 249) “The stereotypes of men and women may be converging such that men are seen to be adopting more feminine qualities and women more masculine (Diekman {\&} Eagly, 2000).” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “The relationship between female politicians and women, we argue, is different from that of male politicians with men.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 250) “In sum, we observe that current measures of stereotypes of female politicians are based on a questionable assumption—that female politicians are similar to women. As a result, measurements are inconsistent, may be incomplete, and the fact that they have not been adjusted over time could matter considerably for connecting stereotypes to political behaviours of interest.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 260) “our findings demonstrated that respondents did not view female politicians as possessing female stereotypical traits in the same way that these traits are ascribed to women. This indicated that female politicians are a subtype of women.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “Based on the comparisons we presented, we can see that female politicians are defined more by their deficits than their strengths.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 261) “Voters seem to be ambivalent towards female politicians and to have ill-defined ideas about what it means to be a female politician, even as they have somewhat positive impressions of female professionals, a closely related subtype of women. Despite gains in the percentage of politicians who are female, there may still not be enough women in office for voters to form a consensus of stereotypical qualities.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “We have established that female politicians are not stereotyped as women; male politicians, in contrast, do share key qualities with men, making male politicians a subgroup of men. Male politicians share the positive personality traits of men, even as they are more empathetic and viewed less in physical terms. We note there were a number of traits where over 80{\%} of respondents agreed were central to male politicians.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 262) “Thus, the feminization of the politician role could be an indication that, relative to other occupations, the occupation of politician is devalued.”},
archivePrefix = {arXiv},
arxivId = {arXiv:1011.1669v3},
author = {Schneider, Monica C. and Bos, Angela L.},
doi = {10.1111/pops.12040},
eprint = {arXiv:1011.1669v3},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Schneider, Bos - 2014 - Measuring stereotypes of female politicians.pdf:pdf},
isbn = {1467-9221},
issn = {14679221},
journal = {Political Psychology},
keywords = {Female politician,Gender stereotypes,Measurement,Stereotype content,Subgroup,Subtype},
number = {2},
pages = {245--266},
pmid = {25246403},
title = {{Measuring Stereotypes of Female Politicians}},
volume = {35},
year = {2014}
}
@article{Boussalis2019,
author = {Boussalis, Constantine and Mcelroy, Gail and Sorace, Miriam},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Boussalis, Mcelroy, Sorace - 2019 - Exploring Female Legislators' Policy Agenda Using a Dynamic Topic Model.pdf:pdf},
journal = {Working Paper},
title = {{Exploring Female Legislators' Policy Agenda Using a Dynamic Topic Model}},
year = {2019}
}
@article{Rosenblatt2007,
abstract = {'The biggest worry I have is becoming establishment and being sucked into Westminster.' Lynne Featherstone MP 'We are less institutionalised. But that may well change. In 10 years' time we could easily be the stuffy people who say, "you must understand how Parliament works". But at the moment, we are ripe for revolution.' Ed Vaizey MP 'MPs do develop certain habits, such as poor punctuality and failure to engage in eye contact. These are the habits of busy people who are under stress.' Michael Gove MP THE 2005 General Election saw 119 people elected to Parliament for the first time. 2 For such individuals, an exhausting campaign trail had come to a successful and exhilarating end. The real work, however, was now to begin. The Hansard Society spent the following 12 months monitoring a group of newly elected MPs to see how they changed their views and behaviour once they ceased to be 'one of us' and became 'one of them'. We interviewed more than 20 participants at the beginning, middle and end of this period, and these interviews were supplemented by surveys sent to all members of the intake. 3 This paper considers the extent to which this intake of MPs established themselves in the Westminster village during their first year in the job-from their initial impressions of the imposing grandeur of the Palace, to their acclimatisation into the House and its peculiar traditions and ways of working. The new Members gradually developed their networks and became more accomplished operators within the House of Commons. They had arrived at Parliament not only with a firm focus on the constituency, but also with a desire to learn how to be effective in the House of Commons. They did not want to pigeonhole themselves into being either a 'constituency MP' or a 'parliamentarian'. The new generation The 2005 intake did not as a whole deviate from the traditional tendency of the Commons to be predominantly male and middle class.},
author = {Rosenblatt, Gemma},
doi = {10.1093/pa/gsm031},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Rosenblatt - 2007 - From One of Us to One of Them The Socialisation of New MPs.pdf:pdf},
journal = {Parliamentary Affairs},
number = {3},
pages = {510--517},
title = {{From One of Us to One of Them: The Socialisation of New MPs}},
url = {https://academic.oup.com/pa/article-abstract/60/3/510/2258573},
volume = {60},
year = {2007}
}
@article{Foos2019a,
abstract = {There is a persistent gender gap in motivations to run for political office. While exposure to role models is widely believed to increase women's political ambition, there is little field experimental evidence on whether exposure to female politicians in realistic settings can increase political ambition. We conducted a field experiment in which a sample of 612 female students was randomly assigned to receive emails inviting them to an event that included career workshops with female politicians, or no email. The treatment increased interest in the ongoing national election campaign, but, against expectations, did not have any positive effect on political ambition. Our results suggest that female politicians who discuss their experience bluntly, instead of following a motivational script, may fail to motivate other women to pursue a political career. These results highlight the need for more research into the type of events and messages that bring more women into politics.},
author = {Foos, Florian and Gilardi, Fabrizio},
doi = {10.7910/DVN/BSIFTF},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Foos, Gilardi - 2019 - Does Exposure to Gender Role Models Increase Women's Political Ambition A Field Experiment with Politicians.pdf:pdf},
journal = {Journal of Experimental Political Science},
number = {Forthcoming },
title = {{Does Exposure to Gender Role Models Increase Women's Political Ambition? A Field Experiment with Politicians}},
year = {2019}
}
@article{Proksch2019,
abstract = {Comparative scholars of legislative politics continue to face the challenge of measuring a key theoretical concept: conflict at the level of legislative bills. We address this challenge with a multilingual sentiment-based approach and show that such a measure can effectively capture different types of parliamentary conflict. We also demonstrate that an automated translation of the dictionary yields valid results and therefore greatly facilitates comparative work on legislatures. Our applications show that a sentiment approach recovers government-opposition dynamics in various settings. The use of a simple, translatable sentiment dictionary opens up the possibility of studying legislative conflict in bill debates across languages and countries.},
author = {Proksch, Sven Oliver and Lowe, Will and W{\"{a}}ckerle, Jens and Soroka, Stuart},
doi = {10.1111/lsq.12218},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Proksch et al. - 2019 - Multilingual Sentiment Analysis A New Approach to Measuring Conflict in Legislative Speeches.pdf:pdf},
issn = {19399162},
journal = {Legislative Studies Quarterly},
number = {1},
pages = {97--131},
title = {{Multilingual Sentiment Analysis: A New Approach to Measuring Conflict in Legislative Speeches}},
volume = {44},
year = {2019}
}
@article{Cuddy2008,
abstract = {The stereotype content model (SCM) defines two fundamental dimensions of social perception, warmth and competence, predicted respectively by perceived competition and status. Combinations of warmth and competence generate distinct emotions of admiration, contempt, envy, and pity. From these intergroup emotions and stereotypes, the behavior from intergroup affect and stereotypes (BIAS) map predicts distinct behaviors: active and passive, facilitative and harmful. After defining warmth/communion and competence/agency, the chapter integrates converging work documenting the centrality of these dimensions in interpersonal as well as intergroup perception. Structural origins of warmth and competence perceptions result from competitors judged as not warm, and allies judged as warm; high status confers competence and low status incompetence. Warmth and competence judgments support systematic patterns of cognitive, emotional, and behavioral reactions, including ambivalent prejudices. Past views of prejudice as a univalent antipathy have obscured the unique responses toward groups stereotyped as competent but not warm or warm but not competent. Finally, the chapter addresses unresolved issues and future research directions. {\textcopyright} 2008 Elsevier Inc. All rights reserved.},
author = {Cuddy, Amy J.C. and Fiske, Susan T. and Glick, Peter},
doi = {10.1016/S0065-2601(07)00002-0},
file = {:Users/lotte/Dropbox/PhD/style{\_}experiment/lit/1-s2.0-S0065260107000020-main.pdf:pdf},
isbn = {9780120152407},
issn = {00652601},
journal = {Advances in Experimental Social Psychology},
number = {7},
pages = {61--149},
title = {{Warmth and Competence as Universal Dimensions of Social Perception: The Stereotype Content Model and the BIAS Map}},
volume = {40},
year = {2008}
}
@incollection{Pasek2010,
abstract = {This article provides a summary of the literature's suggestions on survey design research. In doing so, it points researchers toward question formats that appear to yield the highest measurement reliability and validity. Using the American National Election Studies as a starting point, it shows the general principles of good questionnaire design, desirable choices to make when designing new questions, biases in some question formats and ways to avoid them, and strategies for reporting survey results. Finally, it offers a discussion of strategies for measuring voter turnout in particular, as a case study that poses special challenges. Scholars designing their own surveys should not presume that previously written questions are the best ones to use. Applying best practices in questionnaire design will yield more accurate data and more accurate substantive findings about the nature and origins of mass political behavior.},
address = {Oxford, UK},
author = {Pasek, Josh and Krosnick, Jon A.},
booktitle = {The Oxford Handbook of American Elections and Political Behavior},
editor = {Leighley, Jan E.},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Pasek, Krosnick - 2010 - Optimizing Survey Questionnaire Design in Political Science Insights from Psychology.pdf:pdf},
keywords = {American National Election Studies,Optimization,Political science,Question formats,Survey questionnaire design,Voter turnout},
pages = {27--50},
publisher = {Oxford University Press},
title = {{Optimizing Survey Questionnaire Design in Political Science: Insights from Psychology}},
year = {2010}
}
@article{Reynolds1999,
author = {Reynolds, Andrew},
doi = {10.1017/S0043887100009254},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Reynolds - 1999 - Women in the Legislatures and Executives of the World Knocking at the Highest Glass Ceiling.pdf:pdf},
journal = {World Politics},
number = {4},
pages = {547--472},
title = {{Women in the Legislatures and Executives of the World: Knocking at the Highest Glass Ceiling}},
volume = {51},
year = {1999}
}
@article{Fiske2002,
abstract = {Stereotype research emphasizes systematic processes over seemingly arbitrary contents, but content also may prove systematic. On the basis of stereotypes' intergroup functions, the stereotype content model hypothesizes that (a) 2 primary dimensions are competence and warmth, (b) frequent mixed clusters combine high warmth with low competence (paternalistic) or high competence with low warmth (envious), and (c) distinct emotions (pity, envy, admiration, contempt) differentiate the 4 competence-warmth combinations. Stereotypically, (d) status predicts high competence, and competition predicts low warmth. Nine varied samples rated gender, ethnicity, race, class, age, and disability out-groups. Contrary to antipathy models, 2 dimensions mattered, and many stereotypes were mixed, either pitying (low competence, high warmth subordinates) or envying (high competence, low warmth competitors). Ste-reotypically, status predicted competence, and competition predicted low warmth.},
author = {Fiske, Susan T and Cuddy, Amy J C and Glick, Peter and Xu, Jun},
doi = {10.1037/0022-3514.82.6.878},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Fiske et al. - 2002 - A Model of (Often Mixed) Stereotype Content Competence and Warmth Respectively Follow From Perceived Status and Co.pdf:pdf},
journal = {Journal of Personality and Social Psychology},
number = {6},
pages = {878--092},
title = {{A Model of (Often Mixed) Stereotype Content: Competence and Warmth Respectively Follow From Perceived Status and Competition}},
volume = {82},
year = {2002}
}
@article{Rozenberg2011,
abstract = {Oral questions are usually seen as a procedure designed for political conflict. Yet question time may serve other purposes depending on the institutional setting, the political context and the policy field. By comparing the use of oral questions on the defence issue in the national parliaments of four Western democracies, the paper identifies a specific characteristic of questioning in each lower house: political conflict in Germany, internal dissent in the United Kingdom, reward of policy expertise in Spain and local issues in France. Such diverse uses of questioning procedures impact differently on the quality of the accountability process.},
annote = {{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 340) Oral questions are usually seen as a procedure designed for political conflict – yet QT may serve other purposes depending on the institutional setting, the political conflict and the policy field 
{\textperiodcentered}      Compares the use of oral questions on defence issue in national parliaments of four democracies (Germany, UK, Spain and France) the paper identifies a specific characteristic of question in each lower house – political conflict in Germany, internal dissent in UK, reward of policy expertise in Spain and local issues in France 
{\textperiodcentered}      Paper suggests that oral questions are not only about political confrontation. Other functions = rewarding policy expertise, expressing internal dissent and promoting local interest 
{\textperiodcentered}      Looks at 2002–07 for France (60 months), 2004–05 for the UK (12 months), 2005–09 for Germany (47 months) and 2004–08 for Spain (48 months)},
author = {Rozenberg, Olivier and Chopin, Olivier and Hoeffler, Catherine and Bastien, Irondelle and Joana, Jean},
doi = {10.1080/13572334.2011.595127},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Rozenberg et al. - 2011 - Not Only a Battleground Parliamentary Oral Questions Concerning Defence Policies in Four Western Democracies.pdf:pdf},
journal = {The Journal of Legislative Studies},
number = {3},
pages = {340--353},
title = {{Not Only a Battleground: Parliamentary Oral Questions Concerning Defence Policies in Four Western Democracies}},
url = {http://www.tandfonline.com/action/journalInformation?journalCode=fjls20},
volume = {17},
year = {2011}
}
@article{Reher2021,
author = {Reher, Stefanie},
doi = {10.1017/S0007123420000733},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Reher - 2021 - Do Disabled Candidates Represent Disabled Citizens.pdf:pdf},
journal = {British Journal of Political Science},
keywords = {1 in 5 people,age,an estimated 15 per,as the,candidate survey,cent of the world,change and more people,demographics of our societies,disability,dwp 2020,in the uk,live to an old,live with a,over one billion people,policy representation,preference congruence,report being disabled 1,s population,this prevalence is likely,united kingdom,who 2011},
number = {2},
pages = {520--534},
title = {{Do Disabled Candidates Represent Disabled Citizens?}},
volume = {52},
year = {2022}
}
@article{Schneider2016a,
abstract = {We provide a novel approach to understanding the political ambition gap between men and women by examining perceptions of the role of politician. Across three studies, we find that political careers are viewed as fulfilling power-related goals, such as self-promotion and competition. We connect these goals to a tolerance for interpersonal conflict and both of these factors to political ambition. Women's lack of interest in conflict and power-related activities mediates the relationship between gender and political ambition. In an experiment, we show that framing a political career as fulfilling communal goals—and not power-related goals—reduces the ambition gap.},
author = {Schneider, Monica C. and Holman, Mirya R. and Diekman, Amanda B. and McAndrew, Thomas},
doi = {10.1111/pops.12268},
file = {:Users/lotte/Dropbox/PhD/style{\_}experiment/lit/Political Psychology - 2015 - Schneider - Power  Conflict  and Community  How Gendered Views of Political Power Influence.pdf:pdf},
issn = {14679221},
journal = {Political Psychology},
keywords = {conflict avoidance,gender,political ambition,political behavior,role congruity},
number = {4},
pages = {515--531},
title = {{Power, Conflict, and Community: How Gendered Views of Political Power Influence Women's Political Ambition}},
volume = {37},
year = {2016}
}
@article{Hoyt2021,
abstract = {In this research, we contribute to a nascent literature examining how cues to social class can guide voters' political judgments. Drawing upon and merging a voting-cues framework with the stereotype-content model, we test predictions that, relative to those from high-class backgrounds, candidates from lower- and working-class backgrounds will be perceived to be more ideologically liberal, warmer, and will be evaluated more positively. We test these predictions across four experimental studies (NStudy1 = 200; NStudy2 = 537; NStudy3 = 352; NStudy4 = 654) employing a candidate-evaluation paradigm; participants were presented with basic candidate background information, including cues to candidate class and other demographics, and were asked to read an excerpt from a speech before providing their judgments. Findings reveal that candidates from lower- and working-class backgrounds were perceived to be more liberal and warmer than those from high-class backgrounds. Additionally, we found that lower-class candidates were generally evaluated more positively than high-class candidates, and we found some evidence for evaluations across class to be moderated by participants' political ideology. These effects generally held across candidate gender and race. This work has important theoretical and practical implications offering insight into the social-class gap between the electorate and the largely elite elected policymakers.},
author = {Hoyt, Crystal L. and DeShields, Brenten H.},
doi = {10.1111/pops.12697},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Hoyt, DeShields - 2020 - How Social-Class Background Influences Perceptions of Political Leaders.pdf:pdf},
issn = {14679221},
journal = {Political Psychology},
keywords = {candidate evaluation,competence,political ideology,political leaders,social class,warmth},
number = {2},
pages = {239--263},
title = {{How Social-Class Background Influences Perceptions of Political Leaders}},
volume = {42},
year = {2021}
}
@article{Powlishta2000,
abstract = {Two studies investigated the impact of target age on gender stereotyping. Study 1 examined whether the attribution of gender-stereotypical traits to unfamiliar individuals varies as a function of target and participant age. Adults and children (ages 8-10 years) viewed photographs of men, women, boys, and girls and rated each pictured individual on the possession of masculine, feminine, and gender-neutral personality traits. Both adult and child participants showed evidence of gender stereotyping. The strongest level of stereotyping was seen when adults rated child targets. Adults were particularly unwilling to attribute feminine characteristics to males. Finally, participants of both ages viewed adult targets (regardless of sex) as more masculine and less feminine than child targets. Study 2 examined the generality of the latter finding. Adult participants rated traditionally masculine and feminine traits on the likelihood of possession by adults versus children. Confirming the results of Study 1, feminine traits were believed to be more childlike/less adultlike than were masculine traits. Implications for gender-role development, socialization, and measurement are discussed. By middle childhood, children typically have acquired extensive, adultlike knowledge about the gender stereotyping of personality traits (e.g., Best, 1982; Best et al.},
author = {Powlishta, Kimberly K.},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Powlishta - 2000 - The Effect of Target Age on the Activation of Gender Stereotypes to silhouettes depicting males and.pdf:pdf},
journal = {Sex Roles},
number = {3},
pages = {271--282},
title = {{The Effect of Target Age on the Activation of Gender Stereotypes to silhouettes depicting males and}},
volume = {42},
year = {2000}
}
@book{Russell2005,
address = {London},
author = {Russell, Meg},
publisher = {Fabian Society},
title = {{Must Politics Disappoint?}},
year = {2005}
}
@article{Weeks2014,
abstract = {This article addresses concerns that candidates nominated because of gender quota laws will be less qualified for office. While questions of candidate quality have long been relevant to legislative behavior, quota laws requiring a certain percentage of candidates for national office to be women have generated renewed interest. Gender quotas are often perceived to reduce the scope of political competition. By putting gender identity center stage, they preclude the possibility that elections will be based on 'ideas' or 'merit' alone. Other electoral rules that restrict candidate selection, such as the centralization of candidate selection common in closed list PR systems, have been found to reduce the quality of candidates. Rules that open selection, such as primaries, result in higher quality candidates. We exploit the institutional design of Italy's mixed electoral system in 1994, where quotas were applied only to the PR portion of the list, to compare the qualifications of men, women, and 'quota women'. We estimate regressions on several measures of deputies' qualifications for office and performance in office. We find that unlike other rules limiting candidate selection, quotas are not associated with lower quality on most measures of qualifications. In fact, quota women have more local government experience than other legislators and lower rates of absenteeism than their male counterparts. Contrary to critics, quota laws may have a positive impact on legislator quality. Once the quota law was rescinded, quota women were less likely to be re-elected than non-quota women or men, which suggests that discrimination - not qualification - limits women's status as candidates.},
author = {Weeks, Ana Catalano and Baldez, Lisa},
doi = {10.1017/S1755773914000095},
file = {:Users/lotte/Dropbox/PhD/style{\_}experiment/lit/quotas-and-qualifications-the-impact-of-gender-quota-laws-on-the-qualifications-of-legislators-in-the-italian-parliament.pdf:pdf},
issn = {17557747},
journal = {European Political Science Review},
keywords = {Italy,gender quotas,legislatures,qualifications},
number = {1},
pages = {119--144},
title = {{Quotas and Qualifications: The Impact of Gender Quota Laws on the Qualifications of Legislators in the Italian Parliament}},
volume = {7},
year = {2015}
}
@misc{Bridge2018,
annote = {If looking at this, it links to scientific studies abotu men/women thinking differently},
author = {Bridge, Mark},
title = {{Men and women really do think differently, say scientists | News | The Times}},
url = {https://www.thetimes.co.uk/article/men-and-women-do-think-differently-say-scientists-sex-differences-bbfkhgs3h},
urldate = {2018-11-14},
year = {2018}
}
@article{Preece2015,
abstract = {Women's underrepresentation in leadership positions has been well documented, but the reasons behind it are not well understood. We carry out a field experiment to test a prominent theory about the source of the gender gap in leadership ambition: women's higher aversion to competitive environments. Using politics as a context for our study, we employ two distinct subject pools-highly politically active individuals and workers from an online labor market. We find that priming individuals to consider the competitive nature of politics has a strong negative effect on women's interest in political office, but not on men's interest, hence significantly increasing the gender gap in leadership ambition.},
author = {Preece, Jessica and Stoddard, Olga},
doi = {10.1016/j.jebo.2015.04.019},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Preece, Stoddard - 2015 - Why women don't run Experimental evidence on gender differences in political competition aversion.pdf:pdf},
journal = {Journal of Economic Behavior and Organization},
pages = {296--308},
title = {{Why women don't run: Experimental evidence on gender differences in political competition aversion}},
volume = {117},
year = {2015}
}
@article{Mackay2018,
abstract = {Opportunities for innovation are created by broad restructuring processes and by the chance to be in at the start of new or substantially revised political institutions. These intuitions have animated the efforts of women's movement activists and their allies in processes of political transition and constitutional or institutional “engineering” (and reengineering) with the aim of embedding gender rights and freedoms (Banaszak, Beckwith, and Rucht 2003; Dobrowolsky and Hart 2003). Institutional theory supports these intuitions. Reformers — including feminist change agents — may take advantage of the “permissive” stage of institutional creation. By successfully intervening to insert new actors, new values, and new rules into new institutions, reformers may profoundly influence the future developments of an institution (Goodin 1996; Pierson 2004). By “locking in” elements that promote gender equality and gender justice at the stage of institutional design, the goal is to set off fledgling institutions along progressive paths, thus counteracting historic gender bias and gendered power imbalances found in most traditional political institutions.},
annote = {{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 553) “Crucially, nested newness must also be understood as a gendered concept. Drawing on a long history of feminist scholarship, institutions are not gender neutral but are actively constructing and reproducing gender relations and ideologies (see, for example, Acker 1992; Duerst- Lahti 2002; Duerst-Lahti and Kelly 1995, Stivers 2002).” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “Gender is seen as a crucial dimension in the study of institutions and processes of political change: first, gender relations and gender norms—and their institutionalized forms as “gender regimes” (Connell 2002) — are part of the wider legacies and ongoing dynamics within which reform efforts are nested and with which they must contend; second, gender relations and rules and norms of masculinity and femininity provide important mechanisms — although often submerged and barely visible — by which wider particular arrangements and power asymmetries are naturalized and institutionalized or resisted and discarded; and third, there are complex linkages between different sorts of institutions over time and space that shape gendered patterns of advantage and disadvantage (Burns 2005, 139).” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 558) “The Westminster parliamentary model (“old politics”) can be presented as one of “hegemonic political masculinity” (Connell 2002; see also Sawer, Tremblay, and Trimble 2006). It rests on particular notions of the public domain, a masculinized domain that is bounded and clearly separated from the “private” feminized domain of family and household dynamics and the personal lives of citizens. Crudely speaking, power, sovereignty, and authority are all gendered masculine at the symbolic level as well as, as a rule, at the level of presence.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “As Lovenduski points out, the institutions and practices of the Westminster model centre around zero- sum games from the winner-takes-all electoral system, notions of indivisible parliamentary sovereignty, executive dominance of the legislature, to the gladiatorial and competitive political culture of “hostile strangers.”” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 559) “The institutional arrangements and political culture that comprise the Westminster model privilege “rhetoric, speechifying, posturing, and arcane practice over cooperation, consensus-seeking and real discussion of alternatives” (Lovenduski 2005, 54).” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “Despite the increased presence of women and members of ethnic minorities over recent decades, the UK House of Commons remains an exclusionary, masculine-gendered, white, and heteronormative institution, where women and ethnic minority newcomers are treated as “Space Invaders” (Puwar 2004). Men and women are required to enact the dominant form of competitive masculinity in order to be politically effective (Lovenduski 2005). Recent media reports suggest that the House of Commons continues to be dominated by “testosterone-soaked posturing” and “playground-style name calling” (see, for example, Assinder 2014). Furthermore, the formal institutions and informal norms of Westminster remain premised upon others “taking care of care” and divorced from daily reproductive and caring work.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 562) “As noted earlier, the Westminster model has provided institutional actors with a repertoire of techniques for tackling problems. For example, early in the life of the new Parliament, political leaders “remembered” the Westminster convention of Prime Minister's Questions—the largely symbolic weekly exchange between the prime minister and leader of the opposition on the floor of the House of Commons — and reincorporated it in the new Scottish Parliament as First Minister's Questions (FMQ).”},
author = {Mackay, Fiona},
doi = {10.1017/S1743923X14000415},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Mackay - 2018 - Nested Newness, Institutional Innovation, and the Gendered Limits of Change.pdf:pdf},
journal = {Politics {\&} Gender},
pages = {549--571},
title = {{Nested Newness, Institutional Innovation, and the Gendered Limits of Change}},
url = {https://doi.org/10.1017/S1743923X14000415},
volume = {10},
year = {2018}
}
@book{Carnes2013,
address = {Chicago, US},
author = {Carnes, Nicholas},
publisher = {University of Chicago Press},
title = {{White-Collar Government: The Hidden Role of Class in Economic Policy Making}},
year = {2013}
}
@article{Coffe2018,
abstract = {This paper examines how Members of Parliament (MPs) in Germany and New Zealand (NZ), two countries with a similar Mixed Member Proportional (MMP) electoral system, define their representational focus and how they perceive the representational focus and prestige of list and district MPs. Relying on interviews with 25 German and 27 NZ MPs, it shows that there are differences in the representational focus of list and district MPs, but that they are limited. In particular, most list MPs also campaign in a district, and therefore—similar to district MPs—also argue that they primarily represent their district. More striking, however, is list MPs' greater likelihood of also mentioning a social group (e.g., families, single people, ethnic group) as the group that they primarily represent compared with district MPs. This was more often the case in NZ compared with Germany. When asking MPs about their perceptions of the representational focus and prestige of list and district MPs, list MPs see little difference. District MPs, by contrast, argue that district MPs' representational focus is more on their district and that district MPs also have more prestige than list MPs. This pattern is particularly strong in NZ.},
author = {Coff{\'{e}}, Hilde},
doi = {10.1080/00344893.2018.1539030},
issn = {17494001},
journal = {Representation},
number = {4},
pages = {367--389},
publisher = {Taylor {\&} Francis},
title = {{MPs' Representational Focus in MMP Systems. A Comparison Between Germany and New Zealand}},
volume = {54},
year = {2018}
}
@article{Schneider2019,
author = {Schneider, Monica C. and Bos, Angela L.},
doi = {10.1111/pops.12573},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Schneider, Bos - 2019 - The Application of Social Role Theory to the Study of Gender in Politics.pdf:pdf},
issn = {0162-895X},
journal = {Political Psychology},
number = {1},
pages = {173--213},
title = {{The Application of Social Role Theory to the Study of Gender in Politics}},
volume = {40},
year = {2019}
}
@book{Seltzer1997,
address = {Boulder, U.S.},
author = {Seltzer, Richard A. and Newman, Jody and {Voorhees Leighton}, M.},
publisher = {Lynne Reinner},
title = {{Sex as a Political Variable}},
year = {1997}
}
@article{Bernhard2021,
author = {Bernhard, Rachel},
doi = {10.1017/S1743923X20000665},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Styles, Bernhard - 2021 - Wearing the Pants ( suit ) Gendered.pdf:pdf},
journal = {Politics {\&} Gender},
keywords = {amanda jo friesen,bauer,candidate evaluations,danny hayes,deborah brooks,for their support of,gender stereotypes,institute of governmental studies,jack citrin and the,leadership style,mirya holman,partisanship,presidential elections,research and to nichole,thanks are owed to,this},
number = {2},
pages = {513--545},
title = {{Wearing the Pants(suit)? Gendered Leadership Styles, Partisanship, and Candidate Evaluation in the 2016 U.S. Election}},
volume = {18},
year = {2022}
}
@article{Fox2003,
author = {Fox, Richard L. and Oxley, Zoe M.},
file = {:Users/lotte/Dropbox/PhD/style{\_}experiment/lit/1468-2508.00214.pdf:pdf},
journal = {Journal of Politics},
number = {3},
pages = {833--50},
title = {{Gender Stereotyping State Executive Elections: Candidate Selection and Success.}},
volume = {65},
year = {2003}
}
@article{Shullman2004,
author = {Shullman, Sarah Levien},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Shullman - 2004 - The Illusion of Devil's Advocacy How the Justices of the Supreme Court Foreshadow Their Decisions During Oral Argument.pdf:pdf},
journal = {The Journal of Appellate Practice and Process},
number = {2},
pages = {271--293},
title = {{The Illusion of Devil's Advocacy: How the Justices of the Supreme Court Foreshadow Their Decisions During Oral Argument}},
url = {http://lawrepository.ualr.edu/appellatepracticeprocesshttp://lawrepository.ualr.edu/appellatepracticeprocess/vol6/iss2/6},
volume = {6},
year = {2004}
}
@article{Rooduijn2019,
abstract = {As a result of the steady rise of populist parties and politicians all over the world – and particularly since the Brexit referendum and the election of Donald Trump – populism research has become increasingly popular and widespread. The field, however, also faces some tricky challenges. First, it is easy to confuse populism with related concepts like, for instance, ‘nativism' and ‘Euroscepticism'. This brings the risk of sloppy conceptualisation, and, as a result, invalid inferences. Second, populism research remains relatively detached from adjacent fields, and fruitful fertilisation across literatures is still rather uncommon.In order to deal with these challenges, populism research should become bothmore and less focused.How can these two seemingly conflicting recommendations be reconciled? When it comes to conceptualisation/categorisation strategies and drawing conclusions from studies by other researchers, populism scholars should employ a narrow framework and be precise, distinctive and consistent. Yet when it comes to exploring the literature in search of new hypotheses, scholars should employ a more open mind-set. After all, theories developed in adjacent fields can inspire populism scholars to formulate innovative new questions and expectations},
annote = {Example of a good way to write a literature paper that might be publishable!},
author = {Rooduijn, Matthijs},
doi = {10.1111/1475-6765.12314},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Rooduijn - 2019 - State of the field How to study populism and adjacent topics A plea for both more and less focus.pdf:pdf},
issn = {14756765},
journal = {European Journal of Political Research},
keywords = {populism},
number = {1},
pages = {362--372},
title = {{State of the field: How to study populism and adjacent topics? A plea for both more and less focus}},
volume = {58},
year = {2019}
}
@article{Rosenthal1997,
abstract = {Analysis of survey data from 291 state legislative committee chairs suggests that professionalization has important gender implications not previously explored. Legislatures are gendered in the sense that culturally masculine and feminine cwnmittee management styles are more at home in some legislatures than in others. "Citizen" legislatures seem to be more hospitable to "feminine" behaviors of inclusion and a motivation focused on people-oriented concerns. Professionalized legislatures-promoted in large part on the basis of a masculine vocabulary of independence, rationality, expertise, and competition with the executive-discourage inclusive or collegial committee strategies and public-minded motives. Professional legislatures may be positive environments in which to nurture policy leadership, but their committee leaders eschew public participation.},
author = {Rosenthal, Cindy Simon},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Rosenthal - 1997 - A View of Their Own Women's Committee Leadership Styles and State Legislatures.pdf:pdf},
journal = {Policy Studies Journal},
number = {4},
pages = {585--600},
title = {{A View of Their Own: Women's Committee Leadership Styles and State Legislatures}},
volume = {25},
year = {1997}
}
@article{Minta2009,
abstract = {When determining whether or not legislators are representing their constituents' interests, scholars using voting studies may overstate the role of strategic factors, such as reelection goals and constituent influence, while understating the effect of descriptive characteristics. I argue that race and ethnicity matter in congressional oversight of bureaucratic policymaking. My examination of hearing transcripts from the 107th Congress indicates that minority legislators are more likely than white legislators to participate in racial-oversight hearings but not more likely than whites to participate in social welfare hearings. The results show that descriptive representation contributes to substantive representation, even if the costs of participating outweigh the electoral benefits.},
author = {Minta, Michael D.},
doi = {10.3162/036298009788314336},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Minta - 2009 - Legislative oversight and the substantive representation of black and Latino interests in congress.pdf:pdf},
issn = {03629805},
journal = {Legislative Studies Quarterly},
number = {2},
pages = {193--218},
title = {{Legislative oversight and the substantive representation of black and Latino interests in congress}},
volume = {34},
year = {2009}
}
@incollection{Karpowitz2014f,
abstract = {JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact support@jstor.org.},
annote = {(p. 309) Based the book by beginning with gender role theory which predicts the more women in the group, the more the average woman participates and gains substantive/symbolic representation 
- found this to be partially true as women's numbers is affected by group procedures 
- examined the decision rule in depth},
author = {Karpowitz, Christopher F and Mendelberg, Tali},
booktitle = {The Silent Sex: Gender, Deliberation and Institutions},
chapter = {11},
edition = {First},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Karpowitz, Mendelberg - 2014 - 11. Conclusion.pdf:pdf},
pages = {305--358},
publisher = {Princeton University Press},
title = {{11. Conclusion}},
url = {https://www.jstor.org/stable/pdf/j.ctt7zvffd.17.pdf?refreqid=excelsior{\%}3A3cab719e534d890f4c58b03cea7b3751},
year = {2014}
}
@article{Weinberg2019,
abstract = {106 national politicians in the UK to examine the impact of these individual characteristics on three alternative political outcomes: the size of a candidate's electoral majority, their lon-gevity as an elected representative and their progression (or not) to frontbench office. On the one hand, it seems that the values of individual politicians make very little impact on their electoral performance at the ballot box. On the other hand, politicians' values seem to impact on both their ability to hold on to office once elected and in turn to make in-role career progression.},
author = {Weinberg, James},
doi = {10.1093/pa/gsz017},
journal = {Parliamentary Affairs},
number = {0},
pages = {1--23},
title = {{The Winner Takes It All? A Psychological Study of Political Success among UK Members of Parliament}},
volume = {00},
year = {2019}
}
@techreport{HoC2020,
abstract = {This note shows how the number of women in Parliament has changed since 1918, when women first became eligible to be elected as MPs. It presents comparative data for women in Parliament and other elected bodies in the UK and internationally. It also looks at some milestones over the last 100 years for women in Parliament and Government in the UK. Currently just over one in five Members of Parliament are women, compared with just over one half of the adult population. The 2010 General Election returned a higher number and proportion of female MPs than any previous general election. Prior to 1987 women had never made up more than 5{\%} of MPs. Historically, women found it difficult to be adopted as candidates by the main UK political parties and when they did find a seat, it was likely to be less winnable than those for which men were selected. In the 2005 and 2010 general elections, the all-women short-list policy appears to have helped change this for Labour and to have broken down the association of candidates' gender and seat marginality. The UK has the fifteenth highest proportion of women MPs out of the 27 EU Member States. 33{\%} of UK MEPs elected in 2009 are women, compared to 35{\%} of MEPs across all 27 EU Member States. Internationally, the UK Parliament ranks 65th out of the 190 countries included in the Inter Parliamentary Union's 1 February 2013 monitoring report. This},
author = {Uberoi, Elise and Watson, Chris and Kirk-Wade, Esme},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Uberoi, Watson, Kirk-Wade - 2020 - Women in Parliament and Government.pdf:pdf},
institution = {House of Commons Library},
title = {{Women in Parliament and Government}},
year = {2020}
}
@article{Donnelly2016,
author = {Donnelly, Kristin and Twenge, Jean M. and Clark, Malissa A. and Shaikh, Samia K. and Beiler-May, Angela and Carter, Nathan T.},
journal = {Psychology of Women Quarterly},
number = {1},
pages = {41--54},
title = {{Attitudes Toward Women's Work and Family Roles in the United States, 1976–2013}},
volume = {40},
year = {2016}
}
@article{Kelso2016,
abstract = {Concepts of political leadership have been applied sparingly to parliaments, and not at all to the study of House of Commons select committees in the UK Parliament, where analysis has largely focused on their institutional capacity to scrutinise government and hold it to account. Yet examining these committees through a political leadership lens illuminates the complex role of committee chairs, a role which was significantly reshaped in 2010 with a shift to election of chairs by the whole House. This article analyses select committee chairs through the lens of political leadership, and draws on a series of interviews with chairs in order to delineate the nature of the political leadership they perform. It argues that, as chairs are now increasingly important parliamentary and policy actors, our understanding of them is significantly advanced by conceptualising their role as one of parliamentary political leadership, and that this in turn enriches our analytical toolkit when it comes to the study of parliaments.},
annote = {Useful for me on the importance/leadership of select committee chairs},
author = {Kelso, Alexandra},
doi = {10.17645/pag.v4i2.573},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Kelso - 2016 - Political Leadership in Parliament The Role of Select Committee Chairs in the UK House of Commons.pdf:pdf},
issn = {2183-2463},
journal = {Politics and Governance},
keywords = {House of Commons select committees,UK parliament,committees,house of commons select,political leadership,select committee chairs,uk parliament},
number = {2},
pages = {115--126},
title = {{Political Leadership in Parliament: The Role of Select Committee Chairs in the UK House of Commons}},
volume = {4},
year = {2016}
}
@article{Campbell2014,
abstract = {There has been extensive research into the extent to which voters utilise short cuts based on gender and race stereotypes when evaluating candidates, but relatively little is known about how they respond to other background characteristics. We compare the impact of candidates' sex, religion, age, education, occupation and location/residence through a survey experiment in which respondents rate two candidates based on short biographies. We find small differences in the ratings of candidates in response to sex, religion, age and education cues but more sizeable effects are apparent for the candidate's occupation and place of residence. Even once we introduce a control for political party into our experimental scenarios the effect of candidate's place of residence continues to have a sizeable impact on candidate evaluations. Our research suggests that students of electoral behaviour should pay attention to a wider range of candidate cues.},
author = {Campbell, Rosie and Cowley, Philip},
doi = {10.1111/1467-9248.12048},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Campbell, Cowley - 2014 - What voters want Reactions to candidate characteristics in a survey experiment.pdf:pdf},
issn = {14679248},
journal = {Political Studies},
keywords = {Candidate evaluations,Candidate traits,Survey experiments},
number = {4},
pages = {745--765},
title = {{What Voters Want: Reactions to Candidate Characteristics in a Survey Experiment}},
volume = {62},
year = {2014}
}
@article{Osborn2010,
abstract = {Research on women as legislators contends that through their unique status as both women and legislators, women representatives have distinct policy interests that help them to substantively represent women as a group with their actions in the legislative chamber. We test this assertion using the floor speeches of women and men in the US Senate to determine if women senators as a group express different policy preferences in this aspect of Senate participation. Through content analysis of floor speeches in the 106th Senate (1999–2000), we find women do speak more about policy concerns with direct relevance to women, such as women's health and family issues. These findings indicate that women senators, previously understudied, do represent women's interests in this chamber.},
annote = {{\textperiodcentered}      Examine through floor speeches whether women and men express different policy preferences in speeches on the Senate floor 
{\textperiodcentered}      Method: content analysis of floor speeches in the Senate (1999-2000) 
{\textperiodcentered}      Findings: women speak more about policy concerns with direct relevance to women, such as women's health and family issues. This indicates that women senators do represent women's issues in the chamber 
{\textperiodcentered}      Women bring different backgrounds and gender role socialisation experiences from men into the legislatures with then, and therefore they have different policy interests and goals as women within the legislature 
{\textperiodcentered}      The assumption that women in any legislative chamber automatically represent the same ‘essence' of being a woman overlooks the plurality of perspectives women may bring to the legislative chamber from their gender role socialisation (Mansbridge 2005) 
{\textperiodcentered}      Methods: automated content analysis, used controls such as committee memberships},
author = {Osborn, Tracy and Mendez, Jeanette Morehouse},
doi = {10.1080/15544770903501384},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Osborn, Mendez - 2010 - Speaking as women Women and floor speeches in the Senate.pdf:pdf},
isbn = {1554-477X},
issn = {1554477X},
journal = {Journal of Women, Politics and Policy},
keywords = {Congress,Floor speeches,Women legislators},
number = {1},
pages = {1--21},
title = {{Speaking as women: Women and floor speeches in the Senate}},
volume = {31},
year = {2010}
}
@article{Anzia2022,
abstract = {Research shows that voters often use gender stereotypes to evaluate candidates, which should help women in some electoral contexts and hurt them in others. Yet, most research examines a single context at a time—usually US national elections, where partisanship is strong—and employs surveys and experiments, raising concerns that citizens' responses may not reflect how they actually vote. By analyzing returns from thousands of nonpartisan local elections, we test whether patterns of women's win rates relative to men's match expectations for how the electoral effects of gender stereotyping should vary by context. We find women have greater advantages over men in city council than mayoral races, still greater advantages in school board races, and decreasing advantages in more conservative constituencies. Thus, women fare better in stereotype-congruent contexts and worse in incongruent contexts. These effects are most pronounced during on-cycle elections, when voters tend to know less about local candidates.},
author = {Anzia, Sarah F. and Bernhard, Rachel},
doi = {10.1017/S0007123421000570},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Anzia, Bernhard - 2022 - Gender Stereotyping and the Electoral Success of Women Candidates New Evidence from Local Elections in the Unit.pdf:pdf},
issn = {0007-1234},
journal = {British Journal of Political Science},
number = {Forthcoming},
pages = {1--20},
title = {{Gender Stereotyping and the Electoral Success of Women Candidates: New Evidence from Local Elections in the United States}},
year = {2022}
}
@article{Niederle2007,
author = {Niederle, Muriel and Vesterlund, Lise},
journal = {Quarterly Journal of Economics},
number = {3},
pages = {1067--1101},
title = {{No Title}},
volume = {122},
year = {2007}
}
@article{Rheault2016a,
abstract = {An impressive breadth of interdisciplinary research suggests that emotions have an influence on human behavior. Nonetheless, we still know very little about the emotional states of those actors whose daily decisions have a lasting impact on our societies: politicians in parliament. We address this question by making use of methods of natural language processing and a digitized corpus of text data spanning a century of parliamentary debates in the United Kingdom. We use this approach to examine changes in aggregate levels of emotional polarity in the British parliament, and to test a hypothesis about the emotional response of politicians to economic recessions. Our findings suggest that, contrary to popular belief, the mood of politicians has become more positive during the past decades, and that variations in emotional polarity can be predicted by the state of the national economy.},
annote = {Useful for emotion},
author = {Rheault, Ludovic and Beelen, Kaspar and Cochrane, Christopher and Hirst, Graeme},
doi = {10.1371/journal.pone.0168843},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Rheault et al. - 2016 - Measuring Emotion in Parliamentary Debates with Automated Textual Analysis(2).pdf:pdf},
isbn = {1111111111},
journal = {PLoS ONE },
number = {11},
pages = {e0168843},
title = {{Measuring Emotion in Parliamentary Debates with Automated Textual Analysis}},
volume = {11},
year = {2016}
}
@article{Eagly2004,
abstract = {This research examined the proposition that differential role occupancy by women and men fosters gender gaps in sociopolitical attitudes. Analyses of the General Social Survey (J. A. Davis {\&} T. W. Smith, 1998) and a community sample showed that women, more than men, endorsed policies that are socially compassionate, traditionally moral, and supportive of equal rights for women and for gays and lesbians. To clarify the sources of these gaps, the research examined (a) similarities between gender gaps and gaps associated with other respondent attributes such as race and parenthood, (b) interactions between respondent sex and other attributes, (c) the temporal patterning of gender gaps, and (d) the mediation of attitudinal gender gaps by 3 ideological variables-commitment to equality, group-based dominance, and conservatism versus liberalism.},
author = {Eagly, Alice H. and Diekman, Amanda B. and Johannesen-Schmidt, Mary C. and Koenig, Anne M.},
doi = {10.1037/0022-3514.87.6.796},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Eagly et al. - 2004 - Gender Gaps in Sociopolitical Attitudes A Social Psychological Analysis.pdf:pdf},
journal = {Journal of Personality and Social Psychology},
number = {6},
pages = {796--816},
title = {{Gender Gaps in Sociopolitical Attitudes: A Social Psychological Analysis}},
volume = {87},
year = {2004}
}
@article{DeVet2022,
author = {{De Vet}, Benjamin and Devroe, Robin},
doi = {10.1017/S1743923X21000490},
file = {:Users/lotte/Dropbox/PhD/topic{\_}project/lit/party-control-intraparty-competition-and-the-substantive-focus-of-womens-parliamentary-questions-evidence-from-belgium.pdf:pdf},
journal = {Politics {\&} Gender},
keywords = {competition,gender,improved during the past,intraparty,ipu 2020,lthough the descriptive representation,of women has substantially,parliamentary behavior,parliamentary questions,political,political parties,several decades,substantive representation},
number = {Forthcoming},
pages = {1--25},
title = {{Party Control, Intraparty Competition, and the Substantive Focus of Women's Parliamentary Questions: Evidence from Belgium}},
year = {2022}
}
@article{Gerstle2019,
abstract = {Very little is known in broad comparative terms about the nature and content of election campaigns. In this article, we present the first systematic and comparative assessment of the electoral campaigns of candidates having competed in elections across the world along three dimensions: negative campaigning, emotional campaigning and populist rhetoric. We do so by introducing a new dataset, based on expert judgements, that allows us to retrace the content of campaigns of 97 candidates having competed in 43 elections worldwide between 2016 and 2018. To put the importance of these three dimensions of electoral campaigns into perspective, we comparatively assess the extent to which these three dimensions are more or less likely to capture the attention of news media and to determine the electoral fate of those who rely on them. Our analyses reveal that negativity and emotionality significantly and substantially drive media coverage and electoral results: more positive and enthusiasm-based campaigns increase media attention, but so do campaigns based on personal attacks and fear appeals, especially during presidential elections and when the number of competing candidates is lower. Looking at electoral success, negativity backlashes overall, and yet personal attacks can be used successfully to increase the chances of an electoral victory. Furthermore, both appeals to enthusiasm (but not when a lot of candidates compete) and fear (especially in presidential elections) work as intended *The order of the authors is alphabetical and signifies equal contribution},
author = {Gerstl{\'{e}}, Jacques and Nai, Alessandro},
doi = {10.1177/0267323119861875},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Gerstl{\'{e}}, Nai - 2019 - Negativity, emotionality and populist rhetoric in election campaigns worldwide, and their effects on media attent.pdf:pdf},
journal = {European Journal of Communication},
number = {4},
pages = {410--444},
title = {{Negativity, emotionality and populist rhetoric in election campaigns worldwide, and their effects on media attention and electoral succes}},
url = {https://doi.org/10.1177/0267323119861875},
volume = {34},
year = {2019}
}
@book{Pennebaker2015,
abstract = {Friction stir welding (FSW) of dissimilar Al 6061 and TRIP 780/800 steel has been performed under different process parameters, including tool rotational speed, welding speed as well as the relative position of the tool axis to the abutting edge. Temperature and mechanical welding force was recorded during the process. Welding speed has an insignificant effect on either the maximum temperature or welding force. However, it can directly change the length of high temperature duration, which will accordingly influence temperature distribution in the weld and the microstructure. Higher rotational speed can effectively elevate weld temperature through greater amount of heat input. Metallurgical observations on weld cross sections perpendicular to the joint line was performed using both optical and scanning electron microscope. Microstructure evolution was analyzed and related to the force and temperature measurement results during the FSW process. Copyright {\textcopyright} 2014 by ASME.},
address = {Austin, US},
annote = {This will be useful for introducing LIWC in the methods paper - can cite it.

Speaks about how it works - in the QTA section of the methods paper it would be good to reference this.},
author = {Pennebaker, James W. and Boyd, Ryan L. and Jordan, Kayla and Blackburn, Kate},
doi = {10.1115/msec2014-3991},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Pennebaker et al. - 2015 - The development and psychometric properties of LIWC2015.pdf:pdf},
publisher = {University of Texas at Austin},
title = {{The Development and Psychometric Properties of LIWC2015}},
year = {2015}
}
@article{Kennedy2003,
abstract = {Theories of gender difference suggest that women and men are motivated by different concerns when participating in allocative decision-making processes such as those engaged in by legislative committees. Using a game theoretic experimental design which simulates an allocative decision-making process, this study seeks to identify how women's distinctiveness affects both the process and outputs of committee decision-making. In this design, participants negotiate an outcome with other members of a group and, through majority rule, arrive at a group decision. Following the experiment, participants complete a brief survey instrument. The results show that women are more likely than men to report being motivated by altruistic concerns and to have a preference for a universalistic solution. Men are more likely than women to report being motivated by self-interest and to have a preference for a competitive solution. The increased presence of women in decisionmaking groups results in a significant impact on both the process and outputs of committee decision-making.},
author = {Kennedy, Carole},
doi = {10.1300/J014v25n03_02},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Kennedy - 2003 - Gender Differences in Committee Decision-Making Process and Outputs in an Experimental Setting.pdf:pdf},
journal = {Women {\&} Politics},
number = {3},
pages = {27--45},
title = {{Gender Differences in Committee Decision-Making: Process and Outputs in an Experimental Setting}},
volume = {25},
year = {2003}
}
@article{DeGeus2022,
abstract = {We investigate the prevalence and correlates of sexism in the British political context, using a measure of ambivalent sexism that distinguishes between hostile and benevolent sexist attitudes. Drawing on original data from two nationally representative online surveys, we find that more than half of the population hold some sexist attitudes and that these are predicted by gender, education, religiosity and authoritarian values. We demonstrate that the most significant division in sexist attitudes within the British electorate falls along political rather than gender lines, with men and women expressing more similar views about sexism than either Conservative and Labour voters, or Leave and Remain supporters. We also find that endorsing hostile sexism is associated with voting Conservative in the 2019 general election, even after controlling for sociodemographic characteristics and political values. Our findings reveal that sexism is important for political competition in contexts where gender is not obviously salient.},
author = {de Geus, Roosmarijn and Ralph-Morrow, Elizabeth and Shorrocks, Rosalind},
doi = {10.1017/s0007123421000612},
file = {:Users/lotte/Dropbox/PhD/topic{\_}project/lit/understanding-ambivalent-sexism-and-its-relationship-with-electoral-choice-in-britain.pdf:pdf},
issn = {0007-1234},
journal = {British Journal of Political Science},
keywords = {a woman,benevolent sexism,british politics,equality in the uk,explicit support for gender,gender,hostile sexism,is high,is wrong for a,man to comment on,ment of a traditional,people think that it,public endorse-,recent surveys show that,role for women in,s,sexualised bullying online is,the home has declined,voting behaviour,widely condemned and most},
number = {Forthcoming},
pages = {1--20},
title = {{Understanding Ambivalent Sexism and its Relationship with Electoral Choice in Britain}},
year = {2022}
}
@article{Dunaway2013,
abstract = {The presidential election of 2008 featured the first truly viable female contender for a major party presidential nomination, and the first Republican female vice presidential candidate. The 2010 primary elections featured female candidates for U.S. Senate and governor, particularly Republican women, while the 2012 election brought a new record for the number of women elected to the Senate. These recent trends are set against a history marked by the underrepresentation of elected women officials in American government (Bradley and Wicks 2011; Carroll 2009; Dolan 2004; Han and Heldman 2007; Lawless and Fox 2005; Sanbonmatsu 2006). With more women from both major parties seeking elected office of all kinds, the question of how female candidates are covered by the news media becomes more pressing and complex. Previous research has established the importance of news coverage to the success of women's bids for office (},
author = {Dunaway, Johanna and Lawrence, Regina G. and Rose, Melody and Weber, Christopher R.},
doi = {10.1177/1065912913491464},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Dunaway et al. - 2013 - Traits versus Issues How Female Candidates Shape Coverage of Senate and Gubernatorial Races.pdf:pdf},
journal = {Political Research Quarterly},
number = {3},
pages = {715--726},
title = {{Traits versus Issues: How Female Candidates Shape Coverage of Senate and Gubernatorial Races}},
volume = {66},
year = {2013}
}
@article{Beaman2009,
abstract = {We exploit random assignment of gender quotas for leadership positions on Indian village councils to show that prior exposure to a female leader is associated with electoral gains for women. After ten years of quotas, women are more likely to stand for, and win, elected positions in councils required to have a female chief councilor in the previous two elections. We provide experimental and survey evidence on one channel of influence-changes in voter attitudes. Prior exposure to a female chief councilor improves perceptions of female leader effectiveness and weakens stereotypes about gender roles in the public and domestic spheres.},
author = {Beaman, Lori and Chattopadhyay, Raghabendra and Duflo, Esther and Pande, Rohini},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Beaman et al. - 2009 - Powerful Women Does Exposure Reduce Bias.pdf:pdf},
journal = {The Quarterly Journal of Economics},
number = {4},
pages = {1497--1540},
title = {{Powerful Women: Does Exposure Reduce Bias?}},
volume = {124},
year = {2009}
}
@article{Karakowsky2004,
abstract = {This study examined sources of influence on power displays in mixed-gender work groups. The participants for this study included 216 university students who were randomly assigned to 36 mixed-gender groups for the purpose of case discussions. Measures of individual verbal interruption behavior were used as indicators of power displays among group members. The findings support the assertion that the proportional representation of men and women in a group will influence patterns of interruption behavior, with both men and women exhibiting higher levels of interruption behavior in male-dominated groups. In addition, the results indicate that perceived member competence based on congruence or incongruence with the gender orientation of the group's task has a greater impact on power displays among women compared to men. The use of such power displays was also shown to be negatively correlated with leadership rankings in the group for both men and women. Numerous studies of gender dynamics in work teams have considered the relative distribution of power and influence among men and women, and the behavioral consequences of such distributions (e.g.},
annote = {Summary: participants for the study included 216 university students who were randomly assigned to 36 mixed-gender groups 

Methods: used measures of individual verbal interruption behaviour as indicators of power displays among group members. 

Findings: support the assertion that the proportional representation of men and women in a group will influence patterns of interruption behaviour; with both men and women exhibiting higher levels of interruption behaviour in male-dominated groups.},
author = {Karakowsky, Leonard and McBey, Kenneth and Miller, Diane L.},
doi = {10.1177/1046496404263728},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Karakowsky, McBey, Miller - 2004 - Gender, Perceived Competence, and Power Displays Examining Verbal Interruptions in a Group Context.pdf:pdf},
journal = {Small Group Research},
number = {4},
pages = {407--439},
title = {{Gender, Perceived Competence, and Power Displays: Examining Verbal Interruptions in a Group Context}},
volume = {35},
year = {2004}
}
@techreport{Ortiz-Ospina2017,
author = {Oritiz-Ospina, Esteban and Tzvetkova, Sandra},
institution = {Our World in Data},
title = {{Working Women: Key Facts and Trends in Female Labor Force Participation}},
year = {2017}
}
@article{Swers2005,
author = {Swers, Michele L.},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Swers - 2005 - Connecting descriptive and substantive representation An analysis of sex differences in co-sponsorship activity.pdf:pdf},
journal = {Legislative Studies Quarterly},
number = {3},
pages = {407--434},
title = {{Connecting descriptive and substantive representation: An analysis of sex differences in co-sponsorship activity}},
volume = {30},
year = {2005}
}
@techreport{Clinton2004,
abstract = {W e develop a Bayesian procedure for estimation and inference for spatial models of roll call voting. This approach is extremely flexible, applicable to any legislative setting, irrespective of size, the extremism of the legislators' voting histories, or the number of roll calls available for analysis. The model is easily extended to let other sources of information inform the analysis of roll call data, such as the number and nature of the underlying dimensions, the presence of party whipping, the determinants of legislator preferences, and the evolution of the legislative agenda; this is especially helpful since generally it is inappropriate to use estimates of extant methods (usually generated under assumptions of sincere voting) to test models embodying alternate assumptions (e.g., log-rolling, party discipline). A Bayesian approach also provides a coherent framework for estimation and inference with roll call data that eludes extant methods; moreover, via Bayesian simulation methods, it is straightforward to generate uncertainty assessments or hypothesis tests concerning any auxiliary quantity of interest or to formally compare models. In a series of examples we show how our method is easily extended to accommodate theoretically interesting models of legislative behavior. Our goal is to provide a statistical framework for combining the measurement of legislative preferences with tests of models of legislative behavior.},
author = {Clinton, Joshua and Jackman, Simon and Rivers, Douglas},
booktitle = {American Political Science Review},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Clinton, Jackman, Rivers - 2004 - The Statistical Analysis of Roll Call Data.pdf:pdf},
number = {2},
title = {{The Statistical Analysis of Roll Call Data}},
url = {https://www.cs.princeton.edu/courses/archive/fall09/cos597A/papers/ClintonJackmanRivers2004.pdf},
volume = {98},
year = {2004}
}
@article{Himmelroos2014,
abstract = {A number of studies examining the effects of deliberative citizen forums have found that citizens taking part in deliberative processes experience changes in their policy attitudes. However, it remains unclear why these opinion changes occur, since most studies pay little attention to the communicative exchange that is expected to cause the observed changes. Within deliberative theory, there is an expectation that reasonable individuals should be amenable to changing their preferences as a result of the reflection induced by the deliberative process. However, apart from a few recent studies, there has been little empirical research that directly examines how the quality of the communication affects opinion change. This article fills this gap by examining what factors help explain the opinion changes that occur in citizen deliberation. To do this, the article uses data from a mini-public organized in Turku, Finland, concerning the use of nuclear power. First, the extent and nature of the opinion changes that occurred as a result of the deliberation are established. Following this, the article examines the explanatory powers of a number of potential explanations: deliberative reasoning, sociodemographic inequalities and issue awareness. The results suggest that both deliberative reasoning and issue awareness are significant predictors, meaning there is no single explanation for opinion changes. Scandinavian Political Studies {\textcopyright} 2013 Nordic Political Science Association.},
author = {Himmelroos, Staffan and Christensen, Henrik Serup},
doi = {10.1111/1467-9477.12013},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Himmelroos, Christensen - 2014 - Deliberation and opinion change Evidence from a deliberative mini-public in Finland.pdf:pdf},
issn = {00806757},
journal = {Scandinavian Political Studies},
number = {1},
pages = {41--60},
title = {{Deliberation and opinion change: Evidence from a deliberative mini-public in Finland}},
volume = {37},
year = {2014}
}
@article{Bauer2019b,
abstract = {Candidates frequently engage in partisan trespassing strategies where a candidate will highlight issues and traits associated with stereotypes of the opposing political party. Successful trespassing messages should lead voters to associate candidates with qualities that fit into stereotypes about both Democrats and Republicans, increase electoral support for a candidate, and expand a candidate's base of support. Few studies, however, investigate whether there are differences in the effects of trespassing strategies across candidate sex. Through three survey experiments, I show that trespassing strategies have both positive and negative effects for female candidates. Voters associate female candidates who trespass with more issues and traits associated with the opposing political party, but voters also associate female candidates with fewer partisan qualities. This trade-off is one that both female and male candidates experience. Male candidates, unlike female candidates, can successfully attract more electoral support from out-partisan voters with trespassing strategies. These findings have broad implications for the viability of female candidates in national and state elections where candidates must secure support across a broad coalition of partisan and out-partisan voters.},
author = {Bauer, Nichole M.},
doi = {10.1007/s11109-018-9475-3},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Bauer - 2019 - The Effects of Partisan Trespassing Strategies Across Candidate Sex.pdf:pdf},
isbn = {0123456789},
journal = {Political Behavior},
keywords = {Candidate strategy,Gender bias,Gender stereotypes,Partisan stereotypes,Voter decision-making},
pages = {897--915},
title = {{The Effects of Partisan Trespassing Strategies Across Candidate Sex}},
url = {https://doi.org/10.1007/s11109-018-9475-3},
volume = {41},
year = {2019}
}
@article{Gelman2012,
abstract = {Applied researchers often find themselves making statistical inferences in settings that would seem to require multiple comparisons adjustments. We challenge the Type I error paradigm that underlies these corrections. Moreover we posit that the problem of multiple comparisons can disappear entirely when viewed from a hierarchical Bayesian perspective. We propose building multilevel models in the settings where multiple comparisons arise. Multilevel models perform partial pooling (shifting estimates toward each other), whereas classical procedures typically keep the centers of intervals stationary, adjusting for multiple comparisons by making the intervals wider (or, equivalently, adjusting the p values corresponding to intervals of fixed width). Thus, multilevel models address the multiple comparisons problem and also yield more efficient estimates, especially in settings with low group-level variation, which is where multiple comparisons are a particular concern. {\textcopyright} 2012 Copyright Taylor and Francis Group, LLC.},
archivePrefix = {arXiv},
arxivId = {0907.2478},
author = {Gelman, Andrew and Hill, Jennifer and Yajima, Masanao},
doi = {10.1080/19345747.2011.618213},
eprint = {0907.2478},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Gelman, Hill, Yajima - 2012 - Why We (Usually) Don't Have to Worry About Multiple Comparisons.pdf:pdf},
issn = {19345747},
journal = {Journal of Research on Educational Effectiveness},
keywords = {Bayesian inference,Type S error,hierarchical modeling,multiple comparisons,statistical significance},
number = {2},
pages = {189--211},
title = {{Why We (Usually) Don't Have to Worry About Multiple Comparisons}},
volume = {5},
year = {2012}
}
@incollection{Aldrich2000,
abstract = {For some time, we have sought to develop and test a theory of the role of parties in the Congress (particularly in the House), which we have called "conditional party government".1 In this paper we want continue the development of that theory by presenting some amplifications of the argument and by offering some systematic evidence about one aspect of it. In particular, we will be juxtaposing our views and results to those represented in the work of Keith Krehbiel (1991, 1993, 1998), one of the main skeptics about our analysis. The central issue in contention is whether the influence of the majority and minority parties on members' behavior and on legislative outcomes is symmetric, or whether the majority has disproportionate impact.},
address = {Washington, DC},
author = {Aldrich, John H. and Rohde, David W.},
booktitle = {Polarized Politics Congress and the President in a Partisan Era},
editor = {Bond, J. and Fleisher, R.},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Aldrich, Rohde - 2000 - The Consequences of Party Organization in the House The Role of the Majority and Minority Parties in Conditional.pdf:pdf},
pages = {31--72},
publisher = {CQ Press},
title = {{The Consequences of Party Organization in the House: The Role of the Majority and Minority Parties in Conditional Party Government}},
year = {2000}
}
@article{Zamani2016,
abstract = {Word embeddings, which are low-dimensional vector representations of vocabulary terms that capture the semantic similarity between them, have recently been shown to achieve impressive performance in many natural language processing tasks. The use of word embeddings in information retrieval, however, has only begun to be studied. In this paper, we explore the use of word embeddings to enhance the accuracy of query language models in the ad-hoc retrieval task. To this end, we propose to use word embed-dings to incorporate and weight terms that do not occur in the query, but are semantically related to the query terms. We describe two embedding-based query expansion models with different assumptions. Since pseudo-relevance feedback methods that use the top retrieved documents to update the original query model are well-known to be effective, we also develop an embedding-based relevance model, an extension of the effective and robust relevance model approach. In these models, we transform the similarity values obtained by the widely-used cosine similarity with a sigmoid function to have more discriminative semantic similarity values. We evaluate our proposed methods using three TREC newswire and web collections. The experimental results demonstrate that the embedding-based methods significantly outperform competitive baselines in most cases. The embedding-based methods are also shown to be more robust than the base-lines.},
author = {Zamani, Hamed and Croft, W. Bruce},
doi = {10.1145/2970398.2970405},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Zamani, Croft - 2016 - Embedding-based Query Language Models(2).pdf:pdf},
isbn = {9781450344975},
journal = {Proceedings of the 2016 ACM international conference on the theory of informational retrieval},
keywords = {all or part of,back,language models,or,or hard copies of,permission to make digital,pseudo-relevance feed-,query expansion,this work for personal,word embedding},
pages = {147--156},
title = {{Embedding-based Query Language Models}},
year = {2016}
}
@article{Allen2016a,
abstract = {Do gender quotas reduce the quality of politicians elected to a legislature? For the first time in the literature, this article addresses this question by examining the quality of 'quota women' compared to their non-quota colleagues at three stages of their political career: their electoral performance, their qualifications for political office and their post-election legislative career trajectories. Drawing on the unique case of Britain following the 1997 general election, no significant difference is found between the quality of 'quota women' and their non-quota colleagues. Voters do not punish 'quota women' at the ballot box; 'quota women' are as equally qualified for political office as their colleagues; and the gatekeepers of executive office do not discriminate against 'quota women' in front-bench promotions. Considering this, the article concludes by asking whether the similarity of 'quota women' to their colleagues may actually impact on their capacity to affect transformative substantive representation.},
author = {Allen, Peter and Cutts, David and Campbell, Rosie},
doi = {10.1111/1467-9248.12161},
file = {:Users/lotte/Dropbox/projects/productivity{\_}experiment/lit/Allen-Cutts-Campbell-2014-Political-Studies.pdf:pdf},
issn = {14679248},
journal = {Political Studies},
keywords = {Gender quotas,Political careers,Political representation,Voting behaviour,Women in politics},
number = {1},
pages = {143--163},
title = {{Measuring the Quality of Politicians Elected by Gender Quotas - Are They Any Different?}},
volume = {64},
year = {2016}
}
@article{Ditonto2017,
abstract = {This study seeks to determine whether subjects in two dynamic process tracing experiments react differently to information related to a candidate's competence when that candidate is a woman, vs. when he is a man. I find that subjects evaluate a candidate whose competence is in doubt less favorably, and are less likely to vote for the candidate, when she is a woman. In general, evaluations of women seem to be influenced much more by information related to their competence than are evaluations of men. I also find that competence as portrayed by the composition of a candidate's facial features does not alter this relationship. My findings suggest that gender-based stereotypes may have an indirect effect on candidate evaluations and vote choice by influencing how voters react to information about them.},
author = {Ditonto, Tessa},
doi = {10.1007/s11109-016-9357-5},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Ditonto - 2017 - A High Bar or a Double Standard Gender, Competence, and Information in Political Campaigns.pdf:pdf},
journal = {Political Behavior},
pages = {301--325},
title = {{A High Bar or a Double Standard? Gender, Competence, and Information in Political Campaigns}},
volume = {39},
year = {2017}
}
@article{WesselTromborg2019,
abstract = {Legislative responsiveness to constituent demands is integral to the concept of representation. Yet, research on district-focused legislative behavior and priorities, such as allocating resources to districts, has largely ignored constituent demand as an explanatory variable. In this article, we propose a demand-based theory of district-targeted legislative resource allocation. The theoretical model suggests that district demand for legislative resources is determined by the district's relative deprivation of such resources and that legislators have an electoral incentive to respond to district demand due to the credit-claiming opportunities associated with doing so. These possibilities are tested with region-wide mass and elite survey data from Latin America, and the results suggest that constituent demand is not only a normatively but also an empirically important predictor of district-focused legislative behavior.},
author = {{Wessel Tromborg}, Mathias and Schwindt-Bayer, Leslie A.},
doi = {10.1111/lsq.12217},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Wessel Tromborg, Schwindt-Bayer - 2019 - Constituent Demand and District-Focused Legislative Representation.pdf:pdf},
issn = {19399162},
journal = {Legislative Studies Quarterly},
number = {1},
pages = {35--64},
title = {{Constituent Demand and District-Focused Legislative Representation}},
volume = {44},
year = {2019}
}
@book{Bird2010,
address = {London},
author = {Bird, Karen and Saalfeld, Thomas and W{\"{u}}st, Andreas M.},
publisher = {Routledge},
title = {{The Political Representation of Immigrants and Minorities}},
year = {2010}
}
@article{Magni2018,
abstract = {Does sexual orientation and gender identity matter at election time? While previous literature has explored the effect of candidate gender and ethnicity on electoral results, this is the first study to quantitatively investigate the impact of sexual orientation. We build an original dataset combining individual-level data on more than 3,000 candidates in the 2015 UK election with sociodemographic indicators at the constituency level. In addition to sexual orientation and other demographic characteristics, we include candidate education, political experience, and campaign spending. We find that LGBT candidates generally do not have a negative impact on party vote share. Even in more conservative environments, LGBT candidates perform at least as well as their straight counterparts. This work is important to understand the consequences of descriptive representation and, relatedly, how rapid social change happens.},
author = {Magni, Gabriele and Reynolds, Andrew},
doi = {10.1017/S0003055418000102},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Magni, Reynolds - 2018 - Candidate sexual orientation didn't matter (in the Way You Might Think) in the 2015 UK General Election.pdf:pdf},
isbn = {0003055418},
issn = {15375943},
journal = {American Political Science Review},
number = {3},
pages = {713--720},
title = {{Candidate sexual orientation didn't matter (in the Way You Might Think) in the 2015 UK General Election}},
volume = {112},
year = {2018}
}
@book{Weeks2022a,
address = {Cambridge, UK},
author = {Weeks, Ana Catalano},
publisher = {Cambridge University Press,},
title = {{Making Gender Salient: From Gender Quota Laws to Policy.}},
year = {2022}
}
@article{Jalalzai2016,
abstract = {Several countries where women gained prime ministerial or presidential offices at earlier points witnessed the rise of at least one additional woman leader subsequently. Such contexts coexist with others stalled at only one case. Most commonly, countries have yet to be governed by any women, let alone several. What explains these differing patterns? This article examines two dynamics to answer this question: first, women's attainment of executive positions worldwide and second, the influence previous women leaders exert on the rise of female successors. Institutional features appear most decisive in accounting for whether a country is led by a woman. These same institutional explanations facilitate multiple women executives as do systems with weak presidencies. In addition, democracy, gender parity, longer histories of women's suffrage, and politically fragile contexts more often coincide with shattered glass ceilings.},
author = {Jalalzai, Farida},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Jalalzai - 2016 - Shattered Not Cracked The Effect of Women's Executive Leadership.pdf:pdf},
journal = {Journal of Women, Politics {\&} Policy},
keywords = {executives,gender,presidents,prime ministers,representation,women},
number = {4},
pages = {439--463},
publisher = {Routledge},
title = {{Shattered Not Cracked: The Effect of Women's Executive Leadership}},
volume = {37},
year = {2016}
}
@article{Coleman2000,
abstract = {This paper reports on data relating to management and leadership derived from a survey of all the female headteachers in England and Wales. The quantitative data presented here are complementary to previous research on gender in education which has tended to be qualitative. The use of the Gray paradigms in the research instrument has allowed an empirical rede nition of the 'feminine' style of management, but the research con rms that the majority of the female heads use a collaborative and 'people-oriented' style of management. In addition, the key values promoted by the headteachers are related to achievement and respect for all.The headteachers generally make themselves available to staff and spend a considerable proportion of their time in school outside their of ce. They tend to encourage staff development, often through individual consultation, but only a minority make special provision for the development of female teachers. Male resentment of female leadership was found to be relatively prevalent and the majority of the women felt they had to 'prove their worth' as a woman manager. Despite the dif culties encountered, once the women had achieved headship, they were aware that there were advantages in being a woman headteacher. They reported the ability to defuse 'macho' behaviour, the bene ts of being unusual and therefore singled out and the fact that girls, mothers and female teachers found them approachable. The relative disproportion of female secondary headteachers raises issues of equity. However, in view of the effective management style of the majority , the question is also raised of the potential loss of leadership to our schools.},
author = {Coleman, Marianne},
doi = {10.1080/001318800363881},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Coleman - 2000 - The female secondary headteacher in England and Wales leadership and management styles.pdf:pdf},
journal = {Educational Research},
number = {1},
pages = {13--27},
title = {{The female secondary headteacher in England and Wales: leadership and management styles}},
volume = {42},
year = {2000}
}
@article{Profeta2021,
author = {Profeta, Paola and Woodhouse, Eleanor Florence},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Profeta, Woodhouse - 2021 - Electoral Rules, Women's Representation and the Qualification of Politicians.pdf:pdf},
journal = {Comparative Political Studies},
keywords = {difference-in-differences,electoral reforms,s political representation,women},
number = {Forthcoming},
pages = {1--30},
title = {{Electoral Rules, Women's Representation and the Qualification of Politicians}},
year = {2022}
}
@article{King2003,
abstract = {We report the results of an experiment involving 820 randomly sampled adults. Half heard about a female Republican candidate for Congress. The other half learned of an otherwise identical male candidate. Democrat and Independent voters were more likely to trust, think qualified, view as a leader, and vote for the female Republican (contrasted with the male Republican). On the other hand, being female led to associations that hurt Republican women within their own party. We augment our experimental results by providing evidence that Republican women have done significantly worse than Democratic women in winning nominations in open-seat congressional districts.},
author = {King, David C. and Matland, Richard E.},
doi = {10.1177/1532673X03255286},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/King, Matland - 2003 - Sex and the Grand Old Party An Experimental Investigation of the Effect of Candidate Sex on Support for a Republi.pdf:pdf},
journal = {American Politics Research},
keywords = {experiment,gender schemata,primaries,voting heuristics,women},
number = {6},
pages = {595--612},
title = {{Sex and the Grand Old Party: An Experimental Investigation of the Effect of Candidate Sex on Support for a Republican Candidate}},
volume = {31},
year = {2003}
}
@article{Laver2003,
author = {Laver, Michael and Benoit, Kenneth and Garry, John},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Laver, Benoit, Garry - 2003 - Extracting Policy Positions from Political Texts Using Words as Data.pdf:pdf},
journal = {American Political Science Review},
number = {2},
pages = {311--331},
title = {{Extracting Policy Positions from Political Texts Using Words as Data}},
volume = {97},
year = {2003}
}
@article{Wang2014,
abstract = {Participation in legislative debates is potentially an important tool for Members of Parliament (MPs) to communicate policy positions and exert influence on the policy process. Yet there are few studies of legislative speech behaviour, and specifically gendered analyses are sparse. This article examines how gender and gender quotas affect speech activity measured in terms of how much MPs speak on the floor of the Ugandan parliament. An original dataset constructed from transcripts of parliamentary debates spanning a ten-year period (1998–2008) is applied in the analyses. Controlling for other possible determinants of speech activity, it is found that, contrary to expectations, there are no significant differences by gender in overall speech activity, but female MPs who hold parliamentary leadership positions speak significantly more than any other group. Differences between female quota MPs and their counterparts in parliament are also ruled out, countering common expectations in the quota literature.},
author = {Wang, Vibeke},
doi = {10.1080/00344893.2014.951234},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Wang - 2014 - Tracing Gender Differences in Parliamentary Debates A Growth Curve Analysis of Ugandan MPs' Activity Levels in Plenary.pdf:pdf},
issn = {17494001},
journal = {Representation},
number = {3},
pages = {365--377},
publisher = {Vibeke Wang},
title = {{Tracing Gender Differences in Parliamentary Debates: A Growth Curve Analysis of Ugandan MPs' Activity Levels in Plenary Sessions, 1998–2008}},
volume = {50},
year = {2014}
}
@article{Fox2012,
abstract = {In the aftermath of the parliamentary expenses scandal, 232 new MPs were elected to the Westminster Parliament in May 2010: the largest turnover of Members since the Second World War. 1 The unique nature of the election and its aftermath presented both great opportunities and real challenges for the orientation, induction and continuous professional development of new Members. 2 This paper explores how the House of Commons sought to respond to those challenges and opportunities. It examines what support was made available to new Members by House of Commons officials, the new Independent Parliamentary Standards Authority, as well as outside bodies, including the Hansard Society, in the months immediately after the election. It assesses the success of this provision and what lessons can be learnt from Westminster's experience for the future. 1. A year in the life: from member of public to Member of Parliament Following the 2005 general election, the Hansard Society spent 12 months monitoring the newly elected MPs as they settled into their role and shaped 1 This 232 figure includes five Members who had previously been elected but who had lost their seats at the 2005 general election. 2 The phrases orientation and induction are often used interchangeably in some research studies and indeed by the House of Commons Service itself in the planning of its work. For the purposes of this study we have therefore sought, in the interests of clarity, to distinguish between the two terms. Orientation is used here to refer to the basic introductory information, support and services provided in the first week following the general election. The term induction incorporates the support and services provided from week two of the new Parliament onwards and includes the structured programme of briefing sessions as well as the more individually tailored training and development opportunities provided by House of Commons officials.},
author = {Fox, Ruth and Korris, Matt},
doi = {10.1093/pa/gss014},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Fox, Korris - 2012 - A Fresh Start The Orientation and Induction of New MPs at Westminster Following the 2010 General Election.pdf:pdf},
journal = {Parliamentary Affairs},
pages = {559--575},
title = {{A Fresh Start? The Orientation and Induction of New MPs at Westminster Following the 2010 General Election}},
url = {https://academic.oup.com/pa/article-abstract/65/3/559/1438367},
volume = {65},
year = {2012}
}
@article{Robertson1999,
author = {Robertson, Terry and Froemling, Kristin and Wells, Scott and Mccraw, Shannon},
doi = {10.1080/01463379909385563},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Robertson et al. - 1999 - Sex, lies, and videotape An analysis of gender in campaign advertisements.pdf:pdf},
journal = {Communication Quarterly},
number = {3},
pages = {333--341},
title = {{Sex, Lies, and Videotape: An Analysis of Gender in Campaign Advertisements}},
volume = {47},
year = {1999}
}
@article{OBrien2012,
abstract = {While significant attention has been dedicated to explaining women's election to office, fewer studies have assessed female politicians' access to positions of power within legislatures. This latter topic became particularly salient in the British House of Commons following the 2010 general election, when recently adopted reforms introduced intracameral elections for select committee members and chairs. This article outlines three hypotheses concerning the influence of candidate sex on election outcomes: a gender bias against female candidates, a gender advantage favoring female candidates, and gender-neutral outcomes. Drawing on two original data sets, the results not only fail to support the gender-bias hypothesis but also demonstrate that women were advantaged in the interparty elections for committee chairs. These findings offer new insights into both the position of female legislators in the UK Parliament and gender and the allocation of power within national assemblies more generally.},
author = {O'Brien, Diana Z},
doi = {10.1017/S1743923X12000153},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/O'Brien - 2012 - Gender and Select Committee Elections in the British House of Commons.pdf:pdf},
journal = {Politics {\&} Gender},
number = {1},
pages = {178--204},
title = {{Gender and Select Committee Elections in the British House of Commons}},
volume = {8},
year = {2012}
}
@article{Barnes2017,
abstract = {Women earn 40{\%} of new PhDs in political science; however, once they enter the profession, they have strikingly different experiences than their male counterparts— particularly in the small but influential field of political methodology. For several years, the Society for Political Methodology, with support from the National Science Foundation, has attempted to address this gender gap through the Visions in Methodology (VIM) program. VIM features an annual conference that brings women together to present and discuss their research and to participate in professional-development sessions. Do programs like VIM have the desired impact? Using an original survey of political scientists, this study provides insights into the ways that bringing women together in small-group settings like VIM might facilitate networking and enhance productivity. In particular, the study finds that women who attend the VIM conference are better networked and more productive in terms of publication.},
author = {Barnes, Tiffany and Beaulieu, Emily},
doi = {10.1017/S1049096516003000},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Barnes, Beaulieu - 2017 - Engaging Women Addressing the Gender Gap in Women's Networking and Productivity.pdf:pdf},
journal = {Political Science and Politics},
number = {2},
pages = {461--466},
title = {{Engaging Women: Addressing the Gender Gap in Women's Networking and Productivity}},
url = {https://www.cambridge.org/core/services/aop-cambridge-core/content/view/EE3D7D0566D6ABF022916DDD4B23FF87/S1049096516003000a.pdf/engaging{\_}women{\_}addressing{\_}the{\_}gender{\_}gap{\_}in{\_}womens{\_}networking{\_}and{\_}productivity.pdf},
volume = {50},
year = {2017}
}
@article{Huddy2015,
abstract = {P arty identification is central to the study of American political behavior, yet there remains disagreement over whether it is largely instrumental or expressive in nature. We draw on social identity theory to develop the expressive model and conduct four studies to compare it to an instrumental explanation of campaign involvement. We find strong support for the expressive model: a multi-item partisan identity scale better accounts for campaign activity than a strong stance on subjectively important policy issues, the strength of ideological self-placement, or a measure of ideological identity. A series of experiments underscore the power of partisan identity to generate action-oriented emotions that drive campaign activity. Strongly identified partisans feel angrier than weaker partisans when threatened with electoral loss and more positive when reassured of victory. In contrast, those who hold a strong and ideologically consistent position on issues are no more aroused emotionally than others by party threats or reassurances. In addition, threat and reassurance to the party's status arouse greater anger and enthusiasm among partisans than does a threatened loss or victory on central policy issues. Our findings underscore the power of an expressive partisan identity to drive campaign involvement and generate strong emotional reactions to ongoing campaign events.},
author = {Huddy, Leonie and Mason, Lilliana and Aaroe, Lene},
doi = {10.1017/S0003055414000604},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Huddy, Mason, Aaroe - 2015 - Expressive Partisanship Campaign Involvement, Political Emotion, and Partisan Identity.pdf:pdf},
journal = {American Political Science Review},
number = {1},
pages = {1--17},
title = {{Expressive Partisanship: Campaign Involvement, Political Emotion, and Partisan Identity}},
url = {https://doi.org/10.1017/S0003055414000604},
volume = {109},
year = {2015}
}
@article{Martin2014,
abstract = {In no other area of political science is the concept of roles as important as in legislative studies. Roles make political institutions such as parliaments subjective: they are related to positions, but not identical to them. Perceived expectations, personal motivations, and strategic calculations are assumed to differentiate role from position. Eulau and Wahlke's typology of representational roles, inspired by Burke and based on a study of US state legislatures, has long dominated the study of legislative roles. It is criticized on both theoretical and empirical grounds, in particular for its lack of predictive power. Searing's typology, based on an inductive study of the UK House of Commons, has attracted most attention as an alternative. Both seminal studies are ambivalent in their treatment of political parties in their role typologies. It is sometimes argued that role analysis is currently regaining importance in legislative studies because of the renewed attention to institutionalist explanations. This chapter is more skeptical, advocating a move from mere description to theoretically grounded explanation in this field.$\backslash$n},
author = {Martin, Shane and Saalfeld, Thomas and Str{\o}m, Kaare W. and Andeweg, Rudy B.},
doi = {10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199653010.013.0025},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Martin et al. - 2014 - Roles in Legislatures.pdf:pdf},
isbn = {9780199653010},
journal = {The Oxford Handbook of Legislative Studies},
keywords = {eulau-wahlke typology,legislative behavior,legislative studies,legislatures,parliamentary roles,parliaments,political representation,s,searing,typology},
number = {November 2016},
pages = {1--25},
title = {{Roles in Legislatures}},
year = {2014}
}
@article{Martin2020a,
abstract = {Previous studies have found that ethnic minorities in Britain have similar levels of partisan attachment as white UK respondents. However, we find that this hides substantial ethnic differences in levels of partisanship within age groups (minorities are younger on average) and that there is a substantial minority party attachment premium that is greatest for the youngest respondents. Our paper examines the factors that account for the substantial partisanship gap between minority and white UK respondents by the time they enter the electorate. Using waves 3, 5 and 7 (2011–2016) of the Understanding Society youth panel, which follows 10–15 year olds in the UK, we model both the early attainment of party attachment among respondents (the first time we observe them as part of the youth panel) and the subsequent retention of this party attachment up to age 15, or acquisition of party attachment among young people who had no partisanship at the time of first observation. We find that differences in levels of parental partisanship and political engagement are the key factors in explaining the difference in minority and white UK acquisition and retention of party attachment during this critical period of political development.},
author = {Martin, Nicole and Mellon, Jonathan},
doi = {10.1080/1369183X.2018.1539285},
file = {:Users/lotte/Dropbox/PhD/style{\_}experiment/lit/The puzzle of high political partisanship among ethnic minority young people in Great Britain.pdf:pdf},
issn = {14699451},
journal = {Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies},
keywords = {Ethnicity,partisanship,party attachment,politics,young people},
number = {5},
pages = {936--956},
publisher = {Taylor {\&} Francis},
title = {{The puzzle of high political partisanship among ethnic minority young people in Great Britain}},
url = {https://doi.org/10.1080/1369183X.2018.1539285},
volume = {46},
year = {2020}
}
@article{Volden2016,
abstract = {Significant scholarship indicates that female legislators focus their attention on "women's issues" to a greater extent than do male lawmakers. Drawing on over 40 years of bill sponsorship data from the US House of Representatives, we define women's issues in terms of those sponsored at a greater rate by women in Congress. Our analysis reveals that most (but not all) of the classically considered women's issues are indeed raised at an enhanced rate by congresswomen. We then track the fate of those issues. While 4 percent of all bills become law, that rate drops to 2 percent for women's issues and to only 1 percent for women's issue bills sponsored by women themselves. This pattern persists over time-from the early 1970s through today-and upon controlling for other factors that influence bills success rates. We link the bias against women's issues to the committee process, and suggest several avenues for further research.},
author = {Volden, Craig and Wiseman, Alan E. and Wittmer, Dana E.},
doi = {10.1017/psrm.2016.32},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Volden, Wiseman, Wittmer - 2016 - Women's Issues and Their Fates in the US Congress.pdf:pdf},
journal = {Political Science Research and Methods},
number = {4},
pages = {679--696},
title = {{Women's Issues and Their Fates in the US Congress}},
url = {https://doi.org/10.1017/psrm.2016.32},
volume = {6},
year = {2016}
}
@article{Cejka1999a,
abstract = {This study examines the role of gender stereotypes in justifying the social system by maintaining the division of labor between the sexes. The distribution of the sexes in 80 occupations was predicted from participants' beliefs that six dimensions of gender-stereotypic attributes contribute to occupational success: masculine physical, feminine physical, masculine personality, feminine personality, masculine cognitive, and feminine cognitive. Findings showed that, to the extent that occupations were female dominated, feminine personality or physical attributes were thought more essential for success; to the extent that occupations were male dominated, masculine personality or physical attributes were thought more essential. Demonstrating the role of gender stereotypes in justifying gender hierarchy, occupations had higher prestige in that participants believed that they required masculine personality or cognitive attributes for success, and they had higher earnings to the extent that they were thought to require masculine personality attributes.},
author = {Cejka, Mary Ann and Eagly, Alice H},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Cejka, Eagly - 1999 - Gender-Stereotypic Images of Occupations Correspond to the Sex Segregation of Employment.pdf:pdf},
isbn = {1999413423},
journal = {Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin},
number = {4},
pages = {413--423},
title = {{Gender-Stereotypic Images of Occupations Correspond to the Sex Segregation of Employment}},
volume = {25},
year = {1999}
}
@article{Mendelberg2016,
abstract = {Formal decision-making groups are ubiquitous, and they make decisions that govern every aspect of life, yet women are vastly underrepresented in them. How effective are women in these groups, where their numbers still lag far behind men's? We address this longstanding question, focusing on detailed measures of women's influence in natural and controlled settings. The answers shed light on related questions as well: How high do the numbers have to rise before women exercise equal influence? Do women need a different critical mass in different types of settings? We also address a newer question: how do other features of the group help or hinder women's equal leadership? Can they ameliorate the negative impact of low numbers? Women's relative number matters to women's ability to exercise leadership in small groups, but the procedures that groups use also matter, and condition the effects of numbers.},
author = {Mendelberg, Tali and Karpowitz, Christopher F.},
doi = {10.1016/j.leaqua.2015.11.005},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Mendelberg, Karpowitz - 2016 - Women's authority in political decision-making groups.pdf:pdf},
journal = {The Leadership Quarterly},
pages = {487--503},
title = {{Women's authority in political decision-making groups}},
volume = {27},
year = {2016}
}
@article{Thomsen2019,
abstract = {A growing body of research shows that women legislators outperform their male counterparts in the legislative arena, but scholars have yet to examine whether this pattern emerges in non-policy aspects of representation. We conducted an audit study of 6,000 U.S. state legislators to analyze whether women outperform or underperform men on constituency service in light of the extra effort they spend on policy. We find that women are more likely to respond to constituent requests than men, even after accounting for their heightened level of policy activity. Female legislators are the most responsive in conservative districts, where women may see the barriers to their election as especially high. We then demonstrate that our findings are not a function of staff responsiveness, legislator ideology, or responsiveness to female constituents or gender issues. The results provide additional evidence that women perform better than their male counterparts across a range of representational activities. A re women legislators more effective than their male counterparts? Do they change the political environment or represent their constituents differently than men? A long line of research has demonstrated that women devote more attention to and are more active on women's issues (i.e., Dodson 2006; Gerrity, Osborn, and Mendez 2007; Holman 2015; Osborn and Mendez 2010; Swers 2002). Yet more recently, scholars have found that women improve the quality of representation for male and female citizens alike. Studies at both the state and federal level show that female legislators are more active and productive than their male counterparts on a variety of policy-related activities. Women sponsor more legislation, speak on the floor at greater rates on a range of policy issues, and are more successful at moving bills through the legislative process than men (Anzia and Berry 2011; Cain and Kousser 2004; Pearson and Dancey 2011; Volden and Wiseman 2011; Volden, Wiseman, and Wittmer 2013). Constituents benefit directly too, as women bring more money to their districts than male legislators (Anzia and Berry 2011). While a growing body of research suggests that women legislators outperform their male counterparts in the policy arena, scholars have yet to examine whether the A list of permanent links to Supplemental Materials provided by the authors precedes the References section.},
author = {Thomsen, Danielle M. and Sanders, Bailey K.},
doi = {10.7910/DVN/8WLEMA},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Thomsen, Sanders - 2020 - Gender Differences in Legislator Responsiveness.pdf:pdf},
journal = {Perspectives on Politics},
number = {4},
pages = {1017--1030},
title = {{Gender Differences in Legislator Responsiveness}},
volume = {18},
year = {2020}
}
@article{Bratton1999,
abstract = {In this paper, we investigate the agenda-setting behavior of female and black state legislators, and ex- amine whether women and blacks are as successful as white men in passing legislation. Using a six-state, three-year sample, we test a descriptive representation model in which group members (blacks and women) represent group interests above and beyond the extent motivated by constituency and party pressures. Moreover, in keeping with the social distance between the races, we expect blacks to be less successful than whites at passing legislation. We find that although constituency in- fluences sponsorship agendas, blacks and women share a set of distinctive policy interests. Women are generally as likely as men to achieve passage of the legislation they introduce, whereas blacks are, in three states, significantly less likely than whites to pass legislation.},
author = {Bratton, Kathleen A. and Haynie, Kerry L.},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Bratton, Haynie - 1999 - Agenda Setting and Legislative Success in State Legislatures The Effects of Gender and Race.pdf:pdf},
journal = {The Journal of Politics},
number = {3},
pages = {658--679},
title = {{Agenda Setting and Legislative Success in State Legislatures: The Effects of Gender and Race}},
volume = {61},
year = {1999}
}
@misc{Crace2019,
author = {Crace, John},
booktitle = {The Guardian},
title = {{As she says goodbye, Maybot finally shows her humanity}},
url = {https://www.theguardian.com/politics/2019/may/24/theresa-may-end-resignation-speech-politics-sketch-maybot},
year = {2019}
}
@article{Holman2016,
abstract = {How does the threat of terrorism affect evaluations of female (vs. male) political leaders, and do these effects vary by the politician's partisanship? Using two national surveys, we document a propensity for the U.S. public to prefer male Republican leadership the most in times of security threat, and female Democratic leadership the least. We theorize a causal process by which terrorist threat influences the effect of stereotypes on candidate evaluations conditional on politician partisanship. We test this framework with an original experiment:a nationally representative sample was presented with a mock election that varied the threat context and the gender and partisanship of the candidates. We find that masculine stereotypes have a negative influence on both male and female Democratic candidates in good times (thus reaffirming the primacy of party stereotypes), but only on the female Democratic candidate when terror threat is primed. Republican candidates—both male and female—are unaffected by masculine stereotypes, regardless of the threat environment.},
author = {Holman, Mirya R. and Merolla, Jennifer L. and Zechmeister, Elizabeth J.},
doi = {10.1177/1065912915624018},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Holman, Merolla, Zechmeister - 2016 - Terrorist Threat, Male Stereotypes, and Candidate Evaluations.pdf:pdf},
issn = {10659129},
journal = {Political Research Quarterly},
keywords = {experiments,gender,partisanship,public opinion,terrorism,threat},
number = {1},
pages = {134--147},
title = {{Terrorist Threat, Male Stereotypes, and Candidate Evaluations}},
volume = {69},
year = {2016}
}
@article{Barnes2012,
abstract = {W omen are underrepresented in most of the world's legislatures. While the scarcity of female representation is problematic for multiple reasons, one of the central concerns of advocates and scholars rests on the assumption that women have different legislative preferences than their male counterparts. If this is the case, then it implies that where women do not occupy an equitable proportion of the legislature, their interests are not well represented. On the other hand, there is reason to believe that the lack of female legislators may not be problematic for women's representation. Many scholars assume that all legislators have an electoral incentive to represent constituents' interests. This implies that, even if female legislators have different preferences, they will not behave differently than their male collogues. Given the divergent expectations of these two assumptions, scholars have developed a keen interest in understanding whether gender shapes legislative preferences and the extent to which it can be observed through legislative behavior.},
author = {Barnes, Tiffany D},
doi = {10.1017/S1743923X12000505},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Barnes - 2012 - Gender and Legislative Preferences Evidence from the Argentine Provinces.pdf:pdf},
journal = {Politics {\&} Gender},
number = {4},
pages = {483--507},
title = {{Gender and Legislative Preferences: Evidence from the Argentine Provinces}},
url = {https://doi.org/10.1017/S1743923X12000505},
volume = {8},
year = {2012}
}
@book{Fenno1978,
address = {Boston, MA},
author = {Fenno, Richard F.},
publisher = {Longman},
title = {{Home Style: House Members in Their Districts}},
year = {1978}
}
@article{Anderson2003,
abstract = {Our research addresses how individual member behavior and institutional variables affect legislative success in the U.S. House of Representatives. Using new measures of activity from the 103d Congress (1993-94), a count dependent variable, and negative binomial regression, our analysis assesses member effectiveness. We find that a member's activity level encourages legislative success, but gains are limited when members speak or sponsor too frequently. Our results provide a clearer picture of the role of legislative context and the relevance of institutions in determining a member's legislative successes and failures.},
author = {Anderson, William D. and Box-Steffensmeier, Janet M. and Sinclair-Chapman, Valeria},
doi = {10.3162/036298003X200926},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Anderson, Box-Steffensmeier, Sinclair-Chapman - 2003 - The keys to legislative success in the U.S. House of Representatives.pdf:pdf},
issn = {03629805},
journal = {Legislative Studies Quarterly},
number = {3},
pages = {357--386},
title = {{The keys to legislative success in the U.S. House of Representatives}},
volume = {28},
year = {2003}
}
@article{Shorrocks2016,
abstract = {The lack of an overall gender gap in British voting behaviour hides considerable gender gaps within birth cohorts. This is not due to a gradual realignment of the gender gap related to modernisation, but instead to a gendered process of government socialisation. Men are especially supportive of the party that was in power during their formative years, particularly if it was in power for a sustained period of time. This is not consistently the case for women, and this gender difference produces political generations not only characterised by higher support for the party in power during their youth but also by gender gaps in voting behaviour.},
author = {Shorrocks, Rosalind},
doi = {10.1016/j.electstud.2016.03.004},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Shorrocks - 2016 - Modernisation and government socialisation Considering explanations for gender differences in cohort trends in Britis.pdf:pdf},
issn = {02613794},
journal = {Electoral Studies},
keywords = {Gender-generation gap,Government socialisation,Political generations,Voting gender gap},
month = {jun},
pages = {237--248},
publisher = {Elsevier Ltd},
title = {{Modernisation and government socialisation: Considering explanations for gender differences in cohort trends in British voting behaviour}},
volume = {42},
year = {2016}
}
@article{Lovenduski2012,
author = {Lovenduski, Joni},
doi = {10.1111/j.1467-923X.2012.00000.x},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Lovenduski - 2012 - Feminising British Politics.pdf:pdf},
issn = {00137758},
journal = {The Political Quarterly},
number = {4},
pages = {697--702},
title = {{Feminising British Politics}},
volume = {83},
year = {2012}
}
@article{Petrocik2003,
author = {Petrocik, John R. and Benoit, William L. and Hansen, Glenn J.},
file = {:Users/lotte/Dropbox/PhD/style{\_}experiment/lit/30035698.pdf:pdf},
journal = {Political Science Quarterly},
number = {4},
pages = {599--626},
title = {{Issue Ownership and Presidential Campaigning , 1952-2000}},
volume = {118},
year = {2003}
}
@article{Collignon2022,
abstract = {This article explores the role gender plays in the harassment, abuse and intimidation (HAI) of parliamentary candidates in the UK at election time. Using data from the Representative Audit of Britain surveys (2015–2019) this article takes an intersectional approach to investigate whether trends identified in 2017 suggesting that women candidates reported more incidences of HAI and were more likely to be concerned for their personal safety as a result than men, remain apparent in the subsequent election. Results suggest that HAI is getting worse for candidates in general, and the gender gap is widening. About three in every four women experienced some levels of fear while campaigning.},
author = {Collignon, Sof{\'{i}}a and Campbell, Rosie and R{\"{u}}dig, Wolfgang},
doi = {10.1111/1467-923X.13070},
file = {:Users/lotte/Dropbox/PhD/topic{\_}project/lit/Political Quarterly - 2021 - Collignon - The Gendered Harassment of Parliamentary Candidates in the UK.pdf:pdf},
issn = {1467923X},
journal = {Political Quarterly},
keywords = {VAW-P,candidates,gender,harassment,women},
number = {1},
pages = {32--38},
title = {{The Gendered Harassment of Parliamentary Candidates in the UK}},
volume = {93},
year = {2022}
}
@article{Campbell2016,
author = {Campbell, Rosie},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Campbell - 2016 - Representing women voters the role of the Gender Gap and the response of political parties.pdf:pdf},
journal = {Party Politics},
keywords = {a reader in politics,and political behaviour,at birkbeck,author biography,dr rosie campbell is,evaluations,gender gap,newsframes,political recruitment and candidate,she has,university london,voting behaviour,written widely on gender},
number = {5},
pages = {587--597},
title = {{Representing women voters: the role of the Gender Gap and the response of political parties.}},
volume = {22},
year = {2016}
}
@incollection{Barnes2016d,
abstract = {In democracies, power is obtained via competition. Yet, as women gain access to parliaments in record numbers, worldwide collaboration appears to be on the rise. This is puzzling: why, if politicians can secure power through competition, would we observe collaboration in Congress? Using evidence from 200 interviews with politicians from Argentina and a novel dataset from 23 Argentine legislative chambers over an 18-year period, Gendering Legislative Behavior reexamines traditional notions of competitive democracy by evaluating patterns of collaboration among legislators. Although only the majority can secure power via competition, all legislators - particularly those who do not have power - can influence the policy-making process through collaboration. Tiffany D. Barnes argues that as women have limited access to formal and informal political power, they collaborate more than men to influence policy-making. Despite the benefits of collaboration, patterns of collaboration vary among women because different legislative contexts either facilitate or constrain women's collaboration.},
address = {Cambridge, UK},
annote = {Methods
- (p. 53) Finds that policy collaboration is quite common in Argentina, as is collaboration across party lines. This is surprising given a divisive party system and relatively strong party discipline 
- Collaboration is common among all legislators, but collaboration amongst legisaltors who are not in power is more common: legislators from the opposition party collaborate more, legisaltors from minority parties collaborate more an women collaborate more 
- Most collaboration aimed at developing and advancing legislation 
- (p. 54) Focuses on bill consponsorship because it is reliable, valid and comparable across provinces 
- Many different ways that legislators collaborate can be challenging for scholars to measure (e.g. meetings, networking etc.) 
- Bill cosponsorship data reliable: most legislatures document and archive the introduction of all legisaltive proposals along with each of the bill's cosponsors 
- Bill cosponsorship data valid: represents the culmination of a collaborative process 
- (p. 58) An interview with a woman: argues that women collaborate amongst themselves early in the legislative process (during idea development) to ensure that they have the opportunity for their voice to be heard 
- (p. 60) Bill cosponsorship as a comparable measure of collaboration: can with relative ease draw comparisons with legislators in different chambers 
- Examines the number of bills that an average legislator cosponsors in a two-year period and the average number of cosponsorship relationships a legisaltors builds in a session 

Findings: governor's party vs. opposition party
- (p. 62) The average legislator cosponsors 53 bills in a two-year period and has an average of 3.8 cosponsors per bill 
- Legislators from opposition parties cosponsor more frequently than legislators from the governor's party (on average 41 bills per session for the governor's party and 68 for opposition parties, this is statistically significant)
- (p. 63) They also on average have more cosponsors (159 govs party and 267 opp parties)
- (p. 64) Legislators are more likely to work with co-partisans than non-co-partisans, however they do collaborate across party frequently 

Findings: majority and minority parties 
- (p. 65) Majority parties are powerful and posess many institutional advantages (e.g. they can dominate roll call voting, and committee appointments are distributed according to seat share) 
- (p. 68) On average, legislators from minority parties make 68 more cosponsor relationships than legislators from majority parties (166 and 229)
- (p. 69) Legislators from minority parties are also significantly more likely to form relationships with non-co-partisans than members from majority parties (22 compared to 79) 
- This supports the argument that out of power legislators stand to gain from collaboration with no-co-partisans. In order to gain power in the legisaltures, minority party members need either form coalitions with the majority party or with non-co-parisans 

Findings: men and women
- (p. 70) Women are marginalised in the legislature, many of the interview participants flagged women's limited power compared to men
- Women are not only more likely to collaborate than men, they are more likely to collaborate with women than men are 
- (p. 71) Women cosponsor on average 65 bills per year, to men's 51 (28{\%} on average more than men)
- Women also have on average more cosponsors than men: 263 compared to men's 189 (40{\%} increase, statistically significant)
- (p. 72) Women are also more likely than men to collaborate with both members of their own party as well as members of other parties (51 for men compared to 80 for women collaborating with non-co-partisans) 
- (p. 73) "All told, women collaborate more frequently than men, both in terms of the overall number of bills they cosponsor and in terms of the collaborative relationships they form. Women's behavior is very similar to that of other out-of-power groups, suggesting that their collaboration is likely motivated by marginalization in the legislature." 
- If women are marginalised, it should be no surprise that women behave like out-of-power groups: collaborating more frequently in an effort to attain political power 

Findings: patterns of collaboration with female colleagues 
- Shows that women do not only collaborate because of their minority status, however numerous evidence is presented in chapter 4 that women's marginalisation extends beyond their numeric representation 
- Women are marginalised not only in the chamber as a whole, but also within out of power groups 
- (p. 74) Finds that women are more likely than men to work with female colleagues 
- Men cosponsor with female colleagues 20{\%} of the time (this is actually proportionate to women's seat share in the legislature) and women cosponsor with female colleagues 32{\%} of the time (women work with other women more than proportionate given their seat share) 
- (p. 75) Women cosponsor with women both within and outside of the party more than men do. Men cosponsor with female partisans 13{\%} of the time, woen 21{\%} of the time. 
- Women are almost twice as likely as men to collaborate with non-co-partisans (women 11{\%}, men 6{\%})},
author = {Barnes, Tiffany},
booktitle = {Gendering Legislative Behavior: Institutional Constraints and Collaboration},
chapter = {3},
doi = {10.1017/CBO9781316534281.003},
edition = {First},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Barnes - 2016 - 3. Gendering Legislative Behavior.pdf:pdf},
pages = {51--77},
publisher = {Cambridge University Press},
title = {{3. Gendering Legislative Behavior}},
url = {https://doi.org/10.1017/CBO9781316534281.003},
year = {2016}
}
@article{Green2021,
abstract = {Despite a relationship between gender and support for populist causes in cross-national research, including in the 2016 US Presidential election, the role of gender has been missing in analysis of support for Brexit, most likely because women and men showed no average aggregate-level differences in voting Leave or Remain. This misses an important explanation for Britain's vote to leave the European Union. We demonstrate how gender-based resentment motivated Leave votes in the EU referendum through perceptions of discrimination against men, among men. Using novel survey measures, we demonstrate (i) the distinct nature of perceptions of discrimination towards men in comparison with discrimination towards women; (ii) the sociological sources of perceptions that men are discriminated against; and (iii) the role of these perceptions in Brexit support. Our findings reveal that the Brexit referendum provided an opportunity to express broader social grievances than have, to date, been identified as relevant. The paper therefore offers a novel contribution to understanding the cultural backlash behind Britain's vote to leave the EU, and by so doing, insight into the potential for gender-based backlash effects in elections where gender isn't significantly primed, unlike the 2016 US presidential election where gender was a major political focus.},
author = {Green, Jane and Shorrocks, Rosalind},
doi = {10.1007/s11109-021-09704-y},
file = {:Users/lotte/Dropbox/PhD/style{\_}experiment/lit/Green-Shorrocks2021{\_}Article{\_}TheGenderBacklashInTheVoteForB.pdf:pdf},
isbn = {0123456789},
issn = {15736687},
journal = {Political Behavior},
keywords = {Brexit,Cultural backlash,Discrimination,Gender,Perceptions},
number = {Forthcoming},
pages = {1--25},
publisher = {Springer US},
title = {{The Gender Backlash in the Vote for Brexit}},
year = {2021}
}
@article{Ilie2013a,
abstract = {Parliaments are basically adversarial settings that instantiate the polarization of political power. In debating the pros and cons of available alternatives, parliamentarians are supposed to observe convention-based institutional norms and regulations. However, in critical moments these rules are strategically violated to achieve political goals. Gender-related asymmetries in parliamentary power balance tend to emerge in disorderly parliamentary behaviour and/or disruptive discourse practices. This article focuses on the way in which the rules, procedures and practices of parliamentary interaction are being transgressed in mixed-gender encounters. The results indicate that a range of five context-specific master suppression techniques1 are used by both female and male MPs to enact and reinforce their own power position and, at the same time, to challenge and undermine the opponent's authority and credibility. A micro-level analysis of gender-related disruptive discourse practices in the UK Parliament and ...},
annote = {From Duplicate 2 (Gendering confrontational rhetoric: discursive disorder in the British and Swedish parliaments - Ilie, Cornelia)

  {\textperiodcentered}      (p. 501) “Parliaments are basically adversarial settings that instantiate the polarization of political power.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “In debating the pros and cons of available alternatives, parliamentarians are supposed to observe convention-based institutional norms and regulations. However, in critical moments these rules are strategically violated to achieve political goals.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “Gender-related asymmetries in parliamentary power balance tend to emerge in disorderly parliamentary behaviour and/or disruptive discourse practices.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “This article focuses on the way in which the rules, procedures and practices of parliamentary interaction are being transgressed in mixed-gender encounters.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “The results indicate that a range of five context-specific master suppression techniques are used by both female and male MPs to enact and reinforce their own power position and, at the same time, to challenge and undermine the opponent's authority and credibility.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “A micro-level analysis of gender- related disruptive discourse practices in the UK Parliament and the Swedish Riksdag shows how different parliaments, with different rhetorical styles and traditions, often exhibit different forms and manifestations of rule violation, on the one hand, and different reactions to disorderly discursive behaviour, on the other.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “The adversarial nature of parliamentary dialogue and the confrontational style of interpersonal deliberation are constitutive features of parliaments as norm-regulated and convention-based institutions.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “Parliamentary conventions are both a prerequisite and a challenge for MPs, who are expected to comply with institutional norms (according to parliamentary order), while at the same time they attempt to break these very norms (through parliamentary disorderly behaviour). Such disorderly parliamentary behaviour and/or disruptive discourse practices tend to exhibit gender- related asymmetries in parliamentary power balance.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 502) “The ritualization of parliamentary proceedings has gradually been reinforced by increasing regularization of the collective behaviour and reinforcement of institutional roles of MPs, on the one hand, and by conventionalization of the structures of the interpersonal dialogue and diversification of the concrete instantiations of confrontational encounters, on the other.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “This article examines the ways in which the rules and practices of parliamentary interaction are being transgressed in mixed-gender encounters, when rational behaviour and politeness are replaced with face-threatening behaviour in the form of non-institutional forms of address, ranging from impolite to aggressive.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 503) “Gender roles are produced, reproduced and actualised though contextually gendered activities in communication.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “The long predominance of one gender in institutions creates and maintains institution-specific ideologies and gender-related expectations about how to behave, interact and speak.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “At the same time, interactional styles traditionally used by individuals in authoritative positions become authoritative themselves and come to be seen as ‘speaking with authority'.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “The result of these combined processes is that expectations for how individuals in positions of authority should speak to those in subordinate positions are similar to expectations for how men should speak and interact.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “The study of parliamentary discourse strategies provides important clues about the ways in which multiple roles, including gender roles, are instantiated in parliament, as a community of practice regulated by particular institutional norms and discursive constraints.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “As Bem pointed out, gender norms often include a lens of “gender polarization” – the ideology that women's and men's behaviour is dichotomous. When viewed through this lens, women and men who diverge from gender norms tend to be perceived as speaking and behaving ‘like the other side'”. 
{\textperiodcentered}      “According to Lovenduski's insightful observations, gender plays out differ- ently in different institutions. She emphasized that: ‘the successful application of the concept of gender to the investigation of political institutions must acknowledge not only the complexity of gender but also the nature of the particular institution and the kinds of masculinities and femininities that are performed.'” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “Consequently, the same type of institution, e.g. parliament, will display a wide range of similarities, but also variations, across cultural and national borders.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 504) “Recent research studies report that female MPs in various parliaments, including the UK Parliament and the Swedish Riksdag, feel that they are constantly scrutinized and unfairly criticized for their behaviour. For example, on several occasions Swedish female MPs have publicly exposed instances of gender discrimination in the Riksdag which constitute violations of good parliamentary practice.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “In spite of the internationally acclaimed high representation of women in the Swedish Riksdag, there are still instances when female MPs are subjected to unfair and biased treatment.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “In order to understand how gender roles emerge and are co-constructed during parliamentary interaction it is useful to compare the ways in which female and male MPs use and misuse addressing strategies in the two parliaments under consideration.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 505) “(In)directness refers to speakers' direct use of forms of address in the second person or indirect use of forms of address in the third person.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “(Non)reciprocity refers to the use by interacting MPs of identical/equivalent address patterns (reciprocal use) or of non-equivalent/different address pat- terns (non-reciprocal use).” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “(In)consistency refers to the extent to which an MP sticks to the same form of address throughout his/her turn (consistent use) or shifts from one form of address to another within one and the same turn (inconsistent use).” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 507) “The usage of gender-specific titles is very different in the Swedish Riksdag as compared to the UK Parliament. In the latter, gender-specific titles like the hon. Gentleman and the hon. Lady represent default address titles alongside with institutional titles. In Sweden, addressing or referring to, say, Lena Andersson as “fru Lena Andersson” has become most unusual nowadays, except when ironically meant in adversarial interaction. In the Swedish Riksdag in particular, gender- specific titles like “herr” (Mr) and “fru” (Mrs) have also become obsolete and rather infrequent, with the exception of the recurrent Speaker-directed forms of address “herr talman” (1⁄4 Mr Speaker) and “fru talman” (1⁄4 Madam Speaker).” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “This is in line with the widespread change in social conventions during the last few decades, whereby the use of gender-specific titles has practically disappeared in Swedish. Nevertheless, the absence of gender-specific titles from the parliamentary range of forms of address in the Swedish Riksdag does not imply that there are no occurrences of gender bias in the ways women MPs are addressed and responded to” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 508) “Female MPs, unlike their male counterparts, are confronted with a number of social, ideological and psychological obstacles that impact negatively on their possibility to fully and effectively contribute to committee work and to decision-making processes.”     
{\textperiodcentered}      “The discrepancies in institutional power between genders are particularly visible in the enactment and co-occurrences of behavioural and linguistic patterns of interaction.” 
  
Suppression techniques used by the Norwegian social psychologist Berit {\AA}s: 
1)    “Ignoring/making invisible”: “Making someone invisible means that a person chooses to treat an individual or a group as if the person or group were not there. This technique, which can be enacted both verbally and non-verbally (through body language), deprives individuals of their identity and reminds them that they are inferior, insignificant and have no influence. Evidence shows that in parliament women MPs appear to be most affected by this technique.” 
2)    “Ridiculing”: “is to deliberately describe the efforts and arguments of, or the persons themselves, in a ridiculing fashion. This technique is used when women are made fun of, are laughed down, are called names – like bitch or whore or feminist – or compared to animals. It's used when individuals are told that they are too sensitive or puritan.” 
3)    (p. 509) “Withholding information”: “is to exclude someone from the decision making process or marginalize her/his role by deliberately withholding information from her/him so as to make the person less able to make an informed choice.” 
4)    “Double binding”: “also called “the ‘can't win' approach” – is to put someone in a situation where she/he is belittled and punished regardless of which alternative she/he chooses; it involves being pressured between mutually exclusive choices. For example, a female manager can be accused of weakness when she tries to listen and act democratically – and of lacking femininity when she shows her claws and forces her will through. And a female politician can be attacked for tunnel vision when she insists on women's interests and for being a traitor when she doesn't. This suppression technique is used when what women do and don't do is equally wrong. The result is that it discourages initiative and results in constant guilty conscience, in addition to the feelings of inadequacy and burn-out.” 
5)    “Blaming and shaming”: “is to embarrass someone, or to insinuate that they are themselves to blame even when they are victims; it thereby forces victims to accept blame. Thus the persons ill-treated feel deeply ashamed and partly responsible for what has happened. This suppression technique discourages assessing the actual or real source of problems and concerns. The result is that this technique encourages those ridiculed to “accept” their lowered status by shaming them directly or in front of others.” 
  
Master suppression techniques in parliamentary dialogue 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 511) When analysing the PMQs interaction between Hague and Harman when he mentions her gender – “it soon becomes apparent that Hague's intention is not to enhance the importance of Harman's position and of her personal merit, but rather to single out Harman, his political adversary, as a novice in her new role of Leader of the House. In fact, instead of pointing to her professional achievement, Hague refers to her using a linguistic label based on a gender stereotype: “the first female Labour Member ever to answer Prime Minister's questions”. 
{\textperiodcentered}      “Thereby he intends to marginalize her leadership role by indicating that she plays in a different league – the league of female MPs – and not in the “main” male parliamentary league. Hague makes here a “creative” use of the first master suppression technique (making invisible): while pretending to make visible Harman's new prominent parliamentary role, he actually plays down the significance of her outstanding achievement in reaching this leading position.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “Moreover, he uses this opportunity to score one further point by reminding Harman and the audience that the first woman MP ever to hold this position was in fact a Conservative MP, that is, Margaret Thatcher. In this context Hague makes use of the second master suppression technique (ridiculing) when he jokingly speaks about Conservative MPs' and the Prime Minister's admiration for Margaret Thatcher. On making this mock reference, Hague's immediate goal is to elicit laughter and score a point, rather than express genuine admiration for the two female politicians.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “Nevertheless Harman is not deterred by Hague's master suppression techniques. After thanking him for his congratulations, she counter-attacks him promptly by calling into question his role and right to ask questions since it is normally the Shadow Leader of the House who should be doing that. At the time the Shadow Leader of the House was Theresa May, whereas Hague was Shadow Foreign Secretary. Harman's rhetorical question “why is he asking the questions today?” is meant as a reproach directed to Hague for encroaching on May's parliamentary rights and responsibilities, including the role of asking questions at Question Time.” 
  
Concluding remarks 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 517) “Thus, in the British Question Time session under consideration the mixed-gender adversarial confrontation is largely ritualistic and consists in consistently and mutually challenging the power balance between the female and the male interlocutor. In the Swedish Interpellation session, the mixed-gender adversarial confrontation also involves upsetting the gender power balance, even though it may assume more subtle and apparently less spectacular forms.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “A particularly relevant difference between the British and the Swedish manifestations of gendered parliamentary confrontations can be attributed to their differently institutionalized discursive and rhetorical styles.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 518) “The ways in which specific rules of parliamentary address are being observed or infringed involve sig- nificant distinctions in the behaviour of the respective MPs in each of the two par- liaments. In the British parliamentary tradition, adversarial encounters, whether same-gender or mixed-gender, are integrated into a political rhetoric that praises open confrontation based on irony, sarcasm and wit (normally meant to entertain and elicit the audience's laughter in addition to scoring political points).” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “More often than not, women MPs who, like Harriet Harman, reach high positions in the parliamentary hierarchy and succeed in maintaining their standing are actually playing by the same rules as male MPs. She too resorts to master suppression techniques to respond to the ones used by her male adversary.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      The Swedish parliamentary rhetoric has emerged and evolved within a consensus-based political culture of “serious” talk and no laughter. There have been, however, recent paradigm shifts in the speaking and interaction styles of Swedish MPs that indicate a change towards a more confrontational style. At the same time, there are cases when female MPs, like Cecilia Wikstr{\"{o}}m, are singled out from a mixed group as the target of male master suppression techniques. In both parliaments gendered addressing strategies are often embedded in female MP-targeted master suppression techniques that result in turning issue-focused discussions into person-focused parliamentary confrontations.”},
author = {Ilie, Cornelia},
doi = {10.1080/13510347.2013.786547},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Ilie - 2013 - Gendering confrontational rhetoric discursive disorder in the British and Swedish parliaments, Democratization.pdf:pdf},
issn = {1351-0347},
journal = {Democratization},
keywords = {British parliament,Swedish parliament,discourse,disruptive discourse practices,forms of address,gender,rhetoric},
month = {may},
number = {3},
pages = {501--521},
publisher = {Routledge},
title = {{Gendering Confrontational Rhetoric: Discursive Disorder in the British and Swedish Parliaments}},
volume = {20},
year = {2013}
}
@article{Dolan2010,
abstract = {In 2009, women are still dramatically underrepresented in elected office in the United States. Though the reasons for this are complex, public attitudes toward this situation are no doubt of importance. While a number of scholars have demonstrated that women candidates do not suffer at the ballot box because of their sex, we should not assume that this means that voter attitudes about gender are irrelevant to politics. Indeed, individual attitudes towards women's representation in government and a desire for greater descriptive representation of women may shape attitudes and behaviors in situations when people are faced with a woman candidate. This project provides a more complete understanding of the determinants of the public's desire (or lack thereof) to see more women in elective office and support them in different circumstances. The primary mechanism proposed to explain these attitudes is gender stereotypes. Gender stereotypes about the abilities and traits of political women and men are clear and well documented and could easily serve to shape an individual's evaluations about the appropriate level and place for women in office. Drawing on an original survey of 1039 U.S. adults, and evaluating both issue and trait stereotypes, I demonstrate the ways in which sex stereotypes do and do not influence public willingness to support women in various electoral situations.},
annote = {{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 69) Uses surveys in the U.S. to measure sex stereotypes 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 70) “Gender stereotypes about the abilities and traits of political women and men are clear and well documented and could easily serve to shape an individual's evaluations about the appropriate level and place for women in office.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 71) “Numerous experiments and surveys indicate that voters believe female politicians are warmer and more compassionate, better able to handle education, family, and women's issues, and are more liberal, Democratic, and feminist than men (Alexander and Andersen 1993; Burrell 1994; Huddy and Terkildsen 1993a; Kahn 1996; Koch 1999).” 
{\textperiodcentered}      Women seen as more honest and ethical 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 72) Women seen to have compassion and competence 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 73) Administered a survey to 1039 U.S. adults in September 2007 – at the time when Nancy Pelosi had been Speaker for about 9 months and Hillary Clinton's campaign was beginning
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 74) For trait preferences people was asked if women or men candidates and officeholders tended to be more assertive, compassionate, consensus-building, or ambitious},
author = {Dolan, Kathleen},
doi = {10.1007/s11109-009-9090-4},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Dolan - 2010 - The Impact of Gender Stereotyped Evaluations on Support for Women Candidates.pdf:pdf},
journal = {Political Behavior},
pages = {69--88},
title = {{The Impact of Gender Stereotyped Evaluations on Support for Women Candidates}},
volume = {32},
year = {2010}
}
@article{DeGregorio1988,
abstract = {The extent to which staff members in Congress use personal preferences to guide legislative outcomes has important implications for representative government. To explore this issue, this study asked 43 subcommittee staff directors, chosen at random, to describe the manner in which they serve members of Congress. These senior aides universally report having policy preferences that are indistinguishable from those of the sub-committee chairs who hire them. Further, their bosses' leadership styles, the historical precedents of the subcommittees, and the nature of the issues substantially contribute to how partisan, accessible, objective, and deferential staff directors are in serving subcommittee members. Overall, the data call into question, among senior aides at least, the damaging effects some scholars have attributed to independent, entrepreneurial activity among staff members in Congress.},
author = {DeGregorio, C.},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/DeGregorio - 1988 - Professionals in the U.S. Congress An Analysis of Working Styles.pdf:pdf},
journal = {Legislatively Studies Quarterly},
number = {4},
pages = {459--476},
title = {{Professionals in the U.S. Congress: An Analysis of Working Styles}},
url = {https://www.jstor.org/stable/pdf/439779.pdf?refreqid=excelsior{\%}3A43404fd55f18bec0dccdc2e15af01186},
volume = {13},
year = {1988}
}
@article{Karpowitz2015,
abstract = {In this brief response, we take up several themes raised by the scholars who responded to our work, paying special attention to the interaction between individuals and group contexts. We argue that our study represents a productive first step in the attempt to understand how norms shape individual behavior, discursive dynamics, collective outcomes, and overall authority in small-group settings.},
author = {Karpowitz, Christopher F. and Mendelberg, Tali and Mattioli, Lauren},
doi = {10.1080/21565503.2014.999808},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Karpowitz, Mendelberg, Mattioli - 2015 - How group forces demonstrate the malleability of gendered behavior.pdf:pdf},
journal = {Politics, Groups, and Identities},
number = {1},
pages = {203--208},
title = {{How Group Forces Demonstrate the Malleability of Gendered Behavior}},
volume = {3},
year = {2015}
}
@article{Ohberg2014,
abstract = {How can one explain the transformation of elected assemblies like national parliaments? In this study it is argued that much can be gained from taking the assumption of political generations more seriously when trying to explain transformations of the political agenda - for example, of themes and topics brought up in the parliamentary process. More specifically, the article expands on previous research in three ways: first, it launches the concept of 'parliamentary political generation' where the core element is the combination of an influx of large numbers of newcomers into the elected assembly and an electoral context that is formative - that is, that exhibits characteristics that distinguish the election from other elections. Second, an empirical test is conducted where other factors such as party affiliation and social background characteristics are controlled for. Finally, the test on the impact of parliamentary political generations is conducted in a context - the Swedish Riksdag - where parliamentary party groups are strong. The data used is the Parliamentary Surveys 1985-2010 conducted at the Department of Political Science, University of Gothenburg, Sweden. The political generation in focus is the 'Class of 94'. The results show that the Class of 94 distinguish themselves by being more feminist than their senior colleagues and other groups of newcomers in Swedish elections. This is the feminist generation in Swedish politics. Scandinavian Political Studies {\textcopyright} 2013 Nordic Political Science Association.},
author = {{\"{O}}hberg, Patrik and W{\"{a}}ngnerud, Lena},
doi = {10.1111/1467-9477.12014},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/{\"{O}}hberg, W{\"{a}}ngnerud - 2014 - Testing the impact of political generations The class of 94 and pro-feminist ideas in the Swedish Riksdag.pdf:pdf},
issn = {00806757},
journal = {Scandinavian Political Studies},
number = {1},
pages = {61--81},
title = {{Testing the impact of political generations: The class of 94 and pro-feminist ideas in the Swedish Riksdag}},
volume = {37},
year = {2014}
}
@article{Dixon1997,
abstract = {In a reanalysis of women's language, Holmes (1995) has argued that women's use of hedges expresses interpersonal warmth and not, as many researchers have maintained, linguistic tentativeness. It is typically men, she suggests, who employ hedges to convey imprecision and incertitude. In this study, we investigated the use of the hedges sort of and you know in a sample of South African students. Holmes's method of analysis was applied to hedging behavior in 52 dyadic conversations. The study consisted of a 2 (Speaker Gender: Male/Female) X 2 (Audience Gender: Male/Female) X 2 (Condition: Competitive/Noncompetitive) between-subjects experimental design. The results showed that contextual influences eclipsed the effects of gender; in fact, no main effects were found for speaker gender. Fewer hedges were deployed in the competitive condition than in the noncompetitive condition. Moreover, perhaps reflecting differences in social status, both sexes used sort of to express tentativeness more frequently when talking to male addressees. When speaking to female addressees, on the other hand, men deployed fa-cilitative you know hedges more readily than women. Language scholars have claimed that gender differences in communication mirror and reproduce broader political inequalities between the sexes (Fish-man},
author = {Dixon, John A. and Foster, Don H.},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Dixon, Foster - 1997 - Gender and Hedging From Sex Differences to Situated Practice.pdf:pdf},
journal = {Journal of Psycholinguistic Research},
number = {1},
pages = {89--107},
publisher = {Thorne},
title = {{Gender and Hedging: From Sex Differences to Situated Practice}},
volume = {26},
year = {1997}
}
@article{Utych2019,
abstract = {I examine how a politician's speaking style influences how voters evaluate the candidate. I argue that, above and beyond the content of the message, how a candidate conveys the message has important effects for voter evaluations of the candidate. I focus on two speaking styles: a powerful, straightforward and direct speaking style, and a powerless style, marked by hesitations, hedging and questions. Using original experimental data, I find that candidates who adopt a powerful speaking style in a debate are evaluated more favorably than those with a powerless speaking style. I also find that this effect is somewhat dependent upon the speaker's gender – women are penalized more than men for adopting a powerless speaking style. Among female participants, the gender gap in evaluations is eliminated for women who adopt a powerful, but not a powerless, speaking style. Among male participants, however, the gender gap exists regardless of speaking style. I additionally find that powerless speaking style makes candidates more likely to be interrupted in the},
author = {Utych, Stephen M.},
doi = {10.1080/21565503.2019.1629317},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Utych - 2019 - Speaking style and candidate evaluations.pdf:pdf},
issn = {2156-5511},
journal = {Politics, Groups, and Identities},
number = {3},
pages = {589--607},
title = {{Speaking Style and Candidate Evaluations}},
volume = {9},
year = {2021}
}
@book{Inglehart2005,
address = {Cambridge},
author = {Inglehart, Ronald and Welzel, Christian},
publisher = {Cambridge University Press},
title = {{Modernization, Cultural Change, and Democracy: The Human Development Sequence}},
year = {2005}
}
@article{Glynn2015,
author = {Glynn, Adam N. and Sen, Maya},
doi = {10.1111/ajps.12118},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Glynn, Sen - 2015 - Identifying Judicial Empathy Does Having Daughters Cause Judges to Rule for Women's Issues.pdf:pdf},
journal = {American Journal of Political Science},
number = {1},
pages = {37--54},
title = {{Identifying Judicial Empathy: Does Having Daughters Cause Judges to Rule for Women's Issues?}},
volume = {59},
year = {2015}
}
@article{Landis1977,
author = {Landis, Richard D. and Koch, Gary G.},
journal = {Biometrics},
number = {1},
pages = {159--174},
title = {{The Measurement of Observer Agreement for Categorical Data}},
volume = {33},
year = {1977}
}
@book{Martindale1990,
address = {New York},
author = {Martindale, Colin},
publisher = {Basic Books},
title = {{The Clockwork Muse: The Predictability of Artistic Change}},
year = {1990}
}
@article{Haselmayer2021,
abstract = {Though negativity in political debates influences citizens' attitudes towards legislative institutions, research on how Members of Parliaments (MPs) use negative language remains scant. This study shows how the gender of speakers and the context of debates influence the level of negativity in parliamentary speeches. We argue that female MPs use less negative language than male colleagues due to gender differences in socialisation and stereotypical expectations. Applying sentiment analysis with word embeddings to 20 years of plenary speeches in the Austrian parliament, we find that speeches by women MPs are less negative on average compared to those of their male colleagues. A more balanced gender distribution within a party group decreases differences in tone by lowering the negativity of male speakers. A growing share of women in parliament can thus change the tone of debates, which might enhance the legitimacy of political institutions and the quality of democracy.},
author = {Haselmayer, Martin and Dingler, Sarah C. and Jenny, Marcelo},
doi = {10.1093/pa/gsab045},
file = {:Users/lotte/Dropbox/PhD/style{\_}experiment/lit/gsab045.pdf:pdf},
issn = {0031-2290},
journal = {Parliamentary Affairs},
keywords = {gender,legislative speech,negativity,parliament,parties},
number = {Forthcoming},
pages = {1--20},
title = {{How Women Shape Negativity in Parliamentary Speeches—A Sentiment Analysis of Debates in the Austrian Parliament}},
year = {2021}
}
@article{Lin2018,
abstract = {Parliamentary speech is a prominent avenue that political elites can use in parliament to communicate with the electorate. However, we have little understanding of how exactly Members of Parliament craft their speeches to communicate with the districts they represent. We expect that Members of Parliament adapt the comprehensibility of their speeches to their constituents' linguistic skills since doing so facilitates effective communication. Using parliamentary speeches from the German Bundestag, we reveal that Members of Parliament tend to make their speeches less complicated when their constituents are relatively poor, less educated, and come from an immigration background. Our findings have important implications for the study of political representation and communication strategies.},
author = {Lin, Nick and Osnabr{\"{u}}gge, Moritz},
doi = {10.1177/2053168018795598},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Lin, Osnabr{\"{u}}gge - 2018 - Making comprehensible speeches when your constituents need it.pdf:pdf},
issn = {20531680},
journal = {Research and Politics},
keywords = {Parliamentary speeches,democratic representation,linguistic complexity,political communication},
number = {3},
pages = {30--32},
title = {{Making Comprehensible Speeches When Your Constituents Need It}},
volume = {5},
year = {2018}
}
@article{Cialdini2004,
abstract = {This review covers recent developments in the social influence literature, focusing primarily on compliance and conformity research published between 1997 and 2002. The principles and processes underlying a target's susceptibility to outside influences are considered in light of three goals fundamental to rewarding human functioning. Specifically, targets are motivated to form accurate perceptions of reality and react accordingly, to develop and preserve meaningful social relationships, and to maintain a favorable self-concept. Consistent with the current movement in compliance and conformity research, this review emphasizes the ways in which these goals interact with external forces to engender social influence processes that are subtle, indirect, and outside of awareness. Copyright {\textcopyright} 2004 by Annual Reviews. All rights reserved.},
author = {Cialdini, Robert B. and Goldstein, Noah J.},
doi = {10.1146/annurev.psych.55.090902.142015},
file = {:Users/lotte/Dropbox/PhD/style{\_}experiment/lit/CialdiniGoldstein2004.pdf:pdf},
issn = {00664308},
journal = {Annual Review of Psychology},
keywords = {Door-in-the-face,Foot-in-the-door,Motivation,Norms,Obedience},
number = {1974},
pages = {591--621},
pmid = {14744228},
title = {{Social Influence: Compliance and Conformity}},
volume = {55},
year = {2004}
}
@incollection{Barry2005,
address = {Mahwah, NJ},
author = {Barry, Ann M.},
booktitle = {Handbook of Visual Communication},
doi = {10.1207/s15551407vcq1203&4_14},
editor = {Smith, Kenneth and Moriarty, Sandra and Barbatsis, Gretchen and Kenney, Keith},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Barry - 2005 - Perception Theory.pdf:pdf},
isbn = {9781410611581},
issn = {1555-1393},
pages = {45--62},
publisher = {Lawrence Erlbaum},
title = {{Perception Theory}},
year = {2005}
}
@article{Borchorst2008,
abstract = {The overall aim of this article is to explore the analytical potential and normative value of Helga M. Hernes' concept about woman-friendly welfare states in analysis of Scandinavian countries. The first part discusses the underlying theoretical, political and normative assumptions about gender equality and social justice related to dimensions such as redistribution, recognition and representation. The second part addresses the analytical potential of the concepts for understanding gender equality developments in Scandinavia. The focus is on three themes related to the desirability, feasibility, and theoretical strength of the Scandinavian welfare and gender equality model and the underlying normative, empirical and theoretical premises. The analysis deals with debates about the public-private split in relation to woman-friendly policies, focusing on parental leave, childcare, and age restrictions in marriages involving foreigners. State feminism is explored in relation to women's political participation and representation and women's ability to influence gender equality policies. Furthermore, national variations in views about state feminism are identified. Finally, the article addresses the role of woman-friendly policies in debates about responses of Western welfare states to globalization, ageing and multiculturalism.},
author = {Borchorst, Anette and Siim, Birte},
doi = {10.1177/1464700108090411},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Borchorst, Siim - 2008 - Woman-friendly policies and state feminism Theorising Scandinavian gender equality.pdf:pdf},
journal = {Feminist Theory},
number = {2},
pages = {207--224},
title = {{Woman-friendly policies and state feminism: Theorising Scandinavian gender equality}},
volume = {9},
year = {2008}
}
@article{Chappell2013,
abstract = {New Institutionalism has shown that the ‘rules of the game' are crucial to structuring political life in terms of constraining and enabling political actors and influencing political outcomes. A limitation of this approach, however, has been its overemphasis on formal rules, with much less attention paid to how informal rules work alongside and in conjunction with formal institutions to shape actors and outcomes. This article contributes to an emerging literature that highlights the importance of informal institutions by bringing into focus one element that has been hidden in these debates – the influence of gender norms and practices on the operation and interaction between formal and informal institutions. It highlights some of the key benefits of a gender analysis for understanding political institutions in both their formal and informal guise and considers some of the challenges in building a research agenda that requires new methods and techniques of inquiry.},
annote = {{\textperiodcentered}      Looks at the UK core executive and recruitment to senior civil service  
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 599) “New Institutionalism has shown that the ‘rules of the game' are crucial to structuring political life in terms of constraining and enabling political actors and influencing political outcomes. A limitation of this approach, however, has been its overemphasis on formal rules, with much less attention paid to how informal rules work alongside and in conjunction with formal institutions to shape actors and outcomes.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “One lacuna in many accounts is any understanding of institutions as gendered and how this impacts on their design, evolution, and outcomes.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “A broadly defined ‘feminist institutionalism' (FI) has explicitly critiqued existing institutionalisms as well as utilizing tools of gender and of institutional analysis (most commonly influenced by historical institutionalism) to improve our understanding of institutional design, processes, and change.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 600) “Gender can be seen to operate within institutions in two senses: nominally and substantively. The nominal dimension, or what Goetz (2007) defines as ‘gender capture', results from men's historical and ongoing dominance of positions of power in political organizations in greater numbers than women (Witz and Savage 1992).” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 601) “The mere presence of women in institutional spaces has been disruptive because they have drawn attention to the extent of male control and revealed some of hidden expectations that exist within these spaces (Lovenduski 2005, p. 147).”   
{\textperiodcentered}      “As Hooper (2001, p. 52) notes, ‘swapping female for male bodies in traditionally masculine arenas does little to disrupt either the symbolism or practices of the gender order'; because of the operation of more deeply embedded substantive gender dimensions (Witz and Savage 1992), or a gender ‘bias' that ‘seep[s] into supposedly impartial or gender neutral arrangements' (Goetz 2007, p. 47) of political institutions. Lovenduski provides a vivid example of how this gender bias operates in the UK Parliament (and more extensively than in many institutions)” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “Feminine traits provide the ‘other' without which masculinities could not be defined (Duerst-Lahti 2008, p. 179; Lovenduski 2005, p. 51). Masculinity (and its associated norms) reflects what is valued, while femininity operates ‘a residual category, a foil or Other for masculinity to define itself against' (Hooper 2001, p. 43).” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “However, political actors, traditionally men, have acted as if sex and gender are mapped on to each other, leading to the establishment of a ‘gendered logic of appropriateness' within institutional arenas (Chappell 2006). This logic prescribes (as well as proscribes) ‘acceptable' masculine and feminine forms of behaviour, rules, and values for men and women within institutions.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “Men, operating within a hegemonic normative code, have been thought to possess the appropriate skills, knowledge, and temperament to design and maintain the institutions of the state, while most women – assumed to be irrational, fragile, and dependent – have tended to be relegated to supporting roles as low grade clerks, cleaners, tea ladies, and wives – but again located differently according to their racial and class positions (Lovenduski 2005, p. 147).” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 602) “The institutional dominance of particular forms of masculinity has taken us from seeing gender as operating only at an individual level, to viewing it as regime complete with ‘rules, procedures, discourses and practices'; a regime in which ‘many men are comfortable and most women are not' (Lovenduski 2005, p. 147).” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “Masculine power advantage has been naturalized – seen as the way things should be – and ‘has been capable of setting the terms of normal, just, and proper arrangements for political and social power' (Duerst-Lahti 2008, p. 165).” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 603) “Gender norms have, however, proven to be very ‘sticky'.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 605) Legislative behaviour would be an informal institution 
{\textperiodcentered}      “Informal institutions, as Lauth (2000, p. 26) suggests, ‘shy away from publicity'. By their very nature, they are hidden and embedded in the everyday practices that are dis- guised as standard, and taken-for-granted.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 606) “First, we can think about different ways that rules are gendered. There are identifiable rules about gender – these may be formal or informal and they shape how male and female actors behave. Rules – whether formal or informal–also have gendered effects, largely because of their interaction with other rule sets. For instance, seemingly ‘neutral' formal rules about the timing of meetings have gendered effects because of informal rules about women's caring responsibilities. And the actors who work with rules – whether as rule-makers, breakers, or shapers – are also gendered. They embody various constructions of masculinity and femininity that impact on the ways in which they create, interpret, communicate, enforce, shape, and comply with rules (Lowndes and Roberts 2013).”   
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 607) “This is because informal institutions and gender norms, and the hierarchical relations in which they exist, are not ‘wiped out' by changes in formal rules.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “So where formal rules have been reformed, informal ones can continue to operate to contradict them.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 608) “The outcomes of interactions between the gendered formal and informal rules and norms are complex and must be understood through in-depth context-specific analysis. Each political arena operates according to its own gendered ‘logic of appropriateness'. Legislatures, executives, the bureaucracy, and legal and constitutional arenas include their own sets of formal rules that are propped up or undermined by informal rules, norms, and practices, including those explicitly related to gender as well as those that are implicitly gendered.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 612) “All institutions are profoundly imbued with gender.”},
author = {Chappell, Louise and Waylen, Georgina},
doi = {10.1111/j.1467-9299.2012.02104.x},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Chappell, Waylen - 2013 - Gender and the hidden life of institutions.pdf:pdf},
isbn = {1467-9299},
issn = {14679299},
journal = {Public Administration},
number = {3},
pages = {599--615},
title = {{Gender and the hidden life of institutions}},
volume = {91},
year = {2013}
}
@article{Blumenau2019b,
abstract = {Do female leaders amplify the voices of other women in politics? I address this question by examining parliamentary debates in the UK House of Commons. In the context of a difference-indifferences design which makes use of overtime variation in the gender of cabinet ministers, I demonstrate that female ministers substantially increase the participation of other female MPs in relevant debates, compared to when the minister is male. Further, using a measure of debate influence based on the degree to which words used by one legislator are adopted by other members, I show that female ministers also increase the influence of female backbenchers. To explore the mechanisms behind these results, I introduce a new metric of ministerial responsiveness and show that female ministers are significantly more responsive to the speeches of female backbenchers than are male ministers.},
author = {Blumenau, Jack},
doi = {10.1017/S0007123419000334},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Blumenau - 2021 - The Effects of Female Leadership on Women's Voice in Political Debate.pdf:pdf},
journal = {British Journal of Political Science},
number = {2},
pages = {750--771},
title = {{The Effects of Female Leadership on Women's Voice in Political Debate}},
volume = {51},
year = {2021}
}
@article{Puwar2004b,
abstract = {This article works across disciplines: politics, geography, {\&} social {\&} cultural theory. Issues of space {\&} body are brought to bear on how we think about the question 'making a difference.' By considering difference in terms of the sociospatial impact of the presence of hitherto socially excluded groups, such as women {\&} racialized minorities, the gendered {\&} racialized nature of the body politic {\&} most specifically its 'elite' positions is brought into focus. The coexistence of women {\&} 'black' {\&} Asian MPs in Westminster demonstrates how these 'groups' are both historically {\&} conceptually 'space invaders.' This positionality underlies a series of social processes, which illustrate how their very presence is a disruption as well as a continual negotiation. While accepting the agnostic perspective that there are 'no guarantees' that the arrival of these 'new' bodies will articulate a different politics, in terms of policy outcomes {\&} political debate, this article asserts that the sociological terms of their presence deserves in-depth attention. 79 References. Adapted from the source document.},
author = {Puwar, Nirmal},
doi = {10.1111/j.1467-856x.2004.00127.x},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Puwar - 2004 - Thinking About Making a Difference.pdf:pdf},
issn = {1369-1481},
journal = {The British Journal of Politics and International Relations},
month = {feb},
number = {1},
pages = {65--80},
publisher = {SAGE Publications},
title = {{Thinking About Making a Difference}},
url = {https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/full/10.1111/j.1467-856X.2004.00127.x},
volume = {6},
year = {2004}
}
@article{Meguid2022,
author = {Meguid, Bonnie M. and Coff{\'{e}}, Hilde and Weeks, Ana Catalano and Kittilson, Miki Caul},
file = {:Users/lotte/Dropbox/PhD/topic{\_}project/lit/MPSA Meguid et al The New Defenders April 2022.pdf:pdf},
journal = {Woking Paper},
title = {{The New Defenders of Gender Equality: When Do Populist Radical Right Parties Incorporate Women's Interests?}},
year = {2022}
}
@article{Haraldsson2018,
abstract = {a department of Political and social sciences, the european university institute, san domenico di Fiesole, italy; b department of Political science, university of Gothenburg, Gothenburg, sweden ABSTRACT This paper presents results from one of the first global studies on the relationship between media sexism and the share of candidates for the lower chamber of national parliaments who are women. Data on media sexism come from the Global Media Monitoring Project, the most reliable worldwide source for media coverage from a gender perspective. The data on share of female political candidates come from the Inter-Parliamentary Union. The results show that that there is, even when controlling for the number of women in parliament, electoral system, gender quotas, level of human development, level of women's rights, freedom from corruption, and media access, a significant relationship between media sexism-measured as (i) the share of all news subjects that are women and (ii) the share of all news subjects portrayed in the function of experts who are women-and the share of women candidates for parliament: the higher the level of media sexism, the lower the share of women candidates. The theory discussed zooms in on a bystander effect: We hypothesize that sexist portrayals of women in the media stifle ambition among women who, in a less sexist media environment, would be willing to stand as political candidates.},
author = {Haraldsson, Amanda and W{\"{a}}ngnerud, Lena},
doi = {10.1080/14680777.2018.1468797},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Haraldsson, W{\"{a}}ngnerud - 2018 - The effect of media sexism on women's political ambition evidence from a worldwide study.pdf:pdf},
issn = {1471-5902},
journal = {Feminist Media Studies},
number = {4},
pages = {525--541},
title = {{The effect of media sexism on women's political ambition: evidence from a worldwide study}},
url = {https://www.tandfonline.com/action/journalInformation?journalCode=rfms20},
volume = {19},
year = {2018}
}
@article{Fleming2021a,
abstract = {Recent work suggests that partisan dealignment should undermine political parties by giving members of Parliament (MPs) greater incentives for personal vote seeking. The key mechanism underlying such arguments is that voters with stronger party ties are less responsive to the records of individual MPs. However, existing tests of this mechanism are largely either indirect, based on responses to rebellious voting or nonlegislative behavior, or drawn from the United States. This article thus provides a new test of whether partisan voters are less responsive to MPs' parliamentary activity. I present two complementary analyses—a natural experiment in New Zealand and a survey experiment in the United Kingdom. Both suggest that more active MPs are more popular, but that this relationship is moderated by voters' partisanship. MPs' parliamentary activity chiefly influences the behavior of voters with the weakest partisanship. This offers new evidence that partisan dealignment heightens legislators' incentives for personal vote seeking.},
author = {Fleming, Thomas G.},
doi = {10.1111/lsq.12335},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Fleming - 2021 - Partisanship and the Effectiveness of Personal Vote Seeking.pdf:pdf},
issn = {19399162},
journal = {Legislative Studies Quarterly},
keywords = {parliamentary behavior,partisanship,personal vote seeking},
number = {Forthcoming},
pages = {1--34},
title = {{Partisanship and the Effectiveness of Personal Vote Seeking}},
year = {2021}
}
@article{Jeydel2003,
abstract = {We compare the ability of female and male members of the House of Representatives to turn policy preferences into law—something we label “legislative effectiveness.” The existing literature on women in American legislatures is opaque, with some scholars suggesting women are less effective than their male colleagues and others arguing they are just as effective. Utilizing data from the 103rd-105th Congresses—specifically, data on bill and amendment sponsorship and Stein and Bickers' data on the distribution of federal domestic spending—we argue women House members are not demonstrably less effective than their male counterparts. Legislative effectiveness is the product of seniority, preferences, and membership in important House institutions.},
author = {Jeydel, Alana and Taylor, Andrew J.},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Jeydel, Taylor - 2003 - Are Women Legislators Less Effective Evidence from the U.S. House in the 103rd-105th Congress.pdf:pdf},
journal = {Political Research Quarterly},
number = {1},
pages = {19--27},
title = {{Are Women Legislators Less Effective? Evidence from the U.S. House in the 103rd-105th Congress}},
volume = {56},
year = {2003}
}
@article{Herzog2015,
author = {Herzog, Alexander and Benoit, Kenneth},
doi = {10.1086/682670},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Herzog, Benoit - 2015 - The Most Unkindest Cuts Speaker Selection and Expressed Government Dissent during Economic Crisis.pdf:pdf},
journal = {The Journal of Politics},
number = {4},
pages = {1157--1175},
title = {{The Most Unkindest Cuts: Speaker Selection and Expressed Government Dissent during Economic Crisis}},
url = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/682670},
volume = {77},
year = {2015}
}
@article{Smith2018,
abstract = {As women increasingly campaign for the highest political offices, this original content analysis study examines the extent to which gender and parenthood play a role in political leadership using British political party leadership elections as a case study. Competing hypotheses from the limited literature on politics and par-enthood are examined. The article finds that family mentions have varied over time and contrary to some gender literature men's family was at times of greater interest than women's. Evidence is found for the politicisation of motherhood and a possible 'maternal mandate'. In parallel, fatherhood was of increasing interest and the rise of the modern man can be seen. Yet, male candidates appear to have an 'opt-out clause' in any politicisation of fatherhood. Further questions about politics and parenthood begged by this article open future research avenues.},
author = {Smith, Jessica C.},
doi = {10.1093/pa/gsx016},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Smith - 2018 - Politics and Parenthood An Examination of UK Party Leadership Elections.pdf:pdf},
journal = {Parliamentary Affairs},
keywords = {Gender,Leadership,Media,Motherhood,United Kingdom},
pages = {196--217},
title = {{Politics and Parenthood: An Examination of UK Party Leadership Elections}},
url = {https://academic.oup.com/pa/article-abstract/71/1/196/3896133},
volume = {71},
year = {2018}
}
@article{Campbell2009,
author = {Campbell, Rosie and Childs, Sarah and Lovenduski, Joni},
doi = {10.1017/S0007123409990408},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Campbell, Childs, Lovenduski - 2009 - Do Women Need Women Representatives.pdf:pdf},
journal = {British Journal of Political Science},
pages = {171--194},
publisher = {Birkbeck College, University of London},
title = {{Do Women Need Women Representatives?}},
volume = {40},
year = {2009}
}
@article{Wyss2015a,
abstract = {This article explores the evolution of debate quality in the Swiss parliament. Focusing on immigration debates, we employ a psychological construct - cognitive complexity (CC) - which captures both epistemic and accommodative dimensions of political argumentation. We find a decrease in CC in parliamentary immigration debates over time, but this decrease was driven by the rise of the SVP (Swiss People's Party). However, there was almost no "spillover" of this new communication style to other parties. Moreover, we also find a constant difference between the St{\"{a}}nderat and the Nationalrat, with the former scoring higher on CC and thus asserting its role as a "chambre de r{\'{e}}flexion" in immigration debates. Our diachronic focus on the quality of political debate takes a novel perspective on the dynamics of consensus democracy as well as on elite political culture. While our results indicate that the rise of the SVP has transformed the traditional consensual and deliberative pattern of Swiss policy-making style into one which is geared towards less accommodation and a higher simplicity of political talk, there is still remarkable resilience against this new style of political interaction.},
author = {Wyss, Dominik and Beste, Simon and B{\"{a}}chtiger, Andr{\'{e}}},
doi = {10.1111/spsr.12179},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Wyss, Beste, B{\"{a}}chtiger - 2015 - A Decline in the Quality of Debate The Evolution of Cognitive Complexity in Swiss Parliamentary Deba(2).pdf:pdf},
issn = {16626370},
journal = {Swiss Political Science Review},
keywords = {Deliberation,Democracy,Parliament,Polarisation,Switzerland},
number = {4},
pages = {636--653},
title = {{A Decline in the Quality of Debate? The Evolution of Cognitive Complexity in Swiss Parliamentary Debates on Immigration (1968-2014)}},
volume = {21},
year = {2015}
}
@article{Childs2009,
abstract = {This article makes a case for rethinking traditional approaches to the study of legislative behaviour on behalf of women by asking (1) not when women make a difference, but how the substantive representation of women occurs; and (2) not what ‘women' do, but what specific actors do. The first shift aims to explore the contexts, identities and attitudes that motivate and inform substantive representation. The second seeks to move beyond a focus on female legislators to identify the ‘critical actors', male and female, who may attempt to represent women as a group. In so doing, this framework calls attention to how structure and agency interact in the substantive representation of women.},
annote = {{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 125) “A central concern of research is whether who holds office, descriptive representation, affects the types of politics passed, substantive representation.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “In work on gender, scholars typically examine these links through questions such as ‘Do women in politics make a difference?' and ‘Do women act for women?' The empirical evidence is inconclusive.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “Some studies find that the presence of women can lead to changes in legislative dis- courses, proposals, debates and outcomes. Yet, others uncover little or no difference in the styles and behaviours of male and female office-holders. Such variety is often attributed to the fact that women constitute a minority in all elected assemblies” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 126) “according to critical mass theory, women are unlikely to have an impact until they grow from a few token individuals into a considerable minority, or ‘critical mass', of all legislators.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “we propose an alternative approach focused (1) not on when women make a difference, but on how the substantive representation of women occurs, and (2) not on what ‘women' do, but on what specific actors do.”
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 129) “a rise in the number of women may influence men's behaviour, causing both male and female legislators to pay more attention to women's issues.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 130) Legislative environments: “These may compel men and female legislators to conform to masculine practices in ways that undermine their ability to integrate women's concerns and perspectives into public policy-making.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “Women generally do not occupy high-ranking posts in important legislative committees,19 and when they do, often face repeated challenges to their leader- ship as a result of gendered norms of power.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “Party affiliation and ideology may also be important.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 131) “They suggest that ‘gender' is not a pre-political and fixed identity that women and men bring with them when they enter politics, but one that is partially produced and reproduced within the context of particular legislatures.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 132) “Some scholars claim that women only have an impact when they do not act in the same way as men.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 133) Women's issues: “scholars define these issues in different ways: as policies that increase the autonomy and well-being of women; as concerns that belong to the private sphere according to established views on gender relations; as areas where surveys discover a gender gap in the population; and as any issues of concern to the broader society.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 135) “the importance of context when studying women's substantive representation.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 137) “Highly motivated individuals may thus be sufficient; they may not always achieve – or need to achieve – wide- spread mobilization for collective ends.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 138) “Critical acts include the recruitment of other women, the introduction of quotas for women, and new equality legislation and equality institutions. Critical acts depend, crucially, on ‘the willingness and ability of the minority to mobilize the resources of the organization or institution to improve the situation for themselves and the whole minority group'.”   
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 140) Use the example of McCafferty as a ‘critical actor' 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 143) “The aim of the first shift is to explore the contexts, identities and attitudes that might motivate and inform the substantive representation of women.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 144) “The second stage is to get a sense of legislators' attitudes and interests with regard to the distribution of their beliefs and commitments vis-à-vis public policy related to women.},
author = {Childs, Sarah and Krook, Mona Lena},
doi = {10.1111/j.1477-7053.2009.01279.x},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Childs, Krook - 2009 - Analysing Women's Substantive Representation From Critical Mass to Critical Actors.pdf:pdf},
journal = {Government and Opposition},
number = {2},
pages = {125--145},
title = {{Analysing Women's Substantive Representation: From Critical Mass to Critical Actors}},
volume = {44},
year = {2009}
}
@article{Shah1993,
abstract = {This article examines the influence of friendships among group members, intragroup conflict, and task on group performance. Previous research has found that friendships among group members (operationalized as group affinity, comraderie, or cohesion) has both positive and negative effects on performance. The effect of friendship on performance is contingent on many factors. The focus of this article is on the different types of conflict experienced by groups and on the type of task that the group is performing. The results indicate different interaction patterns and degrees of conflict (emotional, task content, and administrative conflict) in friend (strong relationship) groups and acquaintance (weak relationship) groups. Overall, the findings suggest that friend groups perform significantly better than acquaintance groups on both decision-making and motor tasks. Process data from transcripts of group discussions also suggest several mediating factors that may account for these performance differences. Whether you are working on an assembly line, in a top management team, or on an academic research project, you often have preexisting relationships with your group members. In addition, a certain degree of familiarity and comraderie among group members is established during the course of your work. The norms and interaction patterns of these friendships influence task performance, but does friendship help or hinder group performance? Researchers have found contradictory results regarding the benefits and detriments of group comraderie and cohesion on group performance (Berkowitz 1954; Baron and Byrne 1987; Schrieshein 1980). Favorable relations among group members may result in more time spent at work, more commitment to group performance, and a productive work environment. Alternatively, friends may spend less time on work and more time socializing. To determine the relationship between friendship and performance we focus on (1) the different types of conflict found in groups and (2) the task that the group is performing.},
author = {Shah, Pri and Jehn, Karen A.},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Shah, Jehn - 1993 - Do Friends Perform Better Than Acquaintances The Interaction of Friendship, Conflict, and Task.pdf:pdf},
journal = {Group Decision and Negotiation},
pages = {149--165},
title = {{Do Friends Perform Better Than Acquaintances? The Interaction of Friendship, Conflict, and Task}},
volume = {2},
year = {1993}
}
@article{Back2014,
abstract = {Legislative speeches are an important instrument for parties and members of parliament (MPs) to signal their positions and priorities. This raises the question of who speaks when. We evaluate whether a MP's presence on the floor depends on his or her gender. We hypothesize that female MPs give in general less speeches in parliament and that this pattern results from debates dealing with “harder” policy issues. Our expectations are supported when analyzing a new data set containing information on the number and content of speeches given in the Swedish Riksdag between 2002 and 2010.},
annote = {{\textperiodcentered}      Evaluates whether participation on the floor in legislative debates is dependent on gender 
{\textperiodcentered}      Hypothesis: female MPs give less speeches in parliament 
{\textperiodcentered}      Hypothesis: female participation in speeches will be dependent on policy area – e.g. ‘harder' policy issues would result in less female participation 
{\textperiodcentered}      Findings: hypotheses are supported when analysing a new data set containing information on the number and content of speeches given in the Swedish Riksdag between 2002 and 2010 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 507) a reason women may participate less could also be the ‘cultures of masculinity' within political organisations (e.g. psychology research has hypothesised that women are less voluble or less likely to speak in organisations “because they are less likely to engage in behaviours that are dominant and aggressive, which may include talking more than others in a group setting” (Brescoll 2011: 625)) 
{\textperiodcentered}      Methods: when measuring they counted only verbal contributions of MPs in debates and not back and forth replies between two speakers 
{\textperiodcentered}      Findings: despite the fact Sweden has one of the highest proportions of female MPs, women still participate less often in debates than men. This is particularly true about policy areas that may be classified as ‘hard'. There is no difference in speech participation in ‘soft' policy areas},
author = {B{\"{a}}ck, Hanna and Debus, Marc and M{\"{u}}ller, Jochen},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/B{\"{a}}ck, Debus, M{\"{u}}ller - 2014 - Who Takes the Parliamentary Floor The Role of Gender in Speech-making in the Swedish Riksdag.pdf:pdf},
journal = {Political Research Quarterly},
keywords = {Swedish Riksdag,gender,parliamentary speeches,policy areas},
mendeley-tags = {Swedish Riksdag,gender,parliamentary speeches,policy areas},
number = {3},
pages = {504--518},
title = {{Who Takes the Parliamentary Floor? The Role of Gender in Speech-Making in the Swedish Riksdag}},
volume = {67},
year = {2014}
}
@article{Beckwith2011,
abstract = {What do we mean by "women's interests?" To consider interests requires us to consider the "real interests" of women, which "[rest] on empirically supportable and refutable hypotheses" and to examine women, "exercising choice under conditions of relative autonomy and, in particular, independently of [the constraining] power [of others]-e.g. through democratic participation" (Lukes 1984, 25, 33). Identification of interests is always a normative concern, resting on an appreciation of citizens' autonomy and deliberation-or lack thereof. {\textcopyright} Copyright The Women and Politics Research Section of the American Political Science Association 2011.},
author = {Beckwith, Karen},
doi = {10.1017/S1743923X11000195},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Beckwith - 2011 - Interests, issues, and preferences Women's interests and epiphenomena of activism.pdf:pdf},
issn = {17439248},
journal = {Politics and Gender},
number = {3},
pages = {424--429},
title = {{Interests, issues, and preferences: Women's interests and epiphenomena of activism}},
volume = {7},
year = {2011}
}
@article{Druckman2003,
author = {Druckman, James N and Nelson, Kjersten R},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Druckman, Nelson - 2003 - Framing and Deliberation How Citizens' Conversations Limit Elite Influence.pdf:pdf},
journal = {American Journal of Political Science},
number = {4},
pages = {729--745},
title = {{Framing and Deliberation: How Citizens' Conversations Limit Elite Influence}},
volume = {47},
year = {2003}
}
@article{Campbell2006,
abstract = {Does the presence of female political role models inspire interest in political activism among young women? We ﬁndthat over time, the more that women politicians are made visible by national news coverage, the more likely ado-lescent girls are to indicate an intention to be politically active. Similarly, in cross-sectional analysis, we ﬁnd thatwhere female candidates are visible due to viable campaigns for high-proﬁle ofﬁces girls report increased anticipatedpolitical involvement. Contrary to conventional wisdom, this effect does not appear to be mediated through beliefsabout the appropriateness of politics for women, nor through perceptions of government responsiveness. Instead, anincreased propensity for political discussion, particularly within families, appears to explain the role model effect.},
author = {Campbell, David E. and Wolbrecht, Christina},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Campbell, Wolbrecht - 2006 - See Jane Run Women Politicians as Role Models for Adolescents.pdf:pdf},
journal = {The Journal of Politics},
number = {2},
pages = {233--247},
title = {{See Jane Run: Women Politicians as Role Models for Adolescents}},
volume = {68},
year = {2006}
}
@unpublished{Reingold2006,
abstract = {This chapter reviews the wealth of research on the behavior, experiences, and accomplishments of women in elective office in the United States to assess what we have learned and to identify some of the most promising avenues for future research. Motivated in large part by questions and concerns about women's political representation, this research has established a clear, empirical link between women's descriptive and substantive representation. Throughout the policy-making process – and beyond – female officeholders are often more likely than their male colleagues to act for women or women's interests. A closer look at this research also reveals that these links are by no means guaranteed or universal; descriptive representation is neither absolutely necessary nor entirely sufficient for substantive representation to occur. Some female officeholders are more likely than others to act for women; some male politicians are more likely than others to do so; some governing institutions are more likely than others to do so. Although few, if any, researchers would deny the imperfect nature of the relationship between women's descriptive and substantive representation, few (Dodson 2006; Dolan and Ford 1998; Reingold 2000) have made it their central focus. Future research, I argue, needs to recognize and explore the complex, contingent, and gendered processes by which the linkages between the descriptive and substantive representation of women are strengthened or weakened.​},
address = {Paris},
annote = {{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 1) “Some female officeholders are more likely than others to act for women; some male politicians are more likely than others to do so; some governing institutions are more likely than others to do so.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 3) On research linking the descriptive and substantive representation of women: “The conclusions have been remarkably similar: women in public office do make a difference.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 5) “It is within this realm of policy leadership that female officials are most often expected to make a difference for women, as women (Reingold 2000). In particular, women in public office are expected – by votes, activists, and researchers alike – to care more about, know more about, and do more about ‘women's issues'.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 10) “In addition to affecting policy inputs and outputs, women in public office often are expected to practice politics differently and, perhaps even alter the policymaking process.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “Thus, political scientists have long wondered whether the ‘rules of the game' are gendered (Kirkpatrick 1974).” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 11) “In this literature, dominant norms and approaches to policymaking and leadership are often described in very masculine terms: formal, hierarchical, authoritative relationships; win-lose, zero-sum competition and conflict; and interpersonal dynamics such as coercion, control, dominance, and manipulation (see especially, Kathlene 1998; Rosenthal 1998; Thomas 1994, 1997).” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “In contrast, women's approaches to policymaking and leadership are expected to emphasize: empowering, egalitarian, mutually beneficial, reciprocal relationships; compromise, consensus-building, and cooperation; and interpersonal skills such as honesty, openness, mutual respect, and personal/moral integrity.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “Whicker and Jewell (1998; Jewell and Whicker 1994) find women more likely to adopt egalitarian “consensus” styles and institution-building “process” oriented goals, and men more likely to adopt controlling “command” styles and self-centred “power” oriented goals.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 12) “Rosenthal's (1998) survey of state legislative committee chairs finds that this growing cohort of female leaders is introducing a more “integrative” alternative to the paradigmatic “transactional” and “aggregative” leadership styles of men. “This integrative style,” she explains, “emphasizes collaboration and consensus and sees politics as something more than satisfying particular interests” (1998, p. 4).” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 17) “What emerges from the literature is clear: the links between women's descriptive and substantive representation are numerous and strong, especially at the individual level.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “What emerges from all the caveats and exceptions, however, is equally clear: the link between women's descriptive and substantive representation is by no means guaranteed or automatic. The existence or strength of that linkage can – and often does – vary across individuals, time, and space.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 26) “Perhaps this comes as no surprise to congressional scholars; those who wield institutional power are those most likely to influence policy, regardless of gender (e.g., Hall 1996).” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “Those who study women in American politics are well aware that political institutions are gendered institutions (Kenney 1996). Historically male-dominated, the institutional norms, procedures, rules, regulations, goals, and processes of governing bodies such as legislatures, city councils, and school boards all have potentially gendered implications and biases.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 36) “Rosenthal (1998) finds that state political cultures have no discernible effects on leadership styles. In her comparison of Arizona and California state politics, Reingold (2000) speculates that the more liberal climate, as well as a long history of liberal Democratic dominance of California state politics rendered that state more conducive to women's substantive representation and the collective efforts of California female state legislators on behalf of women—despite their relatively small numbers and historical exclusion from state political office.”},
author = {Reingold, Beth},
booktitle = {Political Women and American Democracy},
doi = {10.1017/CBO9780511790621.011},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Reingold - 2006 - Women as officeholders Linking descriptive and substantive representation.pdf:pdf},
institution = {University of Notre Dame},
isbn = {9780511790621},
pages = {1--49},
title = {{Women as officeholders: Linking descriptive and substantive representation}},
year = {2006}
}
@article{Acker1990,
author = {Acker, Joan},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Acker - 1990 - Hierarchies, Jobs, Bodies A Theory of Gendered Organisations.pdf:pdf},
journal = {Gender {\&} Society},
number = {2},
pages = {139--158},
title = {{Hierarchies, Jobs, Bodies: A Theory of Gendered Organisations}},
url = {http://journals.sagepub.com/doi/pdf/10.1177/089124390004002002},
volume = {4},
year = {1990}
}
@article{Boyd2012,
author = {Boyd, Christina L and Epstein, Lee and Martin, Andrew D and Louis, St and Washington, Andrew D Martin},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Boyd et al. - 2012 - Untangling the Causal Effects of Sex on Judging.pdf:pdf},
journal = {American Journal of Political Science},
number = {2},
pages = {389--411},
title = {{Untangling the Causal Effects of Sex on Judging}},
volume = {54},
year = {2012}
}
@article{Holmes1992,
author = {Holmes, Janet},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Holmes - 1992 - Women's Talk in Public Contexts.pdf:pdf},
journal = {Discourse {\&} Society },
number = {2},
pages = {131--150},
title = {{Women's Talk in Public Contexts}},
volume = {3},
year = {1992}
}
@article{Yu2013,
abstract = {This study draws from a large corpus of Congressional speeches from the 101st to the 110th Congress (1989-2008), to examine gender differences in language use in a setting of political debates. Female legislators' speeches demonstrated characteristics of both a feminine language style (e.g. more use of emotion words, fewer articles) and a masculine one (e.g. more nouns and long words, fewer personal pronouns). A trend analysis found that these gender differences have consistently existed in the Congressional speeches over the past 20 years, regardless of the topic of debate. The findings lend support to the argument that gender differences in language use persist in professional settings like the floor of Congress.},
author = {Yu, Bei},
doi = {10.1093/llc/fqs073},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Yu - 2013 - Language and gender in congressional speech.pdf:pdf},
issn = {14774615},
journal = {Literary and Linguistic Computing},
number = {1},
pages = {118--132},
title = {{Language and Gender in Congressional Speech}},
volume = {29},
year = {2013}
}
@article{Dietrich2019,
abstract = {Do judges telegraph their preferences during oral arguments? Using the U.S. Supreme Court as our example, we demonstrate that Justices implicitly reveal their leanings during oral arguments, even before arguments and deliberations have concluded. Specifically, we extract the emotional content of over r,,,, hours of audio recordings spanning gg years of oral arguments before the Court. We then use the level of emotional arousal, as measured by vocal pitch, in each of the Justices' voices during these arguments to accurately predict many of their eventual votes on these cases. Our approach yields predictions that are statistically and practically significant and robust to including a range of controls; in turn, this suggests that subconscious vocal inflections carry information that legal, political, and textual information do not.},
author = {Dietrich, Bryce J. and Enos, Ryan D. and Sen, Maya},
doi = {10.1017/pan.2018.47},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Dietrich, Enos, Sen - 2019 - Emotional Arousal Predicts Voting on the U.S. Supreme Court.pdf:pdf},
journal = {Political Analysis},
pages = {237--243},
title = {{Emotional Arousal Predicts Voting on the U.S. Supreme Court}},
volume = {27},
year = {2019}
}
@misc{Peck2019,
author = {Peck, Tom},
booktitle = {Independent},
title = {{Farewell then Ms Maybot, you were almost human after all}},
url = {https://tinyurl.com/rvvyowc},
year = {2019}
}
@article{Childs2004,
abstract = {One hundred and one Labour women MPs were returned to the House of Commons at the 1997 general election. Constituting 24 per cent of the Parliamentary Labour Party, they were, according to critical mass theory, a ‘tilted group' and in a position to effect change. Drawing on 23 in-depth interviews with Labour women MPs first elected in 1997, this article establishes that many of them believe that women politicians practise politics in a feminised way. This claim is, however, premised upon gender rather than sex differences and party identity is also identified as an important determinant. The women MPs' perception that women's style is less legitimate than men's is explored through a discussion of the newly elected Labour women MPs' loyalty in parliamentary votes.},
annote = {{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 3) “One hundred and one Labour women MPs were returned to the House of Commons at the 1997 general election” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “Constituting 24 per cent of the Parliamentary Labour Party, they were, according to critical mass theory, a ‘titled group' and in a position to effect change” 
{\textperiodcentered}      article draws on 23 in-depth interviews with Labour women MPs first elected in 1997 
{\textperiodcentered}      “Contention that women practise politics in a different way to men is widely held” 
{\textperiodcentered}      Norris 1996, 93: women ‘introduce a kinder, gentler politics'; ‘characterised by co-operation rather than conflict, collaboration rather than hierarchy, honesty rather than sleaze' 
SOURCE: Norris, P. (1996), “Women politicians: transforming Westminster?”, in J. Lovenduski and P. Norris (eds.), Women in Politics (Oxford: Oxford University Press), pp. 91-104. 
{\textperiodcentered}      Bochel and Briggs 2000, 66-67: women politicians ‘are more willing to listen to the other side'; ‘are less adversarial [and] better team players' 
SOURCE: Bochel, C. and Briggs, J. (2000), “Do women make a difference”, Politics, 20(2), pp. 63-68. 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 4) “It is also important to explore the women MPs' perceptions of the style of politics because it provides insights into the question of whether the presence of women politicians makes a difference” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “One women reach ‘critical mass', ‘political behaviour, institutions, and public policy' will be feminised (Studlar and McAllister 2002: 234)” 
SOURCE: Studlar, D. T. and McAllister, I. (2002), “Does a critical mass exist? A comparative analysis of women's legislative representation since 1950”, European Journal of Political Research 41(2), p. 233-253. 
{\textperiodcentered}      “Rosabeth Moss Kanter's classic typology outlines four different kinds of groups: the uniform group has ‘only one significant social group and its culture dominates the organisations'; in the skewed group, the minority constitutes a maximum of 15 per cent and is ‘controlled by the dominant group and its culture' while the minority are ‘tokens'; in the tilted group, where the minority is between 15 and 40 per cent, ‘the minority is becoming strong enough to begin to influence the culture of the group'; in the balanced group with ratios of 60:40 down to 50:50 the culture and interaction reflect the balanced nature of the group (Dahlerup 1988: 280; Lovenduski 2001)” 
SOURCE: Dahlerup, D. (1988), “From a small to a large minority: women in Scandinavian politics”, Scandinavian Political Studies, 11(4), pp. 275-298. 
SOURCE: Lovenduski, J. (2001), “Women and politics: minority representation or critical mass?”, in P. Norris (ed.), Britain Votes 2001 (Oxford: Oxford University Press), pp. 179-184. 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 5) “Moreover, because critical mass simply counts the numbers of biological females and males present it fails to acknowledge the importance of party differences” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “The claim that women have a different style of politics is one of the arguments employed in support of women's greater numerical representation” 
{\textperiodcentered}      Feminised style: ‘less combative and aggressive style'; ‘don't do as much standing up, shouting on the floor of the House'; women are more ‘measured'; belief that “women operated not as individuals, but as part of teams” – ‘important for politicians to recognise they don't achieve things on their own' 
{\textperiodcentered}      “Women MPs also claimed they spoke in a different language (Karvonen et al. 1995). Women are ‘not prone to political babble [and] jargon', their language is one that ‘everybody understands'” 
SOURCE: Karnonen, L., Djupsund, G. and Carlson, T. (1995), “Political language”, in L. Karvonen and P. Selle (eds), Women in Nordic Politics (Aldershot: Dartmouth) pp. 343-379. 
{\textperiodcentered}      “Many of the new Labour women MPs were also critical of the style practised by male MPs.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      Commons: ‘old boys club', ‘boys prep school' 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 6) “Other criticisms included the theatricality of the chamber, it's childishness, inefficiency, and that it is negatively perceived by the electorate” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “Another MP bluntly stated that it was populated by a ‘bunch of wankers'” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “In terms of a different language, male MPs were identified as having a tendency towards repetition – ‘men always do want to say it again'” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “Three women MPs argued that whilst the 1997 numbers were an improvement upon previous parliaments, there was still an insufficient number of women MPs to effect considerable change” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 7) Possibly a generational thing: younger men ‘equally shocked' by the norms of behaviour in the House 
{\textperiodcentered}      Party politics matters: “such behaviour might indicate a more co-operative, consensual and less adversarial style of politics 
{\textperiodcentered}      “In contrast, the women MPs' responses suggested that greater co-operation with Conservative women was not likely even if there were greater numbers of them. Emphasis was placed on the Conservative party as an institution. Not only are Conservative women MPs in a minority in their party but also the party is regarded as ideologically hostile to feminist perspectives” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 8) ‘I feel quite sad for the Tory women{\ldots} because in order to survive they've really had to capitulate most of their{\ldots} femininity they've had to join the male agenda, live it, breathe it and now they are it, which is really sad” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “Thus the Conservative party is, at least according to these Labour women MPs, an unsafe environment for its women MPs that restricts their behaviour” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “It is the particular configuration of their gender and party identities that prevents cross-party co-operation between women MPs at this time” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “This insight suggests that in the future, as the party and gender identities of Conservative women MPs change, some Conservative women MPs might adopt a more feminised style of politics (and may act for women)” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “Though many of the women MPs who participated in this research clearly supported the contention that women have a different style of politics, a number of them suggested that the dominant style of the House was not conducive to women acting in a feminised way” 
{\textperiodcentered}      ‘the culture here is very strong{\ldots} you really have to learn to operate within it or you are lost” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 9) “Older, ‘successful' women MPs were regarded as employing the traditional masculinised style and were perceived as ‘male' 
  
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 10) “Where women's style of politics is less valued and less effective, women politicians face the choice between either adopting the male ‘game playing' (assimilation) or ‘standing out against it' (resistance) (King 1995: 67) 
SOURCE: King, C. S. (1995), “Sex-role identity and decision-styles: how gender helps explain the paucity of women at the top”, in G. Duerst-Lahti and R. M. Kelly (eds.), Gender Power, Leadership and Governance (Ann Arber, Michigan: The University of Michigan Press), pp. 67-92. 
{\textperiodcentered}      “Thus, how women ‘do' politics is a determinant of women's substantive representation; in order for women MPs to act for women they may need to act like men even though observations that women are ‘turned off' by ‘ya-boo' politics suggests women MPs should act ‘like women'” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 11) “Even if women politicians choose to adopt the masculinised norms their ability to ‘master' them is open to question. This is because while women are forced to step outside their gender in terms of the norms of female behaviour in order to meet the norms of political behaviour, they cannot quite adopt the masculine style because they remain peculiarly gendered.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “When probed about the notion that women's numerical representation may be negatively affected because of how Prime Minister's Questions is represented and perceived, she replied that there was a responsibility for women MPs to say to women who might seek selection that, ‘you don't have to be afraid'” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 13) “the new Labour women MPs perceived, then, that they are engaged in ‘doing politics differently', not adopting a ‘macho' approach, nor ‘rubbishing' or ‘trashing' people publicly.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 14) “Many of the Labour women MPs elected for the first time in 1997 believe that women politicians have a different style of politics” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “Women, they claimed, are less combative and aggressive, more collaborative and speak in a different language compared to men” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “Many of the Labour women MPs considered that the House of Commons was not conducive to women acting in a feminised way” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “Increased numbers of women politicians may not, then, guarantee a feminised style of politics, as the concept of critical mass suggests. This is because critical mass relies simply on the counting of biological females to explain the difference women make in politics”},
author = {Childs, Sarah},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Childs - 2004 - A Feminised Style of Politics Women MPs in the House of Commons.pdf:pdf},
isbn = {1369-1481},
issn = {1369-1481},
journal = {British Journal of Politics and International Relations},
pages = {3--19},
title = {{A Feminised Style of Politics? Women MPs in the House of Commons}},
volume = {6},
year = {2004}
}
@article{DeVries2010,
abstract = {" Deliberative democracy" is an increasingly popular method for soliciting public input on health care policies. There are a number of ways of organizing deliberative democracy (DD) sessions, but they generally involve gathering a group of citizens, supplying them with information relevant to the policy in question, giving them time to interact with each other and with experts in the policy area, and collecting their informed and considered opinions. As the method has become more widely used, some have questioned the quality of the public input it generates. Although theorists of DD agree that " good" input - i.e., input that is the product of careful and thorough reflection - is an essential aspect of useful and effective deliberation, few have actually measured the quality of deliberative sessions. As part of a DD project organized to help guide policies on the morally complex question of allowing surrogate permission to enroll persons with dementia in medical research, we developed and tested measures of " quality of deliberation." After a brief discussion of the substantive results of our research - survey data from participants in the DD sessions and control groups showed a significant change in participants' attitudes toward surrogate consent - we examine the process by which this change occurred, describing and assessing the characteristics of our DD sessions. We use both quantitative and qualitative data from our DD sessions, conducted in southeastern Michigan, United States, to examine four dimensions of the quality of deliberation: 1) equal participation by all members of the session, 2) respect for the opinions of others, 3) a willingness to adopt a societal perspective on the issue in question (rather than a focus on what is best for participants as individuals), and 4) reasoned justification of one's positions. We demonstrate that DD can be reliably used to elicit opinions of the public and show how analysis of the quality of deliberations can offer insight into the ways opinions about ethical dilemmas are formed and changed. {\textcopyright} 2010 Elsevier Ltd.},
author = {{De Vries}, Raymond and Stanczyk, Aimee and Wall, Ian F. and Uhlmann, Rebecca and Damschroder, Laura J. and Kim, Scott Y.},
doi = {10.1016/j.socscimed.2010.02.031},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/De Vries et al. - 2010 - Assessing the quality of democratic deliberation A case study of public deliberation on the ethics of surrogate.pdf:pdf},
issn = {02779536},
journal = {Social Science and Medicine},
keywords = {Deliberative democracy,Dementia,Research ethics,Surrogate-based research,USA},
number = {12},
pages = {1896--1903},
publisher = {Elsevier Ltd},
title = {{Assessing the quality of democratic deliberation: A case study of public deliberation on the ethics of surrogate consent for research}},
url = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.socscimed.2010.02.031},
volume = {70},
year = {2010}
}
@book{Blumenau2021,
address = {Colchester, Essex},
author = {Blumenau, Jack},
publisher = {UK Data Service},
title = {{House of Commons Parliamentary Debates, 1979-2019}},
url = {reshare.ukdataservice.ac.uk/854292/},
year = {2021}
}
@article{Gay2005,
abstract = {The growth of the constituency role of MPs has been well documented since the 1960s, in particular the focus on casework. There are clear conventions that MPs should represent all their constituents and should not purport to represent other constituencies. Recent research indicates that these rules are under strain with the advent of devolution and the use of IT such as databases, emails and blogs. More generous allowances enable MPs to employ greater numbers of personal staff to process constituency casework. Parties favour this development, as simultaneously assisting with the permanent campaign and removing potential dissent from Parliament. The incumbency effect is now evident, as MPs believe that assiduous attention to constituents can save their seats. Parliaments are under pressure to improve the capacity of their members, but also to avoid inappropriate use of funds to influence the outcome of elections.},
author = {Gay, Oonagh},
doi = {10.1111/j.1467-923X.2005.00656.x},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Gay - 2005 - MPs go back to their constituencies.pdf:pdf},
issn = {00323179},
journal = {Political Quarterly},
number = {1},
pages = {57--66},
title = {{MPs go back to their constituencies}},
volume = {76},
year = {2005}
}
@unpublished{Blumenau2018a,
abstract = {Assessing which actors are influential in political debate is important for understanding the mechanisms behind legislative decision-making. Conceiving of 'influence' as a speaker's ability to mould discussion of an issue towards their own framing, I propose a measurement strategy which infers influence by modelling each speech in a debate as a function of the speeches that preceded it. Intuitively, an influential speech is one that is highly predictive of other speeches that occur later in the debate, and influential legislators are those who deliver influential speeches. I apply this method to debates in the UK House of Commons from 1979 to 2018, and compare the measure to potential alternatives in a series of validation tests. I demonstrate the value of this approach by using the measure to address important questions in legislative politics.},
address = {London},
author = {Blumenau, Jack},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Blumenau - 2018 - Measuring Agenda-Setting Influence from Legislative Speech.pdf:pdf},
institution = {University College London},
pages = {1--33},
title = {{Measuring Agenda-Setting Influence from Legislative Speech}},
url = {https://www.jackblumenau.com/papers/influence.pdf},
year = {2018}
}
@article{Dahl2012,
author = {Dahl, Michael S. and Dezso, Cristian L. and Ross, David Gaddis},
doi = {10.1177/0001839212466521},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Dahl, Dezso, Ross - 2012 - Fatherhood and Managerial Style How a Male CEO's Children Affect the Wages of His Employees.pdf:pdf},
isbn = {0001839212466},
journal = {Administrative Science Quarterly},
keywords = {1938,1984,carpenter,ceos,ever since barnard,geletkanycz,gender,graphics,hambrick and mason,it has been argued,of their top managers,organizational demo-,that organizations are reflections,top management teams,values,wages,work and family},
number = {4},
pages = {669--693},
title = {{Fatherhood and Managerial Style: How a Male CEO's Children Affect the Wages of His Employees}},
volume = {57},
year = {2012}
}
@article{Holland1986,
abstract = {18 UTC JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact support@jstor.org. Problems involving causal inference have dogged at the heels of statistics since its earliest days. Correlation does not imply causation, and yet causal conclusions drawn from a carefully designed experiment are often valid. What can a statistical model say about causation? This question is addressed by using a particular model for causal inference (Holland and Rubin 1983; Rubin 1974) to critique the discussions of other writers on causation and causal inference. These include selected philosophers, medical researchers, statisticians, econometricians, and proponents of causal modeling.},
author = {Holland, Paul W.},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Holland - 1986 - Statistics and Causal Inference.pdf:pdf},
journal = {Journal of the American Statistical Association},
keywords = {Association,Causal effect,Causal model,Experiments,Gran-ger causality,Hill's nine factors,Koch's postulates,Mill's methods,Path diagrams,Philosophy,Probabilistic causality},
number = {396},
pages = {945--960},
title = {{Statistics and Causal Inference}},
volume = {81},
year = {1986}
}
@article{Schonhardt-Bailey2003,
author = {Schonhardt-Bailey, Cheryl},
doi = {10.1017/S0007123403000267},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Schonhardt-Bailey - 2003 - Ideology, Party and Interests in the British Parliament of 1841–1847.pdf:pdf},
isbn = {202012:38:51},
journal = {British Journal of Political Science},
number = {4},
pages = {581--605},
title = {{Ideology, Party and Interests in the British Parliament of 1841–1847}},
url = {https://about.jstor.org/terms},
volume = {33},
year = {2003}
}
@article{Petrocik1996,
author = {Petrocik, John R.},
file = {:Users/lotte/Dropbox/PhD/style{\_}experiment/lit/petrocik{\_}issue{\_}ownership.pdf:pdf},
journal = {American Journal of Political Science},
number = {3},
pages = {825--850},
title = {{Issue Ownership in Presidential Elections, with a 1980 Case Study}},
volume = {40},
year = {1996}
}
@article{Cassese2019,
abstract = {Late in the 2016 U.S. Presidential primary, Donald Trump attacked Hillary Clinton for playing the “woman's card.” Theories of system justification suggest that attitudes about gender, particularly endorsement of hostile and benevolent sexism, likely shaped reactions to this campaign attack. Using a set of two studies, we find that hostile sexists exposed to the attack showed increased support for Trump and decreased support for Clinton. Benevolent sexists, however, reacted to Trump's statements with increased support for Clinton, consistent with benevolent sexism's focus on protecting women (Study 1). We further found that the woman card attack produced distinct emotional reactions among those with low and high levels of hostile and benevolent sexism. The attack also increased political participation among hostile sexists (Study 2). Our results offer new insights into the role of sexism in the 2016 presidential contest and further the discipline's understanding of the gendered dimension of negative campaigning.},
author = {Cassese, Erin C. and Holman, Mirya R.},
doi = {10.1111/pops.12492},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Cassese, Holman - 2019 - Playing the Woman Card Ambivalent Sexism in the 2016 U.S. Presidential Race.pdf:pdf},
issn = {14679221},
journal = {Political Psychology},
keywords = {2016 election,Voting,ambivalent sexism,hostile sexism,political participation,system justification theory voting},
number = {1},
pages = {55--74},
title = {{Playing the Woman Card: Ambivalent Sexism in the 2016 U.S. Presidential Race}},
volume = {40},
year = {2019}
}
@book{Adams2005,
address = {Cambridge, UK},
author = {Adams, James F. and {Merrill III}, Samuel and Grofman, Bernard},
publisher = {Cambridge University Press},
title = {{A Unified Theory of Party Competition: A Cross-National Analysis Integrating Spatial and Behavioral Factors}},
year = {2005}
}
@article{Bianchi2014,
author = {Bianchi, Suzanne and Lesnard, Laurent and Nazio, Tiziana and Raley, Sara},
journal = {Demographic Research},
number = {8},
pages = {183--216},
title = {{Gender and Time Allocation of Cohabiting and Married Women and Men in France, Italy, and the United States}},
volume = {31},
year = {2014}
}
@article{Kahn1992,
abstract = {This study examines the possibility that the news media, by covering male and female candidates differently, may influence the success of female candidates. A content analysis of newspaper coverage of U.S. Senate campaigns shows that male and female Senate candidates are covered differently in the news. An experiment was conducted to explore the consequences of these differences in coverage, as well as the significance of the candidates' gender, for evaluations of Senate candidates. The experimental results suggest that gender differences in coverage tend to advantage male candidates. For instance, candidates who are covered like male candidates in the news are considered more viable than candidates who are covered like female candidates. Sex stereotypes, on the other hand, can advantage female candidates. Female candidates are viewed as more compassionate and more honest than identical male candidates. The findings from this study support the hypothesis that the mass media may influence a woman's chances of success at the polls. Male and female candidates are covered differently in the news and these differences often produce negative assessments of women candidates. A although the media play a central role in political campaigns, little is known about the media's impact on voters' political attitudes. Recent work in the noncampaign context shows that the media structure how people think about politics (Iyengar and Kinder 1987; MacKuen 1981; Erbring, Goldenberg, and Miller 1980). However, the electoral consequences of this "media structuring" have received little attention. This study investigates whether news coverage of campaigns advantages certain candidates at the expense of others; in particular, whether the press differentiates between coverage of men and women candidates and whether these differences influence voters' perceptions of the candidates. This study explores the possibility that the media, by treating men and women candidates differently, influence their access to political office.},
author = {Kahn, Kim Fridkin},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Kahn - 1992 - Does Being Male Help An Investigation of the Effects of Candidate Gender and Campaign Coverage on Evaluations of U.S. Sena.pdf:pdf},
journal = {The Journal of Politics},
number = {2},
pages = {497--517},
title = {{Does Being Male Help? An Investigation of the Effects of Candidate Gender and Campaign Coverage on Evaluations of U.S. Senate Candidates}},
volume = {54},
year = {1992}
}
@article{Wilkerson2015,
abstract = {This article proposes a new approach to investigating the substance of lawmaking. Only a very small proportion of bills become law in the U.S. Congress. However, the bills that do become law often serve as vehicles for language originating in other bills. We investigate “text reuse” methods as a means for tracing the progress of policy ideas in legislation. We then show how a focus on policy ideas leads to new insights into the lawmaking process. Although our focus is on relating content found within bills, the samemethods can be used to study policy substance across many research domains.},
author = {Wilkerson, J. and Smith, D. and Stramp, N.},
doi = {10.1111/ajps.12175},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Wilkerson, Smith, Stramp - 2015 - Tracing the Flow of Policy Ideas in Legislatures A Text Reuse Approach.pdf:pdf},
isbn = {1364-548X (Electronic)$\backslash$r1359-7345 (Linking)},
issn = {15405907},
journal = {American Journal of Political Science},
number = {4},
pages = {943--956},
pmid = {20024208},
title = {{Tracing the Flow of Policy Ideas in Legislatures: A Text Reuse Approach}},
volume = {59},
year = {2015}
}
@article{Krupnikov2020,
abstract = {There are a number of observed gender differences in the frequency of political discussion, perceived levels of expertise, and importantly, openness to persuasion. This article explores the consequences of these differences for political choices. Given the difficulty in separating influence from homophily with observational data, this paper relies on a group-based experiment. Results suggest that when selecting between candidates, women are more likely to accept information from others, even if the information in the signals is not helpful. Men, on the other hand, often ignore outside signals in favor of sticking with their own choices even when outside signals would be helpful to their decision-making. A reanalysis of a previously published experiment on social communication leads to similar gender differences.},
author = {Krupnikov, Yanna and Milita, Kerri and Ryan, John Barry and Connors, Elizabeth C.},
doi = {10.1017/psrm.2019.26},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Krupnikov et al. - 2020 - How gender affects the efficacy of discussion as an information shortcut.pdf:pdf},
journal = {Political Science Research and Methods },
keywords = {Voting behavior,experimental research},
pages = {268--284},
title = {{How gender affects the efficacy of discussion as an information shortcut}},
url = {https://doi.org/10.1017/psrm.2019.26},
volume = {8},
year = {2020}
}
@article{Bryant2019,
author = {Bryant, Lisa A. and Hellwege, Julia Marin},
doi = {10.1177/1532673X18808037},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Bryant, Hellwege - 2019 - Working Mothers Represent How Children Affect the Legislative Agenda of Women in Congress.pdf:pdf},
journal = {American Politics Research},
keywords = {children,congress,legislation,mother,women},
number = {3},
pages = {447--470},
title = {{Working Mothers Represent: How Children Affect the Legislative Agenda of Women in Congress}},
volume = {47},
year = {2019}
}
@article{Croson2009,
author = {Croson, Rachel and Gneezy, Uri},
doi = {10.1257/jel.47.2.448},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Croson, Gneezy - 2009 - Gender Differences in Preferences.pdf:pdf},
journal = {Journal of Economic Literature},
number = {2},
pages = {448--474},
title = {{Gender Differences in Preferences}},
url = {http:www.aeaweb.org/articles.php?doi=10.1257/jel.47.2.448},
volume = {47},
year = {2009}
}
@article{Bachtiger2009,
abstract = {Bachtinger},
author = {B{\"{a}}chtiger, Andr{\'{e}} and Shikano, Shikano and Pedrini, Seraina and Ryser, Mirjam},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/B{\"{a}}chtiger et al. - 2009 - Measuring Deliberation 2.0 Standards, Discourse Types, and Sequenzialization.pdf:pdf},
number = {September},
pages = {1--28},
title = {{Measuring Deliberation 2.0: Standards, Discourse Types, and Sequenzialization}},
year = {2009}
}
@article{Twenge1997a,
author = {Twenge, Jean M.},
journal = {Psychology of Women Quarterly},
number = {1},
pages = {35--51},
title = {{Attitudes Toward Women, 1970–1995: A Meta-Analysis}},
volume = {21},
year = {1997}
}
@article{Clark2013,
author = {Clark, Jennifer Hayes and Caro, Veronica},
doi = {10.1017/S1743923X12000670},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Clark, Caro - 2013 - Multimember Districts and the Substantive Representation of Women An Analysis of Legislative Cosponsorship Networks.pdf:pdf},
journal = {Politics {\&} Gender},
pages = {1--30},
title = {{Multimember Districts and the Substantive Representation of Women: An Analysis of Legislative Cosponsorship Networks}},
volume = {9},
year = {2013}
}
@book{Barnes2016b,
address = {Cambridge},
author = {Barnes, Tiffany},
publisher = {Cambridge University Press},
title = {{Gendering Legislative Behaviour: Institutional Constraints and Collaboration}},
year = {2016}
}
@incollection{Fiske1993,
address = {London},
author = {Fiske, Susan T. and Stevens, Laura E.},
booktitle = {Gender Issues in Contemporary Society},
editor = {Oskamp, Stuart and Costanzo, Mark},
pages = {173--196},
publisher = {Sage Publications},
title = {{What's So Special About Sex? Gender Stereotyping and Discrimination}},
year = {1993}
}
@article{Nugent2016,
author = {Nugent, Mary K. and Krook, Mona Lena},
file = {:Users/lotte/Dropbox/projects/productivity{\_}experiment/lit/gsv015.pdf:pdf},
journal = {Parliamentary Affairs},
keywords = {all-women shortlists,british politics,gender and,gender quotas,labour party,politics,women in politics},
pages = {115--135},
title = {{All-Women Shortlists: Myths and Realities}},
volume = {69},
year = {2016}
}
@article{Ohmura2018a,
abstract = {Research on parliamentary careers has paid little attention to variations in pre-parliamentary career patterns and their value in explaining legislators' parliamentary success. Using sequence and cluster analysis, this article identifies typical career tracks taken by Party Animals, Local Heroes, Late Bloomers, Land Legislators, High-Flyers and Career Changers based on a comprehensive dataset of German parliamentarians' biographies (1998–2014). The analysis confirms the role of the party as the primary career facilitator before and within parliament. Nonetheless both Career Changers and High-Flyers climb the greasy pole all the way to the national parliament without much service to the party. The former type, however, suffers from a lack of networks and experience, which is reflected in the limited career success within parliament. This article demonstrates that the use of sequence analysis on career paths offers a promising approach in distinguishing and explaining the opportunities, choices and obstacles MPs face in parliament.},
author = {Ohmura, Tamaki and Bailer, Stefanie and Mei$\beta$ner, Peter and Selb, Peter},
doi = {10.1080/01402382.2017.1323485},
file = {:Users/lotte/Dropbox/PhD/topic{\_}project/lit/Party animals career changers and other pathways into parliament (1).pdf:pdf},
issn = {17439655},
journal = {West European Politics},
keywords = {Career,career capital,legislative studies,sequence analysis},
number = {1},
pages = {169--195},
publisher = {Routledge},
title = {{Party animals, career changers and other pathways into parliament}},
url = {http://doi.org/10.1080/01402382.2017.1323485},
volume = {41},
year = {2018}
}
@article{Blankenship1995,
abstract = {This essay asks, "Is there a 'feminine style' in women's political discourse?" If so, "What are its features?" We argue that it does exist and is gaining legitimacy through its use by both women and men in positions of power. Further, we identify five characteristics of the "feminine style." These include: basing political judgments on concrete, lived experience; valuing inclusivity and the relational nature of being; conceptualizing the power of public office as a capacity to "get things done" and to empower others; approaching policy formation holistically; and, moving women's issues to the forefront of the public arena},
annote = {{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 353) “Based on our research, we believe a feminine style not only exists, but its legitimation is expanding through its use by both women and men in positions of power.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “Among our sample of Congresswomen, we include a Caucasian who was once a "welfare mother"; an African- American former "domestic servant" who was elected at age 66; and at least three, including an Hispanic, who were raised in upper-middle or upper class homes.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 356) “Feminine. We use the term "feminine" rather than the alternatives "women's" or "female" because we are talking about the social construction of gender rather than mere biological difference.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “Style? "Style," here, is not viewed as "mere" language, as a "cosmetic," or as "technique," in the narrow sense of that word. "Far from being intellectually peripheral ornament," style is what Ohmann (1962) calls a revelation of epistemic stance: ‘The very many decisions that add up to a style are decisions about what to say, as well as how to say it. They reflect the [speaker's] organization of experience, [her] sense of life. (pp. xii-xiii)'” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “Or, as Hymes suggests, style is "a system of coherent ways or patterns of doing things" (Hymes, 1960, p. 109).” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 357) “Feminine style. "Feminine style," the focus of this essay, is comprised of the dimensions of discourse which may reveal or point to epistemic stances which we discover in the public political discourse of women. We do not claim that the feminine style is the exclusive domain of women; nor do we claim that the masculine style is the exclusive domain of men. Many men can and do utilize these characteristics to varying degrees, as we will demonstrate later.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “Our analysis centers specifically on the public policy discourse, processes, and outcomes of governance. Our data base was selected from a larger body of women's discourse collected while teaching classes focusing wholly or in part on women's communication and our research relating to that communication. Our primary data base for this essay was constituted by narrowing that larger body according to several criteria. The discourse to be included was public policy discourse, either oral or written, occurring between 1990 and 1994 in a variety of settings, including speeches, debates, interviews, and televised Congressional Hearings.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “The principle sources for our primary and secondary data bases were the Congressional Record and C-SPAN, but significant contributions were also drawn from scholarly literature and popular journals quoting political women and contemporary histories written by women engaged in campaigns and governance.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 358) “We share two fundamental assumptions with Campbell (1989): that the feminine style, while not grounded in biological difference, does grow out of women's experiences, and that feminine style is not "a style exclusive to women" (p. 12).” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 359) 
1.     Basing political judgments on concrete, lived experience. 
“A small body of research, considerable anecdotal evidence, and our own analysis supports the inclusion of this feature in the feminine style. We attribute this feature to the movement of women and their issues from the private to the public sphere, as evidenced in discourse about domestic violence as well as other subjects. USA Today reporter Jessica Lee (1993) observes that "the stories women tell personalize the [public policy] debate . . . and broaden the viewpoints from which laws are crafted" (p. 2A). For example, Congresswoman Marge Roukema (R-NJ) references the private in a public context in discussing family leave legislation: 
Families are thrown into crisis when serious illness strikes. I know. . . . When my son Todd was stricken with leukemia and needed home care, I was free to remain at home. But what about the millions of mothers who work? (Lee, 1993, p. 1A)” 
2. Valuing inclusivity and the relational nature of being. 
3. Conceptualizing the power of public office as a capacity to "get things done" and 
to empower others. 
4. Approaching policy formation holistically. 
5. Moving women's issues to the forefront of the public arena.},
author = {Blankenship, Jane and Robson, Deborah C.},
doi = {10.1080/01463379509369982},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Blankenship, Robson - 1995 - A 'feminine style' in women's political discourse An exploratory essay.pdf:pdf},
journal = {Communication Quarterly},
number = {3},
pages = {353--366},
title = {{A 'Feminine Style' in Women's Political Discourse: An Exploratory Essay}},
volume = {43},
year = {1995}
}
@article{Klofstad2015,
abstract = {Voters prefer leaders with lower-pitched voices because they are perceived as stronger, having greater physical prowess, more competent, and having greater integrity. An alternative hypothesis that has yet to be tested is that lower-pitched voices are perceived as older and thus wiser and more experienced. Here the relationships between candidate voice pitch, candidate age, and electoral success are examined with two experiments. Study 1 tests whether voters discriminate on candidate age. The results show that male and female candidates in their 40s and 50s, the time in the lifecycle when voice pitch is at its lowest, are preferred over candidates in their 30s, 60s, and 70s. Study 2 shows that the preference for leaders with lower-pitched voices correlates with the perception that speakers with lower voices are stronger, more competent, and older, but the influence of perception of age on vote choice is the weakest of the three.},
author = {Klofstad, Casey A. and Anderson, Rindy C. and Nowicki, Stephen},
doi = {10.1371/journal.pone.0133779},
file = {:Users/lotte/Dropbox/PhD/style{\_}experiment/lit/file.pdf:pdf},
issn = {19326203},
journal = {PLoS ONE},
number = {8},
pages = {1--14},
pmid = {26252894},
title = {{Perceptions of Competence, Strength, and Age Influence Voters to Select Leaders with Lower-Pitched Voices}},
volume = {10},
year = {2015}
}
@article{Campbell2019a,
abstract = {Why do politicians with strong local roots receive more electoral support? The mechanisms underlying this well-documented “friends and neighbors” effect remain largely untested. Drawing on two population-based survey experiments fielded in Britain, we provide the first experimental test of a commonly posited cue-based explanation, which argues that voters use politicians' local roots (descriptive localism) to make inferences about politicians' likely actions in office (behavioral localism). Consistent with the cue-based account, we find that a politician's local roots are less predictive of voter evaluations when voters have access to explicit information about aspects of the politician's actual behavioral localism. However, we also find that voters' positive reaction to local roots is only partially explained by a cue-based account in which voters care about the aspects of behavioral localism tested in this article. Our findings inform a normative debate concerning the implications of friends-and-neighbors voting for democratic representation and accountability.},
author = {Campbell, Rosie and Cowley, Philip and Vivyan, Nick and Wagner, Markus},
doi = {10.1086/703131},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Campbell et al. - 2019 - Why friends and neighbors Explaining the electoral appeal of local roots.pdf:pdf},
issn = {14682508},
journal = {Journal of Politics},
number = {3},
pages = {937--951},
title = {{Why Friends and Neighbors? Explaining the Electoral Appeal of Local Roots}},
volume = {81},
year = {2019}
}
@article{Harp2010,
abstract = {This study examines and compares discursive constructions and performance of gender in Sarah Palin's media portrayal during the first week of her nomination to the Republican vice-presidential candidacy. Using a discourse analysis of online video clips posted by 5 U.S. network news websites, the authors found a discourse rich with complexity in both Palin's gendered performance and the resulting discursive media (re)contextualization of Palin. Her gender performance serves as an example of how masculinity and femininity are performed in a complex blend and how Palin's “masculinity” is accepted and celebrated, while at the same time also firmly rooted in more traditional notions of femininity},
author = {Harp, Dustin and Loke, Jaime and Bachmann, Ingrid},
doi = {10.1111/j.1753-9137.2010.01072.x},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Harp, Loke, Bachmann - 2010 - First Impressions of Sarah Palin Pit Bulls, Politics, Gender Performance, and a Discursive Media (Re)conte.pdf:pdf},
journal = {Communication, Culture {\&} Critique},
number = {3},
pages = {291--309},
title = {{First Impressions of Sarah Palin: Pit Bulls, Politics, Gender Performance, and a Discursive Media (Re)contextualization}},
volume = {3},
year = {2010}
}
@book{Russell2011,
address = {London},
author = {Russell, Meg and Benton, Meghan},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Russell, Benton - 2011 - Selective Influence The Policy Impact of House of Commons Select Committees.pdf:pdf},
isbn = {9781903903612},
publisher = {The Constitution Unit},
title = {{Selective Influence: The Policy Impact of House of Commons Select Committees}},
year = {2011}
}
@article{Maestas2020,
abstract = {T he health of any democratic system depends on political ambition to generate a steady supply of quality candidates for office. Because most models of candidate entry assume ambition rather than model it, previous research fails to understand its roots in individual and institutional characteristics. We develop a two-stage model of progressive behavior that distinguishes between the formation of ambition for higher office and the decision to enter a particular race. Using data from a survey of state legislators, we demonstrate that the intrinsic costs and benefits associated with running for and holding higher office shape ambitions but do not influence the decision to run. For progressively ambitious legislators, the second-stage decision is a strategic choice about when to run rather than whether to run. Our research highlights how institutional characteristics that foster progressive ambition also increase the likelihood that national or local political conditions will be translated into meaningful choices at the ballot box.},
author = {Maestas, Cherie D and Fulton, Sarah and Stone, Walter J},
doi = {10.1017/S0003055406062101},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Maestas, Fulton, Stone - 2020 - When to Risk It Institutions, Ambitions, and the Decision to Run for the U.S. House.pdf:pdf},
journal = {American Political Science Review},
number = {2},
title = {{When to Risk It? Institutions, Ambitions, and the Decision to Run for the U.S. House}},
url = {https://doi.org/10.1017/S0003055406062101},
volume = {100},
year = {2020}
}
@article{Gleason2019,
author = {Gleason, Shane A.},
doi = {10.1177/1065912919847001},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Gleason - 2019 - Beyond Mere Presence Gender Norms in Oral Arguments at the U.S. Supreme Court.pdf:pdf},
journal = {Political Research Quarterly},
number = {3},
pages = {596--608},
publisher = {Forthcoming},
title = {{Beyond Mere Presence: Gender Norms in Oral Arguments at the U.S. Supreme Court}},
volume = {73},
year = {2020}
}
@article{OBrien2016,
abstract = {Though more than 100 countries have adopted gender quotas, the effects of these reforms on women's political leadership are largely unknown. We exploit a natural experiment-a 50-50 quota imposed by the national board of the Swedish Social Democratic Party on 290 municipal branches-to examine quotas' influence on women's selection to, and survival in, top political posts. We find that those municipalities where the quota had a larger impact became more likely to select (but not reappoint) female leaders. Extending this analysis, we show that the quota increased the number of women perceived as qualified for these positions. Our findings support the notion that quotas can have an acceleration effect on women's representation in leadership positions, particularly when they augment the pool of female candidates for these posts. These results help dispel the myth that quotas trade short-term gains in women's descriptive representation for long-term exclusion from political power.},
author = {O'Brien, Diana Z. and Rickne, Johanna},
doi = {10.1017/S0003055415000611},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/O'Brien, Rickne - 2016 - Gender Quotas and Women's Political Leadership.pdf:pdf},
journal = {American Political Science Review},
number = {1},
pages = {112--126},
title = {{Gender Quotas and Women's Political Leadership}},
volume = {110},
year = {2016}
}
@article{Abilities,
author = {Abilities, Deliberative},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Abilities - Unknown - Table A2 DQI coding examples Justification rationality ( level of justification ) but no reason is given . Deutsc.pdf:pdf},
number = {0},
title = {{Table A2 : DQI coding examples Justification rationality ( level of justification ) but no reason is given . Deutschland . Und werden diese dann immer noch als Einwanderer betrachtet , obwohl sie die deutsche}},
volume = {1}
}
@article{Bochel2012,
abstract = {Since 1997 there has been substantive reform of the House of Lords in an effort to make the
chamber ‘more democratic and more representative'. Whilst the Labour government failed
to press ahead with any of the proposed plans for further reform following the removal of
the bulk of the hereditary peers in 1999, it remained committed to the notion that such
reform must make the second chamber ‘more representative'. The coalition government's
programme advocates a long-term aspiration for a House wholly or mainly elected on the
basis of proportional representation, and a short-term approach based on additional
appointments to ensure a balance of the parties. What is clear in all of these proposals
for reform is a desire for the House of Lords to become more representative than it is
at present. However, what is less clear is what is meant by ‘representative' – who the
House of Lords is supposed to represent, and what form representation will take. Moreover,
in proposing to make the chamber more representative, either through appointment
or election, little attention has been paid to how the current House of Lords provides
representation. This article examines these questions in the context of Pitkin's classic
conceptions of representation and peers' attitudes towards their own representative role.},
annote = {{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 82) The Lords has historically not featured in discussions of legislative representation – unsurprising as most modern second chambers are decided by some form of election, the Lords is not 
{\textperiodcentered}      However, since the 1999 reforms there has been an effort to make the Lords ‘more democratic and representative' 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 83) All reform proposals since have intended to make the Lords more representative in some way or another. However, it is unclear what is meant by ‘representative' and who the Lords is supposed to represent and what form the representation may take 
{\textperiodcentered}      Article applies Pitkin's 1967 concepts of representation – draws on 78 interviews with peers between 2007 and 2008 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 84) Pitkin identified a number of conceptions of representation: formalistic, symbolic, descriptive and substantive 
{\textperiodcentered}      Formalistic representation: the formal arrangement and procedures that frame representation (e.g. electoral systems). When linking to the Lords: many peers referenced the formalistic model of representation, e.g. their appointed status limits their representative capacities. However, they also said that although they may have been appointed as a specialist in healthy, education etc. once in the House they did not feel it was their sole duty to represent these areas. (p. 86) Interestingly, few party-political peers claimed to represent their party 
{\textperiodcentered}      Representing unattached interests: similar to formalistic, however the individual is not feeling mandated to represent individuals or groups, rather exercising their own judgement in ideas about what is right or good. In the case of formal representation, someone is being represented, in this case something is represented. It is implied that representatives must have great wisdom or knowledge, with the capacity to make decisions for the greater good. Relevant to the Lords, as several peers revealed in interviews they felt the represented some form of abstract principle (e.g. common sense, issues, humanity at large) 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 87) Symbolic representation: based on the notion that a representative ‘stands for' the thing they represent. It may then be important for legislatures to include groups which have not traditionally been represented, in some way the symbolic value of a representative may be more important than their numerical value. Symbolic representation has featured heavily in debates around Lords reform (e.g. people should be able to hear voices in the Lords that speak for them). (p. 88) Symbolic representation did not come up much in interviews (including by women, ethnic minority peers etc.), none really acknowledge their symbolic importance, however some said they did feel they ‘acted for' these groups. Clearest examples of symbolic representation was by bishops 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 88) Descriptive representation: descriptive representation takes the concept of symbolic representation further by asserting that the composition of a representative body should reflect the composition of the society it represents. In relation to the Lords, the presence of female and BME representative has increased in descriptive terms. The Lords does not perform significantly more poorly than the Commons in these respects, however both chambers fall short of anything close to women's population share 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 90) Substantive representation: aim to fill the holes in symbolic/descriptive representation, in that they do not seek to define/explain how a representative acts. Substantive representation then examines whether representatives ‘act for' those they represent. This is tied into other forms, e.g. proposals for reforming the Lords has discussed the importance of symbolic representation, however it has been implied that peers will then act on behalf of those they represent. A large proportion of peers interviewed claimed to be very active in working on behalf of a range of individuals or groups 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 94) By drawing on Pitkin's conceptualisation of representation, this article suggests there is a great deal of ‘representation' in the current House of Lords 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 95) However, there remain significant groups for questioning the representative nature of the Lords, while there may not be more women and BME members, there is limited evidence to suggest the House is becoming more descriptively representative according to other criteria (e.g. age, occupation or social class) 
{\textperiodcentered}      There is also not yet good empirical evidence to show how peers might substantively represent different groups and interests. E.g. how this is done in questions, voting behaviour etc. is yet unresearched},
author = {Bochel, Hugh and Defty, Andrew},
doi = {10.1080/13572334.2012.646714},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Bochel, Defty - 2012 - A More Representative Chamber Representation and the House of Lords.pdf:pdf},
journal = {The Journal of Legislative Studies},
number = {1},
pages = {82--97},
title = {{A More Representative Chamber: Representation and the House of Lords}},
url = {http://www.tandfonline.com/action/journalInformation?journalCode=fjls20},
volume = {18},
year = {2012}
}
@article{Gneezy2003,
abstract = {Even though the provision of equal opportunities for men and women has been a priority in many countries, large gender differences prevail in competitive high-ranking positions. Suggested explanations include discrimination and differences in preferences and human capital. In this paper we present experimental evidence in support of an additional factor: women may be less effective than men in competitive environments, even if they are able to perform similarly in non-competitive environments. In a laboratory experiment we observe, as we increase the competitiveness of the environment, a significant increase in performance for men, but not for women. This results in a significant gender gap in performance in tournaments, while there is no gap when participants are paid according to piece rate. This effect is stronger when women have to compete against men than in single-sex competitive environments: this suggests that women may be able to perform in competitive environments per se.},
author = {Gneezy, Uri and Niederle, Muriel and Rustichini, Aldo},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Gneezy, Niederle, Rustichini - 2003 - Performance in Competitive Environments Gender Differences.pdf:pdf},
journal = {Quarterly Journal of Economics},
pages = {1049--1074},
title = {{Performance in Competitive Environments: Gender Differences}},
volume = {118},
year = {2003}
}
@article{Childs2018,
author = {Childs, Sarah and Dahlerup, Drude},
doi = {10.1332/251510818X15272520831094},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Childs, Dahlerup - 2018 - Increasing women's descriptive representation in national parliaments the involvement and impact of gender and.pdf:pdf},
issn = {2515-1088},
journal = {European Journal of Politics and Gender},
keywords = {academic influence,acts and actors,critical mass,feminist institutionalism,feminist knowledge,impact,political change,s descriptive representation,women},
number = {1-2},
pages = {185--204},
title = {{Increasing women's descriptive representation in national parliaments: the involvement and impact of gender and politics scholars}},
volume = {1},
year = {2018}
}
@article{Dale1949,
author = {Dale, Edgar and Chall, Jeanne},
journal = {Elementary English},
number = {1},
pages = {19--26},
title = {{The Concept of Readability}},
volume = {26},
year = {1949}
}
@article{Bryson2010,
abstract = {This article explores the potential links and contradictions between conservatism and feminism in the light of the British Conservative Party's recent claim to ‘ideological renewal' under David Cameron. It identifies a number of long-standing, significant and sometimes unexpected overlaps and resonances between some conservative ideas as these have developed in the party over time, and some elements of feminist thought. However, the article also argues that no strand of conservative thought supports the robust analysis that would be needed to tackle entrenched gender inequalities and injustices, while many of the party's underlying assumptions are deeply anti-feminist. This means that Cameron's pro-feminist rhetoric is likely to be both divisive and incapable of realization, so that a focus on feminism highlights the hazardous nature of his attempt at ideological renewal.},
annote = {{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 31) “At first sight, feminism and conservatism appear to be at opposite sides of any ideological classification, whether this be left/right, traditional/radical, reactionary/progressive, individual/collective or forward-looking/backward-looking.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      Cameron made the ‘feminization' of the party a core part of the modernising agenda 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 32) “the senior Conservative politicians Theresa May has used the term Conservative feminism, worn the Fawcett T-shit, and challenged Cameron to follow her example.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “However, the article concludes that, even in its recent feminist-friendly guise, many of the party's underlying assumptions make it unlikely to pursue key feminist values and goals with any consistency or success.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 33) Difficult to pin down Conservativism as an ideology as there are many strands of it - Traditional Conservativism: “the rejection of radical change and the related insistence on the limitations of human reason and the importance of natural hierarchy, sentiment and tradition as the basis for social cohesion have been used to defend the ‘naturalness' of traditional gender roles and hierarchies and the folly of abandoning these in line with abstract principles of equal rights.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “This would view recognises the importance of women's nurturing and reproductive role while assuming that it will willingly be performed for love rather than money.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      Liberal conservatism: “The gender implications of the second set of tendencies, with its stress on individual rights and opportunities and the rational calculation and competitive pursuit of self-interest in the free market economy, are very different.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “The Darwinian logic of the competitive marketplace points to a full meritocracy, leaving no room for discrimination against competent and qualified women in economic or political life.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 35) The New Right and Thatcherism: “conservative thinking during this period depended on a model of the free and independent individual that women were encouraged to aspire to in principle but excluded from in practice.”},
author = {Bryson, Valerie and Heppell, Timothy},
doi = {10.1080/13569310903512209},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Bryson, Heppell - 2010 - Conservatism and feminism the case of the British Conservative Party.pdf:pdf},
isbn = {1356931090351},
issn = {13569317},
journal = {Journal of Political Ideologies},
number = {1},
pages = {31--50},
title = {{Conservatism and feminism: the case of the British Conservative Party}},
url = {http://link.springer.com/10.3103/S1068335614090036},
volume = {15},
year = {2010}
}
@book{Heath2013,
address = {Oxford},
author = {Heath, Anthony F. and Fisher, Stephen D. and Rosenblatt, Gemma and Sanders, David and Sobolewska, Maria},
publisher = {Oxford University Press},
title = {{The Political Integration of Ethnic Minorities in Britain}},
year = {2013}
}
@incollection{Shaw2006,
address = {Basingstoke, UK},
annote = {{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 81) “In possibly no profession other than politics does success depend so strongly upon an individual's ability to speak effectively in public and often adversarial contexts.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “Parliaments have been almost exclusively the realm of male politicians until the latter half of the twentieth century, and as they are governed by rules devised to constrain the debate discourse they provide a unique context within which to examine the relationship between language use, gender and power in public institutions.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 82) “It has been claimed that ‘institutions are organised to define, demonstrate and enforce the legitimacy and authority of linguistic strategies used by one gender – or men of one class or ethnic group – whilst denying the power of others' (Gal, 1991: 188). This means that women's language and behaviour are more likely than that of male colleagues to be affected by contradictory expectations and institutional constraints.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 84) “Previous research into political debates suggests women do not transgress rules to gain advantage in debates as much as their male counterparts.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “Christie's (2003) work on language, gender and politeness in political debates found that women MPs in House of Commons debates conform to transactional discourse norms. Women MPs in Christie's data corpus were not repetitive and managed to be sufficiently brief, whereas male MPs were admonished by the Speaker (moderator) 30 times for breaching these rules.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 85) “The rules governing parliamentary language ensure that exchanges do not become too personal and confrontational and include the rule that all speeches should be addressed to the Speaker and not directly to a political opponent.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 89) “Not only are women more ‘visible' than men in this forum (Puwar, 2004) but they may have to work harder than men to gain respect and be seen as equal colleagues.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 92) “As male speakers made 90 per cent of all the individual illegal utterances in five debates this suggests that this type of rule-breaking has to some degree been accepted as a masculine ‘norm' in debates.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 94) “women are disadvantaged by their reluctance to transgress these rules” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 95) “These examples show that women MPs may be more conscious of adhering to debate rules than their male colleagues. One explanation for this could be that women MPs consciously choose to behave differently by rejecting the male, elitist, old-fashioned traditions of the House of Commons. This would mean that women MPs are choosing not to break the rules in debates.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “But it could be that women MPs are actively seeking to alter the culture and norms of the debating chamber.”},
author = {Shaw, Sylvia},
booktitle = {Speaking Out: The Female Voice in Public Contexts},
editor = {Baxter, Judith},
pages = {81--95},
publisher = {Palgrave Macmillan},
title = {{Governed by the Rules?: The Female Voice in Parliamentary Debates}},
year = {2006}
}
@article{Chaney2012,
abstract = {Recent theory-building on the substantive representation of women (SRW) in parliamentary settings contends that in addition to traditional concerns about achieving a ‘critical mass' of women, scholars need to question who the ‘critical actors' are. Analysis of a range of deliberative functions of the Scottish Parliament supports the critical actor thesis—yet, while female critical actors have disproportionate policy-making influence, the present study adds to contemporary understanding by highlighting that it is how critical actors interact with critical mass that plays a key role in the SRW. Thus future work needs to be cognisant of a range of factors shaping critical mass/critical actor interaction, including: institutional mechanisms, type of parliamentary proceed- ing, party allegiance and whether women representatives belong to the party forming the executive. Keywords:},
author = {Chaney, Paul},
doi = {10.1111/j.1467-856X.2011.00467.x},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Chaney - 2012 - Critical Actors vs. Critical Mass The Substantive Representation of Women in the Scottish Parliament.pdf:pdf},
isbn = {1467-856X},
issn = {13691481},
journal = {British Journal of Politics and International Relations},
keywords = {Deliberation,Representation,Scottish Parliament,Women},
number = {3},
pages = {441--457},
title = {{Critical Actors vs. Critical Mass: The Substantive Representation of Women in the Scottish Parliament}},
volume = {14},
year = {2012}
}
@article{Biernat1994,
abstract = {Four studies tested a model of stereotype-based shifts in judgment standards developed by M. Biernat, M. Manis, and T. E. Nelson (1991). The model suggests that subjective judgments of target persons from different social groups may fail to reveal the stereotyped expectations of judges, because they invite the use of different evaluative standards; more "objective" or common rule indicators reduce such standard shifts. The stereotypes that men are more competent than women, women are more verbally able than men, Whites are more verbally able than Blacks, and Blacks are more athletic than Whites were successfully used to demonstrate the shifting standards phenomenon. Several individual-difference measures were also effective in predicting differential susceptibility to standard shifts, and direct evidence was provided that differing comparison standards account for substantial differences in target ratings. {\textcopyright} 1994 American Psychological Association.},
author = {Biernat, Monica and Manis, Melvin},
doi = {10.1037/0022-3514.66.1.5},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Biernat, Manis - 1994 - Shifting Standards and Stereotype-Based Judgments.pdf:pdf},
issn = {00223514},
journal = {Journal of Personality and Social Psychology},
number = {1},
pages = {5--20},
pmid = {8126651},
title = {{Shifting Standards and Stereotype-Based Judgments}},
volume = {66},
year = {1994}
}
@article{Anderson2012,
abstract = {Human voice pitch research has focused on perceptions of attractiveness, strength, and social dominance. Here we examine the influence of pitch on selection of leaders, and whether this influence varies by leadership role. Male and female leaders with lower-pitched (i.e., masculine) voices are generally preferred by both men and women. We asked whether this preference shifts to favor higher-pitch (i.e., feminine) voices within the specific context of leadership positions that are typically held by women (i.e., feminine leadership roles). In hypothetical elections for two such positions, men and women listened to pairs of male and female voices that differed only in pitch, and were asked which of each pair they would vote for. As in previous studies, men and women preferred female candidates with masculine voices. Likewise, men preferred men with masculine voices. Women, however, did not discriminate between male voices. Overall, contrary to research showing that perceptions of voice pitch can be influenced by social context, these results suggest that the influence of voice pitch on perceptions of leadership capacity is largely consistent across different domains of leadership.},
author = {Anderson, R C and Klofstad, C A},
doi = {10.1371/journal.pone.0051216},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Anderson, Klofstad - 2012 - Preference for Leaders with Masculine Voices Holds in the Case of Feminine Leadership Roles.pdf:pdf},
journal = {PLoS ONE},
number = {12},
pages = {51216},
title = {{Preference For Leaders with Masculine Voices Holds in the Case of Feminine Leadership Roles}},
volume = {7},
year = {2012}
}
@book{Jewell1994,
abstract = {A pioneering study of leadership styles at the state level.},
address = {Ann Arbor},
annote = {Primary method: interviews with approximately 100 legislators in 22 states (including with house speakers, elected presiding officers in the senate, majority and minority leaders, assistant leaders and other leadership positions) 

About a third of interviewees were women 

- (p. 1) seek to determine what makes some leaders stronger and more effective than others 
- Looking in American state legislatures 
- (p. 2) intend to show variation in styles, goals, tactics and to define the characteristics of leadership on which the most important differences occur

Factors affecting leadership: institutional context
- (p. 8) institutional power is important - leaders in legislatures that are strong relative to the governor and executive branch agencies will exert greater influence on policy outcomes, leaders in legislatures that are weak relative to the governor and executive branch will exert less influence influence on policy outcomes
- Representative character of the legislature: diverse legislatures mean leaders may have to cautiously act in response to public opinion, interest groups etc. 
- Party polarisation
- Intralegislative centralisation of power: the greater the centralisation of power, the greater the ability of majority-party leadership to influence policy outcomes 
- Professionalisation: provides resources to individual members, hence gain more experience and political independence. Professionalisation is inversely related to the ability of legislative leaders to influence policy outcomes 

Factors affecting leadership: personal leadership type 
- (p. 10) personal leadership style may differ - e.g. style and goals 
- leadership style may range from a command style throuh a coordinating style to a consensual style 
- (p. 11) develops two dimensions of leadership style and goals into nine legislative types - create an 'Index of Political Leadership'

- (p. 18) Leaders need to be many things, offer juggling competing personalities - e.g. confident but not cocky; determine yet flexible; communicative yet analytical 

Leadership types
- (p. 19)Transforming leadership: can be intellectual, reforming, heroic 
- Transactional leadership: opinion, group, party, executive, legislative leadership

Legislative leaders exert important influence in their roles: 
1. gatekeepers who can delay or block policy adoption
2. coalition builders who pass legislation
3. negotiators who affect the content of policy initiatives 
4. communicators with the broader public who affect policy acceptance 
5. spokespersons for underrepresented minorities
6. engineers of the legislative process who make it more or less participative
7. tone setters for ethics in state government
8. comonitors of policy implementation with governor and key executive branch leaders 
9. mentors to youner legislators and ambitious local leaders
10. sometimes trainees for higher state and national office
11. simultaneous party leaders who influence state policy platforms

- (p. 39) Hypothesing that leaders should be stronger and command broader support if legislatures are more representative 

- (p. 58) Places fairly high importance on the partisan composition of the legislature - e.g. what party is the leader from, is this the majority or minority party 
- Worth consideringt the importance of this in my own work
- Also considers the tenure and seniority of leaders, both of which are likely to be important - I should also consider seniority in my own work (they measure seniority in regards to term lengths)

(p. 125) Style of leadership: command, coordinating and consensus styles 

Command style:
- have a high need to control the behaviour of others 
- they will minimise participation from other legislators and encourage decision making by a small group 

Coordinating leadership style:
- (p. 127) moderate need to control the behaviour of others 
- is oriented towards negotiating over conflict 
- solicits some participation by rank and file legislators but not continuously 
- coordinates decision making in a small group 
- is deliberative, balancing action with debate and discussion 

Consensus leadership style:
- (p. 128) low need to control the behaviour of others 
- is oriented toward accommodating conflcit 
- encourages participation by rank and file legislators 
- discourages decision making by a small grouo of leaders 
- emphasises debate and discussion at the expense of actiion 
- consults minority party leaders about minority party committee assignments 

Goals of leadership: power, policy and process goals

Power leadership goals:
- (p. 130) has a high need to control personal institutional role and will only pursue roles that enhance career mobility and ambitions 
- is focused upon the inputs, especially personal inputs, into the policy process

Policy leadership goals:
- (p. 132) moderate need to control personal institutional role and will pursue a moderate array of roles only as long as they do not conflict with obtaining desired policy outcomes 
- is focused on the outputs of the policy process 
- motivated to run for the legislature for concern over a specific issue or desire to implement a specific agenda 
- is willing to challenge entrenched representatives/leaders who are on the wrong side of the issues 

Process leadership goals 
- (p. 134) low need to control personal institutional role and will embrace any role that enhances the functioning of the diverse, norm-bound legislature
- is focused on the mechanics of the policy process 
- isn't concerned with power 

These 3 styles and 3 goals interact to form 9 types of legislative leadership (p. 136)
1. Command-power (dominant 1) - high need to control others and a high need to control their own personal institutional roles to assure career ambitions. Could be perceived as self-centred and career driven with no compensating focus on policy outputs (most likely to arouse dissent among fellow legislators) 
2. Coordinating-power (hybrid 2) - moderate need to control the behaviour of others juxtaposed with a high need to control their own careers within the institution to enhance their own ambitions. Usually negotiates conflict, focuses on the inputs of the policy process, and takes occasional ideological stands with being strongly ideological 
3. Consensus-power (recessive 3) - a low need to control others but are very personally ambitious, with a high need to control personal institutional roles within the legislatures. They are supportive, democratic, persuasive on issues, and interested in teaching or showing the value of preferred positions. Women who strongly support feminist values and the incorporation of women into the political process are most likely to be this type. 
4. Command-policy (hybrid 2) - strong need to control others and a moderate need to control their own personal institutional roles to influence desired policy outcomes. They are strong, directive, ideological, visionary, partisan, distrustful of those who do not vote right
5. Coordinating-policy (dominating 3) - moderate need to control others and a moderate need to control their own personal institutional roles to assure that both personal success is compatible with desired policy outcomes. Typcally they are strong negotiators when confronted with conflict, they focus on outputs of the policy process, and build coalitions to achieve policy goals 
6. Consensus-policy (hybrid 4) - combining a low need to control others with a moderate need to control personal institutional role, consensus-policy leaders strive to assure compatibility of leadership tasks undertaken with desired policy goals. Focusing on polic outputs, this leadership type does not engage in coercive or semicoercive tactics but rather adopts an accommodating style. They are supportive and democratic, persuasive on issues, interested in teaching or showing the value of preferred policy positions. However they stop short of pushing policy preferences at the expense of relationship with fellow legislators
7. Command-process (recessive 3) - strong and controlling concering the behaviour of others but only weakly controlling concerning personal institutional roles. Oriented towards a legislative career and often concerned with modernisation and institutional improvements. May at times be ruthless against competitors and has the strongest ego identity within the legislature 
8. Coordinating-process (hybrid 4) - matches a moderate need to control the behaviour of others with a low need to control personal institutional roles. They will embrace many leadership tasks and focus on the mechanics of the policy process. Negotiation is the preferred method of dealing with conflict. They will attempt to prevent excesses by others and will promote smooth legislative functioning 
9. Consensus-process (dominant 5) - a low need to control the behaviour of others and to control their institutional context. They are supportive, conciliatory, eager to let everyone have a say, free with information, and concerned with feelings of fellow legislators and harmony

Gender and leadership styles:
- (p. 145) Command is seen as male 
- Coordinating is seen as male or female 
- Consensus is seen as female 
- (p. 146) this was supported by the annecdotal evidence from the interviews 
- "Both male and female leaders described their own leadership style, often in some detail. Male leaders ranged widely along the continuum from command to consensus leaders. Women were more likely to articulate their style in terms of consensus, though some fit the coordinating pattern." 
- Also asked to speak about general differences they had observed between male and female leaders - in general the consensus style was emphasised 
- Men often described as more assertive and manipulative, more likely to use rewards and punishments, more concerned with asserting themselves, more likely to be risk takers, and 'take up more space'
- Women are often described as harder working, less manipulative, more willing to listen to others, and work harder at consensus building 

Gender and leadership goals:
- (p. 152) suggested that male legislators are more likely than female colleagues to have long term career interests and are often more ambitious to gain and hold onto top leadership positions or to run for higher office beyond the legislature 
- More challenging to determine differences between policy goals, except some women specifically focus on women's issues

Impact of the five factors affecting leadership on women as potential leaders
- (p. 166) State political party system: women may have more opportunities to run in more competitive districts but will face more opposition in districts their party dominates. The stronger the state party organisation, the less the likelihood women will be legislative leaders 
- Legislative representativeness: as representativeness for women increases, opportunity for women to become leaders increases
- Professionalisation: as professionalisation of legislature increases, demands on time of leaders increase, making role more difficult for women to assume; but it also requires styles of leadership that fit women well
- Term limitations: increase the possibility of more women being elected and more serving as leaders 
- Majority-party position: women are likely to become minority-party leaders than majority-party leaders 
- Size of party majority and nature of partisan coalitions: in a two-party context, larger majorities increase the probability women will become leaders 
- Techniques for influencing committees: women may be particularly effective in negotiating with committees, but are less likely to use rules committee aggressively 
- Techniques for controlling caucuses: women are less likely to use a command style in running a party caucus and more likely to build consensus

- (p. 179) Most women are found to be either consensus or coordinating leaders; more than half of the men are coordinating leaders, and among the others there is a slight preference for the command style 
- Women are much more likely than men to be consensus leaders and much less likely to be command leaders},
author = {Jewell, Malcolm E. and Whicker, Marcia Lynn},
isbn = {978-0472105175},
pages = {232},
publisher = {University of Michigan Press},
title = {{Legislative Leadership in the American States}},
year = {1994}
}
@article{Martin2011a,
author = {Martin, Shane},
doi = {10.1080/13572334.2011.595120},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Martin - 2011 - Parliamentary Questions, the Behaviour of Legislators, and the Function of Legislatures An Introduction.pdf:pdf},
issn = {1743-9337},
journal = {The Journal of Legislative Studies},
number = {3},
pages = {259--270},
title = {{Parliamentary Questions, the Behaviour of Legislators, and the Function of Legislatures: An Introduction}},
url = {https://www.tandfonline.com/action/journalInformation?journalCode=fjls20},
volume = {17},
year = {2011}
}
@article{Rosenwasser1988,
author = {Rosenwasser, S. M. and Seale, J.},
journal = {Political Psychology},
number = {4},
pages = {591--598},
title = {{Attitudes toward a hypothetical male or female presidential candidate: A research note}},
volume = {9},
year = {1988}
}
@article{Gerber2018,
abstract = {This article analyses deliberative direct democracy. It asks whether ordinary citizens are willing and able to deliberate and whether their participation in policy-making has the intended effect. We apply Bayesian logistic analyses to 500 speeches held between 2000 and 2012 at the Glarus citizen assembly. We find that every second government proposal is challenged through deliberation, with success to be higher if well argued for. However, politicians are both better at deliberating and more successful than ordinary citizens. Thus, citizens still need the political elite to do their bidding - or at least not to argue well when opposing them.},
author = {Gerber, Marl{\`{e}}ne and Mueller, Sean},
doi = {10.1332/030557317X14976099453327},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Gerber, Mueller - 2018 - When the people speak - and decide Deliberation and direct democracy in the citizen assembly of Glarus, Switzer.pdf:pdf},
issn = {14708442},
journal = {Policy {\&} Politics},
keywords = {Deliberation,Direct democracy,Policy-making,Switzerland},
number = {3},
pages = {371--390},
title = {{When the people speak - and decide: Deliberation and direct democracy in the citizen assembly of Glarus, Switzerland}},
volume = {46},
year = {2018}
}
@article{Fulton2006,
abstract = {Do men and women differ in their decisionmaking calculus for higher office? To answer this question, we use a survey of state legislators (SLs) in 1998 to examine the conditions under which male and female SLs seek a position in the U.S. House of Representatives. We consider three ways in which gender may influence ambition and the decision to run—indirectly, directly, and interactively—and we find evidence of all three effects. Female state legislators are less ambitious than males for a U.S. House seat, a difference that largely stems from gender disparities in child-care responsibilities. However, despite their lower ambition, female SLs are just as likely as their male counterparts to seek a congressional position. This apparent puzzle is solved by the finding that the expected benefit of office mediates the relationship between ambition and the likelihood of running. Female SLs are much more responsive to the expected benefit of office than are males, offsetting their diminished ambition level. The sense of a woman is reflected in female state legislators' increased sensitivity to the strategic considerations surrounding a congressional candidacy. Because men and women respond differently to the intersection of ambition and opportunity, gender constitutes an important, yet often neglected, explanatory variable in the decision-to-run calculus.},
author = {Fulton, Sarah A. and Maestas, Cherie D. and Maisel, Sandy L. and Stone, Walter J.},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Fulton et al. - 2006 - The Sense of a Woman Gender, Ambition, and the Decision to Run for Congress.pdf:pdf},
journal = {Political Research Quarterly},
number = {2},
pages = {235--248},
title = {{The Sense of a Woman: Gender, Ambition, and the Decision to Run for Congress}},
volume = {59},
year = {2006}
}
@book{Braden1996,
address = {Lexington},
author = {Braden, Maria},
publisher = {University Press of Kentucky},
title = {{Women Politicians and the Media}},
year = {1996}
}
@article{Desposato2009,
abstract = {While a substantial literature explores gender differences in participation in the United States, Commonwealth countries and Western Europe, little attention has been given to gender's impact on participation in the developing world. These countries have diverse experiences with gender politics: some have been leaders in suffrage reforms and equal rights, while, in others, divorce has only recently been legalized. This article examines the relationship between gender and participation in seventeen Latin American countries. Many core results from research in the developed world hold in Latin America as well. Surprisingly, however, there is no evidence that economic development provides an impetus for more equal levels of participation. Instead, the most important contextual factors are civil liberties and women's presence among the visible political elite.},
author = {Desposato, Scott and Norrander, Barbara},
doi = {10.1017/S0007123408000458},
journal = {British Journal of Political Science},
number = {1},
pages = {141--162},
title = {{The Gender Gap in Latin America: Contextual and Individual Influences on Gender and Political Participation}},
volume = {39},
year = {2009}
}
@book{Campbell1989,
address = {Westport},
author = {Campbell, K. K.},
publisher = {Praeger},
title = {{Man cannot speak for her: A critical study of early feminist rhetoric}},
year = {1989}
}
@article{Bisgaard2019,
abstract = {Scholars often evaluate citizens' democratic competence by focusing on their ability to get relevant facts right. In this article, I show why this approach can yield misleading conclusions about citizen competence. I argue that although citizens with strong partisan loyalties might be forced to accept the same facts, they find alternative ways to rationalize reality. One such way, I show, is through the selective attribution of credit and blame. With four randomized experiments, conducted in diverse national settings and containing closed- as well as open-ended questions, I find that as partisans correctly updated economic beliefs to reflect new facts, they conversely attributed responsibility in a highly selective fashion. Although partisans might acknowledge the same facts, they are apt in seizing on and producing attributional arguments that fit their preferred worldviews.},
author = {Bisgaard, Martin},
doi = {10.1111/ajps.12432},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Bisgaard - 2019 - How Getting the Facts Right Can Fuel Partisan-Motivated Reasoning.pdf:pdf},
issn = {15405907},
journal = {American Journal of Political Science},
number = {4},
pages = {824--839},
title = {{How Getting the Facts Right Can Fuel Partisan-Motivated Reasoning}},
volume = {63},
year = {2019}
}
@article{Hager2020,
abstract = {Does public opinion affect political speech? Of particular interest is whether public opinion affects (i) what topics politicians address and (ii) what positions they endorse. We present evidence from Germany where the government was recently forced to declassify its public opinion research, allowing us to link the content of the research to subsequent speeches. Our causal identification strategy exploits the exogenous timing of the research's dissemination to cabinet members within a window of a few days. We find that exposure to public opinion research leads politicians to markedly change their speech. First, we show that linguistic similarity between political speech and public opinion research increases significantly after reports are passed on to the cabinet, suggesting that politicians change the topics they address. Second, we demonstrate that exposure to public opinion research alters politicians' substantive positions in the direction of majority opinion.},
author = {Hager, Anselm and Hilbig, Hanno},
doi = {10.1111/ajps.12516},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Hager, Hilbig - 2020 - Does Public Opinion Affect Political Speech.pdf:pdf},
issn = {15405907},
journal = {American Journal of Political Science},
number = {00},
pages = {1--17},
title = {{Does Public Opinion Affect Political Speech?}},
volume = {00},
year = {2020}
}
@article{Andersen2007,
abstract = {This article presents results from a Danish national Deliberative Poll on the single European currency. A representative sample of 364 Danish citizens assembled to deliberate on Denmark's participation in the single currency. As a quasi-experiment, the Deliberative Poll is an example of deliberative democracy. Four research questions regarding these deliberative processes are analyzed: openness and access, the quality of deliberation, efficiency and effectiveness, and publicity and accountability. The participants' responses reflect a deliberative process characterized by considerable changes in political opinions as the Poll proceeds, increase in level of knowledge and an improved ability to form reasoned opinions. A mutual understanding on the subject matter prevailed among the participants. At the same time, self-interest and domination also appeared during the deliberative process. The article emphasizes the need for further elaboration of the theory of deliberative democracy so that it better reflects these features of 'real-life' politics. {\textcopyright} 2007 The Author(s); Journal compilation {\textcopyright} 2007 (European Consortium for Political Research).},
author = {Andersen, Vibeke Normann and Hansen, Kasper M.},
doi = {10.1111/j.1475-6765.2007.00699.x},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Andersen, Hansen - 2007 - How deliberation makes better citizens The Danish Deliberative Poll on the euro.pdf:pdf},
issn = {03044130},
journal = {European Journal of Political Research},
number = {4},
pages = {531--556},
title = {{How deliberation makes better citizens: The Danish Deliberative Poll on the euro}},
volume = {46},
year = {2007}
}
@article{Humphreys2006,
abstract = {Despite a widespread trend toward the adoption of increasingly participatory approaches to political decision making in developing countries, there is little or no evidence that these practices in fact return the benefits attributed to them. This article investigates one specific worry—that participatory decision-making processes may be vulnerable to manipulation by elites. The authors report on a field experiment, drawing on a unique nationwide experiment in democratic deliberation in S{\~{a}}o Tom{\'{e}} and Pr{\'{i}}ncipe in which the discussion leaders were randomly assigned across meetings. The randomization procedure provides a rare opportunity to identify the impact of leaders on the outcomes of group deliberations. They find that leader effects were extremely large, in many cases accounting for over one-third of all variation in the outcomes of the national discussions. These results have important implications for the design of such deliberative practices. While the total effect of leadership cannot be assessed, it may still be possible to observe when leader influence occurs and to correct for leader effects in comparisons of outcomes across deliberations.},
author = {Humphreys, Macartan and Masters, William A. and Sandbu, Martin E.},
doi = {10.1353/wp.2007.0008},
file = {:Users/lotte/Dropbox/PhD/topic{\_}project/lit/40060150.pdf:pdf},
issn = {0043-8871},
journal = {World Politics},
number = {4},
pages = {583--622},
title = {{The Role of Leaders in Democratic Deliberations: Results from a Field Experiment in S{\~{a}}o Tom{\'{e}} and Pr{\'{i}}ncipe}},
volume = {58},
year = {2006}
}
@article{Sanbonmatsu2009,
abstract = {Voters hold stereotypes about candidate gender and candidate party. Yet little is known about the intersection of gender and party stereotypes. In this article, we investigate whether gender stereotypes transcend party. We consider whether gender stereotypes affect woman politicians differently by party and examine the effect of partisan identification on gender stereotypes. We find that the public perceives gender differences within both political parties. Thus the presence of the party cue does not preclude a role for candidate gender. However, we also find that the implications of gender stereotypes are somewhat different for Democratic and Republican women.},
author = {Sanbonmatsu, Kira and Dolan, Kathleen},
doi = {10.1177/1065912908322416},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Sanbonmatsu, Dolan - 2009 - Do Gender Stereotypes Transcend Party.pdf:pdf},
journal = {Political Research Quarterly},
keywords = {gender stereotypes,party,women candidates},
number = {3},
pages = {485--494},
title = {{Do Gender Stereotypes Transcend Party?}},
volume = {62},
year = {2009}
}
@article{Sharrow2018,
author = {Sharrow, Elizabeth A. and Rhodes, Jesse H. and Nteta, Tatishe M. and Greenlee, Jill S.},
doi = {10.1093/poq/nfy037},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Sharrow et al. - 2018 - The First-Daughter Effect The Impact of Fathering Daughters on Men's Preferences for Gender-Equality Policies.pdf:pdf},
journal = {Public Opinion Quarterly},
number = {3},
pages = {493--523},
title = {{The First-Daughter Effect The Impact of Fathering Daughters on Men's Preferences for Gender-Equality Policies}},
volume = {82},
year = {2018}
}
@article{CatalanoWeeks2019,
abstract = {In light of increasing numbers of women in politics, extant research has examined the role of women in the parliamentary party on agenda-setting. This paper complements that literature by exploring the effect of a gendered institution theorized to promote both numbers of women and awareness of women's interests: gender quota laws. I suggest that after a quota law, parties could have incentives to either reduce (backlash effect) or increase (salience effect) attention to women's policy concerns. Using matching and regression methods with a panel data set of parties in advanced democracies, I find that parties in countries that implement a quota law devote more attention to social justice issues in their manifestos than similar parties in countries without a quota. Furthermore, the paper shows that this effect is driven entirely by the law itself. Contrary to expectations, quota laws are not associated with increases in women in my (short-term) sample; it is thus no surprise that no evidence of an indirect effect through numbers of women is found. I interpret the findings as evidence of quota contagion, whereby quotas cue party leaders to compete on gender equality issues.},
author = {Weeks, Ana Catalano},
doi = {10.1177/1065912918809493},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Catalano Weeks - 2019 - Quotas and Party Priorities Direct and Indirect Effects of Quota Laws.pdf:pdf},
issn = {10659129},
journal = {Political Research Quarterly},
keywords = {agenda-setting,gender quotas,political parties,representation},
number = {4},
pages = {849--862},
title = {{Quotas and Party Priorities: Direct and Indirect Effects of Quota Laws}},
volume = {72},
year = {2019}
}
@article{Aydemir2016,
abstract = {This article focuses on how often and in what ways 'minority representatives' address cultural and/or religious rights and freedoms by analysing parliamentary questions between 2002 and 2012. The research first analysed to what extent, if any, Member of Parliaments of minority origin highlight minority-related issues in their parliamentary questions. Thereafter, it analysed the content of those questions in more detail. Unlike much previous research, we did not take a favourable content for granted. The idea of 'suppressive representation' was introduced to describe those cases in which 'minority representatives' were restrictive towards cultural and/or religious freedoms of 'immigrant minorities'. Representation patterns show differences across group-and individual-level identities.},
author = {Aydemir, Nermin and Vliegenthart, Rens},
doi = {10.1093/pa/gsv009},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Aydemir, Vliegenthart - 2016 - Minority Representatives' in the Netherlands Supporting, Silencing or Suppressing.pdf:pdf},
issn = {14602482},
journal = {Parliamentary Affairs},
keywords = {Content analysis,Minority,Political representation,Supportive and suppressive representation,The Netherlands},
number = {1},
pages = {73--92},
title = {{Minority Representatives' in the Netherlands: Supporting, Silencing or Suppressing?}},
volume = {69},
year = {2016}
}
@article{Bratton2005,
abstract = {Research on women and representation has argued that women who serve in “skewed” legislatures—that is, legislatures in which women make up less than 15{\%} of the membership—avoid addressing women's interests and are marginalized by other legislators. I argue that women in such legislatures may actually be encouraged to develop legislative agendas that are distinct from those of their male colleagues, and that they may be as successful as their male counterparts. Analyzing data from three state legislatures in four years, I find that even in extremely skewed state legislatures, women are generally more active than men in sponsoring legislation that focuses on women's interests; indeed, in two of the three states, gender differences narrow as the legislature becomes more gender balanced. Second, I find that women are generally as successful as men in passing the legislation that they sponsor, and that in very homogeneous settings, they are sometimes more successful than men. Moreover, little evidence exists that they are less likely to be appointed to leadership positions. Finally, I find that increasing gender diversity within a legislature is accompanied by a greater overall focus on women's issues. I conclude that a “critical mass” is not necessary for substantive representation on the part of individual female state legislators, but that increased diversity may indeed bring about changes in policy outputs that reflect the interests of women.},
annote = {{\textperiodcentered}      Counter to the assumption that women who represent in ‘skewed' legislatures ({\textless}15{\%}) won't address women's interests and be marginalised. This article argues that these women may be encouraged to develop legislative agendas that are distinct from those of their male colleagues 
{\textperiodcentered}      Method: analyses data from three state legislatures in four years 
{\textperiodcentered}      Findings: even in skewed state legislatures women are generally more active than men in sponsoring legislation that focuses on women's interests 
{\textperiodcentered}      Findings: women are generally as successful as men in passing the legislation that they sponsor, and in very homogeneous settings they are sometimes more successful than men 
{\textperiodcentered}      Finding: increasing gender diversity in legislatures is typically accompanied by a greater focus on women's issues 
{\textperiodcentered}      Conclusion: ‘critical mass' not necessary for substantive representation on the part of individual female state legislators, but that increased diversity may indeed bring about changes in policy outputs that reflect the interests of women 
{\textperiodcentered}      Kanter (1977: 973) women may downplay group differences trying to “blend unnoticeably into the predominant male culture” – whereas in more equitable contexts women may become less isolated and may affect group processes and the organisation's culture 
{\textperiodcentered}      See p. 106 for a breakdown of how earlier studies have approached the division of men's and women's issues 
{\textperiodcentered}      Findings/implications: results suggest that as the number of women in a legislature grows, so does the potential for changes in the day-to-day lives of female citizens. Even if on an individual level behaviour and success of women does not depend on the gender composition of the legislature, an increase in the number of women legislators over time may well be accompanied by changes in the institution itself and the policies it produces},
author = {Bratton, Kathleen A},
doi = {10.1017/S1743923X0505004X},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Bratton - 2005 - Critical Mass Theory Revisited The Behavior and Success of Token Women in State Legislatures.pdf:pdf},
journal = {Politics {\&} Gender},
number = {1},
pages = {97--125},
title = {{Critical Mass Theory Revisited: The Behavior and Success of Token Women in State Legislatures}},
url = {https://doi.org/10.1017/S1743923X0505004X},
volume = {1},
year = {2005}
}
@article{Blau2013,
author = {Blau, Francine D. and Brummund, Peter and Liu, Albert Yung-Hsu},
journal = {Demography},
number = {2},
pages = {471--492},
title = {{Trends in Occupational Segregation by Gender 1970–2009: Adjusting for the Impact of Changes in the Occupational Coding System}},
volume = {50},
year = {2013}
}
@article{Shogan2001,
abstract = {This study demonstrates that Republican female House members invoke women in their public statements at the same frequency as their Democratic counterparts. Despite this congruency, the specific issues that female partisan legislators emphasize when they invoke women in their statements are quite different. Republican women discuss how tax, business, and pension laws affect working women while Democratic female representatives concern themselves with laudatory tributes and funding for welfare state programs. In addition to controlling for party, the explanatory variable of race is also introduced to explain variation in emphasis, particularly regarding the issue of abortion. Congressional Record entries contributed by the female members of the 105th Congress in 1997 serve as the data for this analysis.},
author = {Shogan, Colleen J},
doi = {10.1300/J014v23n01_08},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Shogan - 2001 - Speaking Out An Analysis of Democratic and Republican Woman-Invoked Rhetoric in the 105th Congress.pdf:pdf},
journal = {Women {\&} Politics},
number = {1-2},
pages = {129--146},
title = {{Speaking Out: An Analysis of Democratic and Republican Woman-Invoked Rhetoric in the 105th Congress}},
volume = {21},
year = {2001}
}
@article{Yoder1991,
abstract = { The purpose of this article is to assess Rosabeth Moss Kanter 's work on tokenism in light of more
 than a decade of research and discussion. While Kanter argued that performance pressures,
 social isolation, and role encapsulation were the consequences of disproportionate numbers of
 women and men in a workplace, a review of empirical data concludes that these outcomes occur
 only for token women in gender-inappropriate occupations. Furthermore, Kanter's emphasis on
 number balancing as a social-change strategy failed to anticipate backlash from dominants.
 Blalock's theory of intrusiveness suggests that surges in the number of lower-status members
 threaten dominants, thereby increasing gender discrimination in the forms of sexual harassment,
 wage inequities, and limited opportunities for promotion. Although Kanter's analysis of the
 individual consequences of tokenism was compelling to researchers and organizational change
 agents, continued reliance on numbers as the theoretical cause of, and as the solution to, gender
 discrimination in the workplace neglects the complexities of gender integration. },
author = {Yoder, Janice D},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Yoder - 1991 - Rethinking Tokenism Looking beyond Numbers.pdf:pdf},
journal = {Gender and Society},
number = {2},
pages = {178--192},
title = {{Rethinking Tokenism: Looking beyond Numbers}},
url = {https://about.jstor.org/terms},
volume = {5},
year = {1991}
}
@book{Meyrowitz1985,
address = {Oxford},
author = {Meyrowitz, Joshua},
publisher = {Oxford University Press},
title = {{No Sense of Place: The Impact of Electronic Media on Social Behavior}},
year = {1985}
}
@article{Perales2018,
author = {Perales, Francisco and Jarallah, Yara and Baxter, Janeen},
doi = {10.1093/sf/soy015},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Perales, Jarallah, Baxter - 2018 - Men's and Women's Gender-Role Attitudes across the Transition to Parenthood Accounting for Child'.pdf:pdf},
journal = {Social Forces},
number = {1},
pages = {251--276},
title = {{Men's and Women's Gender-Role Attitudes across the Transition to Parenthood: Accounting for Child's Gender}},
volume = {97},
year = {2018}
}
@article{Klingler2018,
abstract = {Recent work in the study of legislative politics has uncovered associations between the Big Five personality traits and myriad phenomena in the United States Congress. This literature raises new questions about political representation in terms of the Big Five, specifically, whether voters are more likely to support legislators with similar personality traits to their own, who would presumably have similar process preferences, or legislators with valence personality traits, regardless of congruence, which are associated with better leadership. We first revisit the measurement validity of voter assessments of legislator personality in the 2014 and 2016 Cooperative Congressional Election Studies to demonstrate that such survey items are meaningful. Subsequently, we use these data to construct measures of personality congruence and valence and apply them to predict voters' job approval of legislators. Our results support the claim that voters evaluate legislators' job performance on the basis of perceived valence traits rather than legislators' congruence to voters' own personality dispositions.},
author = {Klingler, Jonathan D. and Hollibaugh, Gary E. and Ramey, Adam J.},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Klingler, Hollibaugh, Ramey - 2018 - What I Like About You Legislator Personality and Legislator Approval.pdf:pdf},
journal = {Political Behavior},
pages = {1--27},
title = {{What I Like About You: Legislator Personality and Legislator Approval}},
year = {2018}
}
@article{Seguino2007,
author = {Seguino, Stephanie},
journal = {Feminist Economics},
number = {2},
pages = {1--28},
title = {{Plus{\c{C}}a Change? Evidence on global trends in gender norms and stereotypes}},
volume = {13},
year = {2007}
}
@article{Risman2012,
abstract = {The study of sex and gender is now such a vibrant field of inquiry in the social sciences that it is easy to forget how recently research and theory on the topic was rare. At the start of the twentieth century, psycho-analysis was the state of the art, and the Electra and Oedipal complexes presumed to account for sex dif-ferences. Much has changed since then. In this article, we offer an intellectual history of scientific research and theory about gender, with particular although not exclusive attention to traditions developed in the North American context. We start with a brief overview of the evolution of biological theories that help explain sex differences. We then discuss how psy-chological theories built upon research findings to sharpen the conceptualization of gender as a personal-ity trait throughout the twentieth century. We focus most attention on dueling theories, and subsequent integrative ones within sociology. Here too, we argue that theoretical arguments framed research that often refuted the theory itself, thus spawning new research traditions. We discuss how sociology of gender has followed a normative scientific model as it has devel-oped over time, with theories tested by research, and reformulated based on evidence. Research findings have led to new theoretical formulations. In the con-clusion, we argue for the efficacy of using Risman's (1998, 2004) conceptualization of gender as a social stratification structure with consequences for individ-ual selves, interactional expectations of others, and embedded in organizations because it helps to organ-ize and advance research, analysis, and social justice projects.},
author = {Risman, Barbara J and Davis, Georgiann},
doi = {10.1177/205684601271},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Risman, Davis - 2012 - The birth and evolution of biological theories for sex difference.pdf:pdf},
isbn = {2056846012},
journal = {Sociopedia},
keywords = {and gender is now,and theory on the,field of inquiry in,forget how recently research,gender,gender structure,it is easy to,sex,stratification,such a vibrant,the social sciences that,the study of sex,topic},
pages = {1--16},
title = {{The birth and evolution of biological theories for sex difference}},
url = {http://www.sagepub.net/isa/resources/pdf/SexGender.pdf},
year = {2012}
}
@article{Wahman2021,
author = {Wahman, Michael and Frantzeskakis, Nikolaos and Yildirim, Tevfik Murat},
doi = {10.1017/S000305542100006X},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Wahman, Frantzeskakis, Yildirim - 2021 - From Thin to Thick Representation How a Female President Shapes Female Parliamentary Behavior.pdf:pdf},
journal = {American Political Science Review},
number = {2},
pages = {360--378},
title = {{From Thin to Thick Representation: How a Female President Shapes Female Parliamentary Behavior}},
volume = {115},
year = {2021}
}
@article{Strom1997,
author = {Str{\o}m, Kaare},
doi = {10.1080/13572339708420504},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Str{\o}m - 1997 - Rules, reasons and routines Legislative roles in parliamentary democracies.pdf:pdf},
issn = {1743-9337},
journal = {The Journal of Legislative Studies},
number = {1},
pages = {155--174},
title = {{Rules, Reasons and Routines: Legislative Roles in Parliamentary Democracies}},
volume = {3},
year = {1997}
}
@article{Smith2018a,
author = {Smith, David G. and Rosenstein, Judith E. and Nikolov, Margaret C.},
journal = {Harvard Business Review},
title = {{The Different Words We Use to Describe Male and Female Leaders}},
year = {2018}
}
@article{Campbell2015,
abstract = {The Feminization of the Conservative party was one of the most visible leitmotifs of Cameron's modernization strategy in the period 2005-2010. In this article we assess the extent to which the party, while in coalition with the Liberal Democrats from 2010-2015, delivered on its pre-2010 commitments for women. We consider two dimensions of feminizing politics; the descriptive representation of women within the Conservative party in the House and in Government, and the substantive representation of women's interests in the form of policy programmes and legislation. In respect of descriptive representation we find that the Conservative party has faltered since 2010: refusing to use quotas and even dropping the 2010 'A list' equality promotion strategy. Turning to the substantive representation of women it is clear that the Conservative party has instituted an array between these inclinations, although there is a tension between the party's liberal inclinations and its continued emphasis on the value of the traditional family. A more radical critique is levelled at the party's commitment to financial austerity and the disproportionate effect this has had on women; the question as to whether women are viewed as the target of spending cuts or collateral damage depends on whether one employs an economically liberal or more leftist definition of feminization.},
annote = {{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 148) “The Feminization of the Conservative party was one of the most visible leitmotifs of Cameron's modernization strategy in the period 2005–2010.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “We consider two dimensions of feminizing politics; the descriptive representation of women within the Conservative party in the House and in Government, and the substantive representation of women's interests in the form of policy programmes and legislation.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “In respect of descriptive representation we find that the Conservative party has faltered since 2010: refusing to use quotas and even dropping the 2010 ‘A list' equality promotion strategy. Turning to the substantive representation of women it is clear that the Conservative party has instituted an array between these inclinations, although there is a tension between the party's liberal inclinations and its continued emphasis on the value of the traditional family.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 149) “Most notably, the Coalition's austerity politics became an explicitly ‘feminist' issue (Campbell and Childs, 2015 forthcoming), with substantial criticism of economic policy on the grounds that it disproportionately and negatively impacted upon women. As the more likely users, employees, and beneficiaries of the welfare state, women would be, by definition, most affected by government cuts.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “Our approach is first to argue that women's substantive representation does not equal feminist substantive representation. Conservative actors may very well conceive of women's interests in ways that feminists will contest.”
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 151) “In 1997 Labour women MPs constituted 84 per cent of all women MPs, 81 per cent in 2001, 77 per cent in 2005 and 57 per cent in 2010.”
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 153) “Though the Party has maintained its equality promotion measures associated with Women2win, and the Party centre has continued to push the message of women's representation and to train selectorates, its strongest equality promotion measure, the ‘Priority' or ‘A' list was ‘quietly dropped'.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 154) “A number of the 2010 intake women MPs have been publicly critical of AWS, not least in the 2012 and 2014 parliamentary debates on the Speaker's Conference. Busy as Home Secretary, Theresa May has been the less high-profile party's spokesperson on the issue in this Parliament compared with the previous ones.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “They felt strongly that the male Party leadership was not taking women's under-representation sufficiently seriously and that it had walked away from the strong equality promotion measures of 2010.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 155) “Conservatives simply may not seek to act in a feminist fashion, even while they may still address women and women's issues.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 156) “On first blush feminism and conservatism appear polar opposites – the former seeks to overturn traditional gender relations, the latter to preserve them.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 157) “And yet there are Conservative women representatives in the United Kingdom, and elsewhere, who are today claiming to act for women, and in some instances also claiming to be feminists.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “They might not necessarily identify as feminists – although some do and do so publicly – but they will support a definition of ‘gender equality' (Dovi, 2008, p. 154), and seek to undermine rather than promote gender hierarchies (Dovi, 2008, p. 163). They will advocate policies to improve the situation for women or claim a right for women (Celis, 2003, p. 3), via cautious reform (Dillard, 2005), even as they recognize that perfect justice cannot be achieved because of human nature.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 158) “Women members are more pre-disposed to feminism than men, whether in terms of equal opportunities, women's suitability for politics, the impact of women's paid work on family life and child care.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “These findings have an additional purchase on feminization debates: the Conservative party may not want more women representatives but to represent its women voters/supporters/members' views it might well need women MPs, which takes us back from substantive representation to descriptive representation, the first dimension of feminization, with which we opened this piece.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “There is, however, an alternative reading of conservative feminization in general. The starting point is the acknowledgement of women's heterogeneity and the corresponding diversity of views among women (Celis and Childs, 2012); feminism does not speak for, or to, all women (Schreiber, 2008). One should not then be surprised to see a competition amongst political actors over what constitutes women's interests.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 163) “Conservative party modernization from 2005 onwards was supposed to have a female face: women's bodies – greater in number – would be a simple heuristic, confirming that the ‘nasty' Tory party, identified by May, was no more.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “In 2010 the Conservative Party was definitely more feminized than it had been hitherto (Childs and Webb, 2012). There were more Conservative women MPs returned to the House of Commons than ever before and the 2010 Manifesto offered a series of policies for women that addressed the balancing of work and family life, addressed violence against women, and addressed women and development concerns in particular.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “Feminization is however a process.”},
author = {Campbell, Rosie and Childs, Sarah},
doi = {10.1057/bp.2015.18},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Campbell, Childs - 2015 - Conservatism, feminisation and the representation of women in UK politics.pdf:pdf},
journal = {British Politics},
number = {1},
pages = {148--168},
title = {{Conservatism, Feminisation and the Representation of Women in UK Politics}},
volume = {10},
year = {2015}
}
@article{West1987,
author = {West, Candace and Zimmerman, Don H.},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/West, Zimmerman - 1987 - Doing Gender.pdf:pdf},
journal = {Gender and Society},
number = {2},
pages = {125--151},
title = {{Doing Gender}},
volume = {1},
year = {1987}
}
@article{Saha2020a,
abstract = {Are ambitious women punished in politics? Building on literature from negotiation, we argue that women candidates who are perceived to be ambitious are more likely to face social backlash. We first explore what the term ‘ambitious' means to voters, developing and testing a new multidimensional concept of perceived ambition, from desire to run for higher office to scope of agenda. We then test the link between these ‘ambitious' traits and voter support for candidates using five conjoint experiments in two countries, the U.S. and the U.K. Our results show that while ambitious women are not penalized overall, the aggregate results hide differences in taste for ambitious women across parties. We find that in the U.S. left-wing voters are more likely to support women with progressive ambition than right-wing voters (difference of 7{\%} points), while in the U.K. parties are not as divided. Our results suggest that ambitious women candidates in the U.S. face bias particularly in the context of non-partisan races (like primaries and local elections), when voters cannot rely on party labels to make decisions.},
author = {Saha, Sparsha and Weeks, Ana Catalano},
doi = {10.1007/s11109-020-09636-z},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Saha, Weeks - 2020 - Ambitious Women Gender and Voter Perceptions of Candidate Ambition.pdf:pdf},
isbn = {0123456789},
issn = {15736687},
journal = {Political Behavior},
keywords = {Ambition,Candidate evaluations,Conjoint experiment,Gender and politics,Gender stereotypes},
publisher = {Springer US},
title = {{Ambitious Women: Gender and Voter Perceptions of Candidate Ambition}},
url = {https://doi.org/10.1007/s11109-020-09636-z},
year = {2020}
}
@article{Freedman2002,
annote = {{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 179) European Parliament more friendly to women's representation than most parliaments 
{\textperiodcentered}      “it seems easier for women from most of the member states to be elected to the European than to their own national parliaments” 
{\textperiodcentered}      Uses a questionnaire survey and interviews with female MEPs – investigating why it has been easier for women to get elected there 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 180) e.g. women make up over 40{\%} of French MEPs, but only 10.4{\%} of the National Assembly
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 181) Could be that the existing high number of women makes it seem like an accepting place for women, full of female ‘role models' 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 184) Do women make a difference? – “one of the issues that arises in connection with a discussion of the representation of women is whether the presence of a relatively large number of women makes a difference to the functioning of a parliament” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “Whilst many national parliaments rely on an adversarial style of debate in the chamber, with much scope for aggressive confrontation, the fact that most of the work of the European Parliament is carried out in committees means that parliamentary debates are largely of prearranged speeches and responses.”},
author = {Freedman, Jane},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Freedman - 2002 - Women in the European Parliament.pdf:pdf},
journal = {Parliamentary Affairs},
pages = {179--188},
title = {{Women in the European Parliament}},
volume = {55},
year = {2002}
}
@misc{Elgot2019,
author = {Elgot, Jessica and Walker, Peter},
booktitle = {The Guardian},
title = {{Caroline Luca calls for emergency female cabinet to block no-deal Brexit}},
url = {https://www.theguardian.com/politics/2019/aug/11/caroline-lucas-calls-for-emergency-female-cabinet-to-block-no-deal-brexit},
year = {2019}
}
@misc{BBC2010,
author = {BBC},
title = {{Boundary changes}},
url = {http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/uk{\_}politics/election{\_}2010/8568796.stm},
year = {2010}
}
@article{Leaper2007,
abstract = {Three separate sets of meta-analyses were conducted of studies testing for gender differences in adults' talkativeness, affiliative speech, and assertive speech. Across independent samples, statistically significant but negligible average effects sizes were obtained with all three language constructs: Contrary to the prediction, men were more talkative (d = –.14) than were women. As expected, men used more assertive speech (d = .09), whereas women used more affiliative speech (d = .12). In addition, 17 moderator variables were tested that included aspects of the interactive context (e.g., familiarity, gender composition, activity), measurement qualities (e.g., operational definition, observation length), and publication characteristics (e.g., author gender, publication source). Depending on particular moderators, more meaningful effect sizes (d {\textgreater} .2) occurred for each language construct. In addition, the direction of some gender differences was significantly reversed under particular conditions. The results are interpreted in relation to social-constructionist, socialization, and biological interpretations of genderrelated variations in social behavior.},
author = {Leaper, Campbell and Ayres, Melanie M},
doi = {10.1177/1088868307302221},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Leaper, Ayres - 2007 - A Meta-Analytic Review of Gender Variations in Adults' Language Use Talkativeness, Affiliative Speech, and Assert.pdf:pdf},
journal = {Personality and Social Psychology Review},
number = {4},
pages = {328--363},
title = {{A Meta-Analytic Review of Gender Variations in Adults' Language Use: Talkativeness, Affiliative Speech, and Assertive Speech}},
volume = {11},
year = {2007}
}
@article{Murray2008,
abstract = {This article posits that the mere presence of a strong female candidate may increase the substantive representation of women. Using the case study of S{\'{e}}golne Royal in the 2007 French presidential elections, this article argues that if being female appears to confer an electoral advantage, this might lead to a 'policy contagion' effect, with male rivals feminising their own agendas in order to compete with a woman. This hypothesis is tested on candidate manifestos to see if Royal's candidacy has led to the increased substantive representation of women. If so, a conclusion can be drawn that women's presence can have a positive effect on the substantive representation of women, regardless of whether or not women succeed in winning office.},
author = {Murray, Rainbow},
doi = {10.1093/pa/gsn011},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Murray - 2008 - 'Is the mere presence of a strong female candidate enough to increase the substantive representation of women.pdf:pdf},
issn = {00312290},
journal = {Parliamentary Affairs},
number = {3},
pages = {476--489},
title = {{'Is the mere presence of a strong female candidate enough to increase the substantive representation of women?}},
volume = {61},
year = {2008}
}
@article{Hargrave2020,
author = {Hargrave, Lotte and Langengen, Tone},
doi = {https://doi.org/10.1017/S1743923X20000100},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Hargrave, Langengen - 2021 - The Gendered Debate Do Men and Women Communicate Differently in the House of Commons.pdf:pdf},
journal = {Politics {\&} Gender},
number = {4},
pages = {580--606},
title = {{The Gendered Debate: Do Men and Women Communicate Differently in the House of Commons?}},
volume = {17},
year = {2021}
}
@techreport{Dovidio1988,
abstract = {We conducted a multichannel investigation of how gender-based familiarity moderates verbal and nonverbal behaviors between men and women. Undergraduates in 24 mixed-sex dyads discussed masculine, feminine, and non-gender-linked topics. The primary dependent variables were verbal and nonverbal behaviors related to social power. The verbal behaviors examined were speech initiations and total amount of speech; the nonverbal behaviors studied were visual behavior (while speaking and while listening), gesturing, chin thrusts, and smiling. As expected, systematic differences in the behaviors of men and women emerged on the gender-linked tasks. On the masculine task men displayed more verbal and nonverbal power-related behavior than did women. On the feminine task women exhibited more power than men on most of the verbal and nonverbal measures. Also as predicted, on the non-gender-linked task men displayed greater power both verbally and non verbally than did women. There were two exceptions to this overall pattern. Across all conditions, women smiled more often than did men, and men had a higher frequency of chin thrusts than did women. In this study we investigated the communication of power between women and men. Social power concerns the ability to influence others or to control the outcomes of others (Ellyson {\&} Dovidio, 1985). Power is positively related to, but not synonymous with, status and dominance. According to Bergen Wagner, and Zelditch (1985), recognition of status produces invidious social evaluations (in terms of differences in honoi; respect , esteem, etc.) and both specific expectations (capacities to perform specified tasks, such as math problems, mechanical tasks, etc.) and general expectations (capacities which are not denned with respect to tasks, such as "intelligence"), (pp. 12-13) Thus, status typically implies power. Dominance, like power, relates to the ability to influence or control others, but it also involves "groupness" (Ellyson {\&} Dovidio, 1985). Specifically, dominance concerns power relationships within a relatively enduring social organization. Thus, although ethological studies of interaction within primate living units may involve domi},
author = {Dovidio, John F and Heltman, Karen and Brown, Clifford E and Ellyson, Steve L and Keating, Caroline F},
booktitle = {Journal of Personality and Social Psychology},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Dovidio et al. - 1988 - Power Displays Between Women and Men in Discussions of Gender-Linked Tasks A Multichannel Study.pdf:pdf},
number = {4},
pages = {580--587},
title = {{Power Displays Between Women and Men in Discussions of Gender-Linked Tasks: A Multichannel Study}},
volume = {55},
year = {1988}
}
@article{Deaux1984,
author = {Deaux, Kay and Lewis, Laurie L.},
journal = {Journal of Personality and Social Psychology},
number = {5},
pages = {991--1004},
title = {{Structure of gender stereotypes: Interrelationships among components and gender labels}},
volume = {46},
year = {1984}
}
@article{Krook2018,
abstract = {At the end of 2017, millions of women used the {\#}MeToo hashtag to draw attention to widespread sexual harassment and assault around the world. In British politics, female politicians, staff members, and journalists opened up about their own experiences, provoking the resignation and party suspension of a number of male Cabinet ministers and Members of Parliament. This article explores how this issue got on the political agenda, what features of politics might foster harassment and discourage reporting, and what solutions might be pursued to tackle this problem. It argues that sexual harassment should be understood as a systemic, cultural problem, rather than a question of problematic individuals. Ignoring the issue of sexual harassment in politics, the article concludes, has serious consequences for gender equality—as well as for democracy itself, reducing policy effectiveness, distorting the political pipeline, and diminishing political transparency and accountability.},
author = {Krook, Mona Lena},
doi = {10.1111/1467-923X.12458},
file = {:Users/lotte/Dropbox/PhD/style{\_}experiment/lit/pq{\_}2018.pdf:pdf},
issn = {1467923X},
journal = {The Political Quarterly},
keywords = {British politics,Gender and politics,Labour party,Sexual harassment,Westminster,Women in politics},
number = {1},
pages = {65--72},
title = {{Westminster Too: On Sexual Harassment in British Politics}},
volume = {89},
year = {2018}
}
@article{Proksch2012,
abstract = {Participation in legislative debates is among the most visible activities of members of parliament (MPs), yet debates remain an understudied form of legislative behavior. This study introduces a comparative theory of legislative speech with two major implications. First, party rules for debates are endogenous to strategic considerations and will favor either party leadership control or backbencher MP exposure. Second, in some systems, backbenchers will receive less time on the floor as their ideological distance to the party leadership increases. This leads to speeches that do not reflect true party cohesion. Where party reputation matters less for reelection, leaders allow dissidents to express their views on the floor. We demonstrate the implications of our model for different political systems and present evidence using speech data from Germany and the United Kingdom.},
archivePrefix = {arXiv},
arxivId = {arXiv:1011.1669v3},
author = {Proksch, Sven Oliver and Slapin, Jonathan B.},
doi = {10.1111/j.1540-5907.2011.00565.x},
eprint = {arXiv:1011.1669v3},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Proksch, Slapin - 2012 - Institutional Foundations of Legislative Speech.pdf:pdf},
isbn = {9780199653010},
issn = {00925853},
journal = {American Journal of Political Science},
number = {3},
pages = {520--537},
pmid = {16417727},
title = {{Institutional Foundations of Legislative Speech}},
volume = {56},
year = {2012}
}
@article{Catalano2009,
annote = {{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 45) “The recent push for more women parliamentarians around the world via positive action measures such as gender quotas naturally begs the question of whether the increased descriptive representation of women in parliament is making a substantive difference, in terms of the types of policies passed, behavioural norms, and procedures.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 46) “It is understandable, given the fact that discriminatory laws still exist and the structure of most parliaments is still based upon the universal disembodied male (Puwar 2004), that women parliamentarians might be expected to contribute a “woman's point of view” to certain issues that affect women in particular (e.g., breast cancer care in the National Health Service).” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 47) Study undertakes a quantitative analysis of second reading bill debates in the Commons 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 48) “The underrepresentation of women in parliaments worldwide indicates that political values and behaviours are, in fact, gendered. As an historically marginalized group, women traditionally have been left out of political life.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 50) “The notion of women's feminizing of politics is controversial because it runs the risk of essentializing women, implying that as a group, they inherently share a set of policy preferences or ideology. Women are not a monolithic entity with a collective set of interests and beliefs.”},
author = {Catalano, Ana},
doi = {10.1017/S1743923X09000038},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Catalano - 2009 - Women Acting for Women An Analysis of Gender and Debate Participation in the British House of Commons 2005-2007.pdf:pdf},
journal = {Politics {\&} Gender},
number = {1},
pages = {45--68},
title = {{Women Acting for Women? An Analysis of Gender and Debate Participation in the British House of Commons 2005-2007}},
volume = {5},
year = {2009}
}
@article{Banaji1996,
author = {Banaji, Mahzarin R. and Hardin, Curtis D.},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Banaji, Hardin - 1996 - Automatic Stereotyping.pdf:pdf},
journal = {Psychological Science},
number = {3},
pages = {136--141},
title = {{Automatic Stereotyping}},
volume = {7},
year = {1996}
}
@article{Spirling2015,
abstract = {We consider the impact of the Second Reform Act, and the doubling of the electorate it delivered, on the linguistic complexity of speeches made by members of parliament in Britain. Noting that the new voters were generally poorer and less educated than those who already enjoyed the suffrage, we hypothesize that cabinet ministers had strong incentives-relative to other members-to appeal to these new electors with simpler statements during parliamentary debates. We assess this claim with a data set of over half a million speeches for the period between the Great Reform Act and Great War, along with methods for measuring the comprehensibility of texts-which we validate in some detail. The theorized relationship holds: ministers become statistically significantly easier to understand (on average) relative to backbenchers, and this effect occurs almost immediately after the 1868 election. We show that this result is not an artifact of new personnel in the House of Commons.},
author = {Spirling, Arthur},
doi = {10.1086/683612},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Spirling - 2015 - Democratization and Linguistic Complexity The Effect of Franchise Extension on Parliamentary Discourse, 1832-1915.pdf:pdf},
journal = {The Journal of Politics},
number = {1},
pages = {120--136},
title = {{Democratization and Linguistic Complexity: The Effect of Franchise Extension on Parliamentary Discourse, 1832-1915}},
volume = {78},
year = {2015}
}
@article{Butler2017,
abstract = {Politicians' dual responsibilities to respect their party and also be responsive to their constituents is surprisingly lacking in studies of representation. How do politicians—especially those who function in strong-party systems—individually respond to their constituents' preferences? We make use of an original, large-scale survey of politicians and the recent success of the Sweden Democrats in the elections in Sweden to show that important adaptation takes place within the party structure. Individual politicians are responsive to signals about voters' preferences, and they act on these signals by internally lobbying their party leaders to change the party's positions in the direction of their constituents' preferences. These results provide a rationale for why niche parties invest in elections even if they are unlikely to enter government: Their electoral successes can cause change in other parties. The results also add a new angle to the discussion of how anti-immigration parties affect mainstream parties, a hotly debated issue in many advanced democracies.},
author = {Butler, Daniel M. and Naurin, Elin and {\"{O}}hberg, Patrik},
doi = {10.1177/0010414016679178},
file = {:Users/lotte/Dropbox/projects/productivity{\_}experiment/lit/0010414016679178.pdf:pdf},
issn = {15523829},
journal = {Comparative Political Studies},
keywords = {European politics,Sweden,immigration,political parties,responsiveness},
number = {14},
pages = {1973--1997},
title = {{Party Representatives' Adaptation to Election Results: Dyadic Responsiveness Revisited}},
volume = {50},
year = {2017}
}
@article{OBrien2015,
abstract = {Party leaders are the main actors controlling campaign strategies, policy agendas, and government formation in advanced parliamentary democracies. Little is known, however, about gender and party leadership. This article examines gendered leadership patterns across 71 political parties in 11 parliamentary democracies between 1965 and 2013. It shows that men and women have different access to, and experiences in, party leadership and that these gendered political opportunity structures are shaped by parties' political performances. Women are more likely to initially come to power in minor opposition parties and those that are losing seat share. Once selected for the position, female leaders are more likely to retain office when their parties gain seats, but they are also more likely to leave the post when faced with an unfavorable trajectory. Together, these results demonstrate that prospective female leaders are playing by a different (and often more demanding) set of rules than their male counterparts.},
annote = {{\textperiodcentered}      Focus is on gender and party leadership. Article examines patterns across 71 political parties in 11 parliamentary democracies between 1965 and 2013 
{\textperiodcentered}      Findings: men and women have different access to, and experiences in, party leadership and that these gendered political opportunity structures are shaped by parties' political performances 
{\textperiodcentered}      Findings: women and more likely to initially come to power in minor opposition parties and those that are losing seat share. Once selected for the position, female leaders are more likely to retain office when their parties gain seats, but they are also more likely to leave the post when faced with an unfavourable trajectory 
{\textperiodcentered}      Findings: demonstrates that prospective female leaders are playing by a different (and often more demanding) set of rules than their male counterparts},
author = {O'Brien, Diana Z.},
doi = {10.1111/ajps.12173},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/O'Brien - 2015 - Rising to the Top Gender, Political Performance, and Party Leadership in Parliamentary Democracies.pdf:pdf},
isbn = {1540-5907},
issn = {15405907},
journal = {American Journal of Political Science},
number = {4},
pages = {1022--1039},
title = {{Rising to the Top: Gender, Political Performance, and Party Leadership in Parliamentary Democracies}},
volume = {59},
year = {2015}
}
@article{Bateson2020,
abstract = {Why are women and people of color under-represented in U.S. politics? I offer a new explanation: Strategic discrimination. Strategic discrimination occurs when an individual hesitates to support a candidate out of concern that others will object to the candidate's identity. In a series of three experiments, I find that strategic discrimination exists, it matters for real-world politics, and it can be hard to overcome. The first experiment shows that Americans consider white male candidates more electable than equally qualified Black and white women, and to a lesser extent, Black men. These results are strongly intersectional, with Black women rated less electable than either Black men or white women. The second experiment demonstrates that anti-Trump voters weigh Democratic candidates' racial and gender identities when deciding who is most capable of beating Donald Trump in 2020. The third experiment finds that while some messages intended to combat strategic discrimination have no effect, diverse candidates can increase their perceived electability by showing that they have a path to victory. I conclude by arguing that strategic discrimination is especially salient in contemporary U.S. politics due to three parallel trends: Increasing diversity among candidates, growing awareness of sexism and racism, and high levels of political polarization.},
author = {Bateson, Regina},
doi = {10.1017/S153759272000242X},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Bateson - 2020 - Strategic Discrimination.pdf:pdf},
issn = {15375927},
journal = {Perspectives on Politics},
number = {4},
pages = {1068--1087},
title = {{Strategic Discrimination}},
volume = {18},
year = {2020}
}
@book{Githens1977,
address = {New York},
author = {Githens, Marianne and Prestage, Jewel L.},
publisher = {Longman},
title = {{A Portrait of Marginality: The Political Behavior of the American Woman}},
year = {1977}
}
@book{Holmes2003,
address = {Oxford},
author = {Holmes, Janet and Meyerhoff, Miriam},
publisher = {Blackwell Publishing},
title = {{The Handbook of Language and Gender.}},
year = {2003}
}
@book{HansardSociety2019,
address = {London},
author = {{Hansard Society}},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Hansard Society - 2019 - Audit of Political Engagement 16.pdf:pdf},
publisher = {Hansard Society},
title = {{Audit of Political Engagement 16}},
year = {2019}
}
@article{Konrad2008,
abstract = {The current generation of women directors is a good source for identifying more women. One woman director said, "Just as nominating committees take recommendations from the men on the board, they should take recommendations from the women. They don't necessarily think to do this. This is a good, rich source of new directors--they know lots of women. It is important to have women on the nominating committee." A senior board recruiter at a major search firm confirmed that, "Women chairs of nominating committees are more interested in diversity of all kinds" than are male chairs. Until a board has recruited a critical mass of women, enlightened male directors can play an important role in educating the rest of the board on the business case for diversity, recommending that more women directors be added to the board, and supporting the women directors and making sure they are fully included and heard. In summary, the focus on 'traditional' notions and practices in recruiting board members does not serve the business needs of corporations. Finding qualified women requires abandoning traditional methods of identifying board members and acknowledging that achieving a truly diverse board is a legitimate goal.},
author = {Konrad, A. M. and Kramer, V. and Erkut, S.},
doi = {10.1016/j.orgdyn.2008.02.005},
journal = {Organizational Dynamics},
number = {2},
pages = {145--164},
title = {{Critical Mass: The impact of three or more women on corporate board}},
url = {https://linkinghub.elsevier.com/retrieve/pii/S0090261608000168},
volume = {37},
year = {2008}
}
@article{Mendelberg2013,
abstract = {Does low descriptive representation inhibit substantive representation for women in deliberating groups? We address this question and go beyond to ask if the effects of descriptive representation also depend on decision rule. We conducted an experiment on distributive decisions, randomizing the group's gender composition and decision rule, including many groups, and linking individuals' predeliberation attitudes to their speech and to postdeliberation decisions. Women's descriptive representation does produce substantive representation, but primarily under majority rule-when women are many, they are more likely to voice women's distinctive concerns about children, family, the poor, and the needy, and less likely to voice men's distinctive concerns. Men's references shift similarly with women's numerical status. These effects are associated with group decisions that are more generous to the poor. Unanimous rule protects women in the numerical minority, mitigating some of the negative effects of low descriptive representation. Descriptive representation matters, but in interaction with the decision rule.},
author = {Mendelberg, Tali and Karpowitz, Christopher F. and Goedert, Nicholas},
doi = {10.1111/ajps.12077},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Mendelberg, Karpowitz, Goedert - 2013 - Does Descriptive Representation Facilitate Women's Distinctive Voice How Gender Composition and.pdf:pdf},
journal = {American Journal of Political Science},
number = {2},
pages = {291--306},
title = {{Does Descriptive Representation Facilitate Women's Distinctive Voice? How Gender Composition and Decision Rules Affect Deliberation}},
volume = {58},
year = {2013}
}
@article{Brouwer1979,
abstract = {Over the last few years the methods and techniques used in sociolinguistics have aroused keen interest and have continually been improved. Yet the claims that have been made about differences of degree between the language used by women and that used by men are often based on research methods which seem to be anything but reliable. On the basis of a corpus of 587 utterances produced in buying a train ticket, an investigation was made of whether there is a statistically significant difference between women and men in certain aspects of their language use which have been mentioned in the literature: the number of words used to deal with a set task, diminutives, civilities, forms of language expressing insecurity (repetitions, hesitations, self-corrections, requests for information). In addition to the independent variable of sex of speaker, three other variables were introduced: sex of addressee, age of speaker, and time of ticket purchase (rush-hour or normal). The results of our investigation indicate that there are few significant differences between the language used by women and that used by men in this particular situation, with regard to the variables mentioned above. As a consequence, this investigation has demonstrated once again that intuitions should be considered critically. It is remarkable, however, that sex of addressee seems to affect almost all of the variables under consideration. Consequently , the results strongly suggest that anyone who wants to investigate language by means of interviews must take into account the fact that the kind' [1] This article interprets the results of an investigation carried out by the members of the seminar on 'Language and sex', held at the Institute of General Linguistics of the University of Amsterdam in 1976-7. Participating in the seminar were:},
author = {Brouwer, D{\'{e}}d{\'{e}} and Gerritsen, Marinel and {De Haan}, Dorian},
doi = {10.1017/S0047404500005935},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Brouwer, Gerritsen, De Haan - 1979 - Speech differences between women and men on the wrong track.pdf:pdf},
journal = {Language in Society},
number = {1},
pages = {33--50},
title = {{Speech Differences Between Women and Men on the Wrong Track?}},
volume = {8},
year = {1979}
}
@article{Kanthak2015,
abstract = {To study gender differences in candidate emergence, we conduct a laboratory experiment in which we control the incentives potential candidates face, manipulate features of the electoral environment, and measure beliefs and preferences. We find that men and women are equally likely to volunteer when the representative is chosen randomly, but that women are less likely to become candidates when the representative is chosen by an election. This difference does not arise from disparities in abilities, risk aversion, or beliefs, but rather from the specific competitive and strategic context of campaigns and elections. Thus, we find evidence that women are election averse, whereas men are not. Election aversion persists with variations in the electoral environment, disappearing only when campaigns are both costless and completely truthful.},
author = {Kanthak, Kristin and Woon, Jonathan},
doi = {10.1111/ajps.12158},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Kanthak, Woon - 2015 - Women Don't Run Election Aversion and Candidate Entry.pdf:pdf},
issn = {15405907},
journal = {American Journal of Political Science},
number = {3},
pages = {595--612},
title = {{Women Don't Run? Election Aversion and Candidate Entry}},
volume = {59},
year = {2015}
}
@article{Bligh2008,
abstract = {The historical paucity of US women senators has provided little opportunity to study women at one of the highest and most prestigious leadership levels. Through a content analysis of 12 months of public discourse in a variety of media, we explore the rhetorical leadership of women senators as they carry out their elected roles. Results indicate that women senators use significantly less aggressive and more ambivalent speech when compared to political norms, and are less likely to use terms denoting accomplishment, praise and human interest. Overall, our results suggest that women continue to feel the effects of gender stereotypes and expectations in higher levels of political office, and these effects may have important negative implications for perceptions of their leadership and effectiveness.},
annote = {IN GENERAL: this piece is quite helpful for introducing literaure on why we might expect women and men to behave/lead in different ways},
author = {Bligh, Michelle C. and Kohles, Jeffrey C.},
doi = {10.1177/1742715008095187},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Bligh, Kohles - 2008 - Negotiating Gender Role Expectations Rhetorical Leadership and Women in the US Senate.pdf:pdf},
journal = {Leadership},
number = {4},
pages = {381--402},
title = {{Negotiating Gender Role Expectations: Rhetorical Leadership and Women in the US Senate}},
volume = {4},
year = {2008}
}
@article{Kathlene1994,
abstract = {There is an implicit assumption behind advocating for more minorities or women in elected office, namely, that these officials will bring a new power and influence to their underrepresented groups. However, for women, this idealized viewpoint ignores the social dynamics that subordinate women's words and actions even in “well-balanced” male and female group interactions. Using transcribed verbatim transcripts of 12 state legislative committee hearings, this research analyzes the conversational dynamics of committee members, witnesses, chairs, and sponsors. Sex differences among committee members are highly significant, even after accounting for political factors and structural features of the hearing. In addition, male and female chairs do not conduct hearings in the same way, and these differences affect the behavior of witnesses and committee members. The findings suggest that as the proportion of women increases in a legislative body, men become more verbally aggressive and controlling of the hearing. Women legislators may be seriously disadvantaged and unable to participate equally in legislative policymaking in committee hearings.},
annote = {{\textperiodcentered}      It is often advocated that bringing more women, or any socio-demographic group, into elected office will bring a new power and influence to under-represented groups 
{\textperiodcentered}      Methods: uses transcripts of 12 state legislative committee hearings to analyse the conversational dynamics of committee members, witnesses, chairs and sponsors 
{\textperiodcentered}      Findings: sex differences among committee members are highly significant, even after accounting for political factors and structural features of the hearing 
{\textperiodcentered}      Findings: male and female chairs do not conduct hearings in the same way, and these differences affect the behaviour of witnesses and committee members 
{\textperiodcentered}      Findings: as the proportion of women increases in a legislative body, men become more verbally aggressive and controlling of the hearing 
{\textperiodcentered}      Measures: refer back to page 564 about this – very good for looking at how often people speak, are they interrupted, how long do they speak for, what prompts them to speak etc. Kathlene measures for 5 different types of interruptions, for example (p. 565 documents this) 
{\textperiodcentered}      Findings: women entered the discussion later, spoke less, took fewer turns, and made fewer interruptions than men 
{\textperiodcentered}      Findings: women chairing committees spoke less, took fewer turns, and made fewer interruptions than their male counterparts – suggesting men and women have different leadership styles 
{\textperiodcentered}      Findings: committee members with interests in the bill spoke longer and engaged in discussion more frequently; they were also interrupted more often, which follows from their greater verbal activity 
{\textperiodcentered}      Findings: in all female groups women engage in supportive and cooperative behaviour 
{\textperiodcentered}      Findings: women have a more ‘democratic' leadership style (p. 569) 
{\textperiodcentered}      Findings: female chairs participated less and interrupted less than male chairs},
author = {Kathlene, Lyn},
doi = {10.2307/2944795},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Kathlene - 1994 - Power and influence in state legislative policymaking The interaction of gender and position in committee hearing deba.pdf:pdf},
isbn = {0003-0554},
issn = {0003-0554},
journal = {American Political Science Review},
number = {3},
pages = {560--576},
title = {{Power and Influence in State Legislative Policymaking: The Interaction of Gender and Position in Committee Hearing Debates}},
volume = {88},
year = {1994}
}
@article{Hornikx2018,
abstract = {The persuasiveness of anecdotal evidence and statistical evidence has been investigated in a large number of studies, but the combination of anecdotal and statistical evidence has hardly received research attention. The present experimental study therefore investigated the persuasiveness of this combination. It also examined whether the quality of anecdotal evidence affects persuasiveness and to what extent people comprehend the combination of anecdotal and statistical evidence. In an experiment, people read a realistic persuasive message that was relevant to them. Results showed that anecdotal evidence does not benefit from the inclusion of statistical evidence or from its intrinsic quality. The analysis of readers' cognitive thoughts showed that only some participants comprehended the relationship between anecdotal and statistical evidence.},
author = {Hornikx, Jos},
doi = {10.1080/0163853X.2017.1312195},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Hornikx - 2018 - Combining Anecdotal and Statistical Evidence in Real-Life Discourse Comprehension and Persuasiveness.pdf:pdf},
issn = {15326950},
journal = {Discourse Processes},
number = {3},
pages = {324--336},
publisher = {Routledge},
title = {{Combining Anecdotal and Statistical Evidence in Real-Life Discourse: Comprehension and Persuasiveness}},
volume = {55},
year = {2018}
}
@book{OGrady2022,
address = {Oxford},
author = {O'Grady, Tom},
publisher = {Oxford University Press},
title = {{The Transformation of British Welfare Policy: Politics, Discourse, and Public Opinion}},
year = {2022}
}
@article{Jung2020,
abstract = {How does parties' use of moral rhetoric affect voter behavior? Prior comparative party research has studied party positions without much attention to how parties explain and justify their positions. Drawing insights from political and moral psychology, I argue that moral rhetoric mobilizes copartisan voters by activating positive emotions about their partisan preference. I expect this to hold among copartisans who are exposed to party rhetoric. To test my argument, I measure moral rhetoric by text-analyzing party manifestos from six English-speaking democracies and measure mobilization using copartisan turnout in survey data. The results support my argument. Furthermore, I find evidence in support of the theoretical mechanism using survey experiments and panel survey data from Britain. The article shows that moral rhetoric is a party campaign frame that has important consequences for voter behavior.},
author = {Jung, Jae Hee},
doi = {10.1111/ajps.12476},
file = {:Users/lotte/Dropbox/PhD/style{\_}experiment/lit/American J Political Sci - 2019 - Jung - The Mobilizing Effect of Parties  Moral Rhetoric.pdf:pdf},
issn = {15405907},
journal = {American Journal of Political Science},
number = {2},
pages = {341--355},
title = {{The Mobilizing Effect of Parties' Moral Rhetoric}},
volume = {64},
year = {2020}
}
@article{Twenge1997b,
author = {Twenge, Jean M.},
journal = {Sex Roles},
pages = {305--325},
title = {{Changes in Masculine and Feminine Traits Over Time: A Meta-Analysis}},
volume = {36},
year = {1997}
}
@incollection{Sczesny2019,
address = {New York, US},
author = {Sczesny, Sabine and Nater, Christa and Eagly, Alice H.},
booktitle = {Agency and Communion in Social Psychology},
editor = {Abele, Andrea E. and Wojciszke, Bogdan},
pages = {103--116},
publisher = {Routledge},
title = {{Agency and Communion: Their Implications for Gender Stereotypes and Gender Identities}},
year = {2019}
}
@article{Dickinson2018,
abstract = {Post-election socialisation has frequently been identified as a source of parlia-mentarians' disposition towards party loyalty. Yet a recent study of the socialisa-tion experiences of new members in the British Parliament, using tenure as proxy for socialisation, found little evidence of an effect on party loyalty (Rush and Giddings, 2011, Parliamentary Socialisation: Learning the Ropes or Determining Behaviour? London, Springer). This paper develops a new model of parliamentary socialisation and uses the same data to demonstrate that post-entry socialisation did in fact change legislators reported likeliness to behave in accordance with their party leadership's wishes. Specifically, a framework based on information exchange (advice giving) is used to show that positive interactions with party actors are associated with increased loyalty. Controlling for initial levels of loyalty, members who received more useful advice from party actors were more likely to rate themselves as highly influenced by the party leadership.},
author = {Dickinson, Nicholas},
doi = {10.1093/pa/gsx035},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Dickinson - 2018 - Advice Giving and Party Loyalty an Informational Model for the Socialisation Process of New British MPs.pdf:pdf},
journal = {Parliamentary Affairs},
keywords = {British Politics,Cohesion,Parliaments,Parties,Socialisation,Surveys},
pages = {343--364},
title = {{Advice Giving and Party Loyalty: an Informational Model for the Socialisation Process of New British MPs}},
url = {https://academic.oup.com/pa/article-abstract/71/2/343/4237494},
volume = {71},
year = {2018}
}
@article{Berman2002,
author = {Berman, Evan M and West, Jonathan P and Richter, Maurice N},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Berman, West, Richter - 2002 - Workplace Relations Friendship Patterns and Consequences (According to Managers).pdf:pdf},
journal = {Public Administration Review},
number = {2},
pages = {217--230},
title = {{Workplace Relations: Friendship Patterns and Consequences (According to Managers)}},
volume = {62},
year = {2002}
}
@article{Swers2016,
author = {Swers, Michele L.},
doi = {10.1080/1554477X.2016.1188599},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Swers - 2016 - Pursuing Women's Interests in Partisan Times Explaining Gender Differences in Legislative Activity on Health, Educati.pdf:pdf},
issn = {1554-477X},
journal = {Journal of Women, Politics {\&} Policy},
keywords = {and not others,broad,emerge on some issues,how can we explain,i use senators,of gender on,policy activity,reach as policy generalists,to examine the impact,why gender differences in},
number = {3},
pages = {249--273},
publisher = {Routledge},
title = {{Pursuing Women's Interests in Partisan Times: Explaining Gender Differences in Legislative Activity on Health, Education, and Women's Health Issues}},
url = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1554477X.2016.1188599},
volume = {37},
year = {2016}
}
@article{Hargrave2020a,
author = {Hargrave, Lotte and Blumenau, Jack},
file = {:Users/lotte/Dropbox/PhD/gendered{\_}styles/no-longer-conforming-to-stereotypes-gender-political-style-and-parliamentary-debate-in-the-uk.pdf:pdf},
journal = {British Journal of Political Science},
number = {Forthcoming},
pages = {1--18},
title = {{No Longer Conforming to Stereotypes? Gender, Political Style, and Parliamentary Debate in the UK}},
year = {2022}
}
@article{Dinesen2021,
abstract = {Previous studies have documented ethnic/racial bias in politicians' constituency service, but less is known about the circumstances under which such ethnocentric responsiveness is curbed. We propose and test two hypotheses in this regard: The electoral incentives hypothesis, predicting that incentives for (re)election crowd out politicians' potential biases, and the candidate selection hypothesis, stipulating that minority constituents can identify responsive legislators by using candidates' partisan affiliation and stated policy preferences as heuristics. We test these hypotheses through a field experiment on the responsiveness of incumbent local politicians in Denmark (N = 2,395), varying ethnicity, gender, and intention to vote for the candidate in the upcoming election, merged with data on their electoral performance and their stated policy preferences from a voting advice application. We observe marked ethnocentric responsiveness and find no indication that electoral incentives mitigate this behavior. However, minority voters can use parties' and individual candidates' stances on immigration to identify responsive politicians.},
author = {Dinesen, Peter Thisted and Dahl, M. A.L.T.E. and Schi{\O}ler, Mikkel},
doi = {10.1017/S0003055420001070},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Dinesen, Dahl, Schi{\O}ler - 2021 - When Are Legislators Responsive to Ethnic Minorities Testing the Role of Electoral Incentives and Cand.pdf:pdf},
issn = {15375943},
journal = {American Political Science Review},
pages = {450--466},
title = {{When Are Legislators Responsive to Ethnic Minorities? Testing the Role of Electoral Incentives and Candidate Selection for Mitigating Ethnocentric Responsiveness}},
year = {2021}
}
@article{Kittilson2008,
abstract = {In the United States, research suggests thatmen and women candidates are covered differently by the press. However, few studies compare press coverage of candidates cross-nationally. Systematic comparison of newspaper coverage of male and female candidates during election campaigns in Australia, Canada, and the United States may help illuminate the conditions that exacerbate or dampen gender differences in candidate portrayals. Given the sharp focus on candidates in American campaigns and the relatively lower percentage of women in the Congress, we expect to find the greatest disparities in men's and women's press coverage in the United States. Our findings suggest that across these three democracies, candidates are often portrayed in terms of long-standing gender stereotypes. These gender differences have important implications for voters' perceptions of candidates and may shape widely shared attitudes toward women's role in the political arena.},
author = {Kittilson, Miki Caul and Fridkin, Kim},
doi = {10.1017/S1743923X08000330},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Kittilson, Fridkin - 2008 - Gender, Candidate Portrayals and Election Campaigns A Comparative Perspective.pdf:pdf},
issn = {17439248},
journal = {Politics and Gender},
number = {3},
pages = {371--392},
publisher = {UCL, Institute of Education},
title = {{Gender, Candidate Portrayals and Election Campaigns: A Comparative Perspective}},
volume = {4},
year = {2008}
}
@article{DeGeus2020a,
abstract = {Many right-wing parties have attempted to increase their share of female representatives to appeal to women in the electorate. Underlying this is the assumption that women will offer a distinct perspective to the party. Using a comparative dataset of male and female candidates of Conservative and Christian Democratic parties across 21 European and Anglo-Saxon countries, we show this is the case. Female candidates in right-wing parties are less right wing than male candidates, both in terms of their overall ideology and their issue positioning. Perhaps as a consequence, female candidates perceive a greater distance to their own party than male candidates.},
author = {de Geus, Roosmarijn A. and Shorrocks, Rosalind},
doi = {10.1080/1554477X.2020.1688612},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/de Geus, Shorrocks - 2020 - Where Do Female Conservatives Stand A Cross-National Analysis of the Issue Positions and Ideological Placeme.pdf:pdf},
issn = {15544788},
journal = {Journal of Women, Politics and Policy},
keywords = {Gender,conservative politics,female candidates,ideology,issue positions,political parties},
number = {1},
pages = {7--35},
publisher = {Routledge},
title = {{Where Do Female Conservatives Stand? A Cross-National Analysis of the Issue Positions and Ideological Placement of Female Right-Wing Candidates}},
url = {https://doi.org/10.1080/1554477X.2020.1688612},
volume = {41},
year = {2020}
}
@article{Fulton2012,
abstract = {The question of whether voter bias exists toward female politicians remains unsettled. Although anecdotal accounts of gender inequality abound, systematic research demonstrates that women "do as well as men" when they run. Previous work suggests that these conflicting observations result from an omitted variables problem. Specifically, if women are higher quality than men, and if quality is omitted from models of vote-share, then voter bias may be concealed. Using a unique measure of incumbents' political quality, the author's research documents a sex-based quality gap and importantly, is the first to link the quality gap to the gender parity in electoral success. {\textcopyright} 2012 University of Utah.},
author = {Fulton, Sarah A.},
doi = {10.1177/1065912911401419},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Fulton - 2012 - Running Backwards and in High Heels The Gendered Quality Gap and Incumbent Electoral Success.pdf:pdf},
issn = {10659129},
journal = {Political Research Quarterly},
keywords = {Congress,bias,discrimination,election,gender,quality,sex,sexism,vote-share,women},
number = {2},
pages = {303--314},
title = {{Running Backwards and in High Heels: The Gendered Quality Gap and Incumbent Electoral Success}},
volume = {65},
year = {2012}
}
@misc{Jarvis2019,
author = {Jarvis, Jacob},
booktitle = {Evening Standard},
title = {{Heidi Allen received abusive email accusing her of 'killing a baby' before she resigned}},
year = {2019}
}
@article{Heath2005,
author = {Heath, Roseanna Michelle and Schwindt-Bayer, Leslie A. and Taylor-Robinson, Michelle M.},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Heath, Schwindt-Bayer, Taylor-Robinson - 2005 - Women on the Sidelines Women's Representation on Committees in Latin American Legislat.pdf:pdf},
journal = {American Journal of Political Science},
number = {2},
pages = {420--436},
title = {{Women on the Sidelines: Women's Representation on Committees in Latin American Legislatures}},
volume = {49},
year = {2005}
}
@article{Robinson1989,
abstract = {This study examined: (1) how violations in turn-taking, le., interruption , are perceived, (2) whether attributions toward an interrupter vary according to gender and status, and (3) how individuals who adopt cross-sex interruptive styles are seen. Subjects listened to a four-minute audiotape of a conversation and rated conversants on masculinity, femininity, competence, sociability, attractiveness, and traditionality. Sex of interrupter, style of interruption (statement, question, no interruption), and status were varied. Results suggest that interruption leads to negative personality attributions. Interrupters were seen as less sociable and more assertive than individuals who did not interrupt. They were also perceived as more masculine and less feminine than those who did not interrupt. Few sex differences emerged, indicating that women who interrupt are not penalized relative to men.},
author = {Robinson, Laura F and Reis, Harry T},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Robinson, Reis - 1989 - The Effects of Interruption, Gender and Status on Interpersonal Perceptions.pdf:pdf},
journal = {Journal of Nonverbal Behavior},
number = {3},
pages = {141--153},
title = {{The Effects of Interruption, Gender and Status on Interpersonal Perceptions}},
volume = {13},
year = {1989}
}
@article{Carlin2009,
abstract = {The 2008 U.S. presidential election was historic on many levels. The country elected its first African American president who narrowly defeated a female candidate in the Democrat primary race. The Republicans nominated their first woman as a vice presidential candidate. Hillary Clinton and Sarah Palin demonstrated that women politicians have come a long way; however, an analysis of media coverage reveals that lingering sexism toward women candidates is still alive and well. Using common stereotypes of women in corporations developed by Rosabeth Moss Kanter, language theories, and media framing, this essay uncovers the common gendered stereotypes that surfaced in the 2008 campaign. The analysis indicates that there was a considerable amount of negative coverage of both candidates and that such coverage has potential to cast doubt on a woman's suitability to be commander-in-chief or in the wings.},
author = {Carlin, Diana B. and Winfrey, Kelly L.},
doi = {10.1080/10510970903109904},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Carlin, Winfrey - 2009 - Have You Come a Long Way, Baby Hillary Clinton, Sarah Palin, and Sexism in 2008 Campaign Coverage.pdf:pdf},
issn = {1051-0974},
journal = {Communication Studies},
keywords = {be appointed u,gender stereotypes,hillary clinton,in commenting on caroline,kennedy,longtime democrat consultant bob,s,s aborted campaign to,sarah palin,senator from new york,sexism in the media,shrum observed that,women in politics,women political candidates},
number = {4},
pages = {326--343},
title = {{Have You Come a Long Way, Baby? Hillary Clinton, Sarah Palin, and Sexism in 2008 Campaign Coverage}},
volume = {60},
year = {2009}
}
@article{Joly2018,
abstract = {Is there a link between personality and the electoral and in-office success of politicians? Using the Ten-Item Personality Inventory, we examine whether the Five-Factor Model personality traits are correlated with political success among Belgian elected officials. We look at three different measures of political success, corresponding to different stages of the political career-electoral success, years in office, and access to an elite political position-and find lower levels of agreea-bleness are systematically correlated with greater success. These results are in line with those found among American and European CEO's (Boudreau et al. in J Vocat Behav 58(1):53-81, 2001). This study offers a unique insight in the type of personality voters and party leadership look for and reward among politicians.},
author = {Joly, Jeroen and Soroka, Stuart and Loewen, Peter},
doi = {10.1057/s41269-018-0095-z},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Joly, Soroka, Loewen - 2018 - Nice guys finish last personality and political success.pdf:pdf},
journal = {Acta Politica},
pages = {1--17},
title = {{Nice guys finish last: personality and political success}},
year = {2018}
}
@article{Carman2006,
abstract = {Representation, both as a normative concept and a political process, has generated a rich literature across several national contexts. To develop our understanding of representational systems, scholars tend to assess the degree of policy congruence between parliamentarians and constituents as well as the role orientations adopted by elected parliamentarians and legislators. This paper contends that in order to have a complete understanding of representational systems, we must consider not only the representational roles adopted by parliamentarians, but also the publics' preferences regarding parliamentary representation. Specifically, I posit that individuals have attitudes about the type and degree of relationship that they believe should exist between elected parliamentarians, parties and constituents. Using data from a 2003 survey of the British public, I test the related hypotheses that individuals have meaningful and predictable preferences for the representational relationship they share with their members of parliament (MPs) and that these representational preferences in turn influence how individuals evaluate MPs. Finding support for both hypotheses, I argue that developing an understanding of normative public preferences for political representation is an important and overlooked component in advancing models of public support of both elected officials and governing institutions. {\textcopyright} 2006 Political Studies Association.},
author = {Carman, Christopher Jan},
doi = {10.1111/j.1467-9248.2006.00568.x},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Carman - 2006 - Public preferences for parliamentary representation in the UK An overlooked link.pdf:pdf},
issn = {00323217},
journal = {Political Studies},
number = {1},
pages = {103--122},
title = {{Public preferences for parliamentary representation in the UK: An overlooked link?}},
volume = {54},
year = {2006}
}
@book{Childs2008,
address = {Abingdon-on-Thames},
author = {Childs, Sarah},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Childs - 2008 - Women and British Party Politics Descriptive, Substantive and Symbolic Representation.pdf:pdf},
publisher = {Routledge},
title = {{Women and British Party Politics: Descriptive, Substantive and Symbolic Representation}},
year = {2008}
}
@article{Louwerse2016,
abstract = {Most theories of legislative behaviour explain the behaviour of MPs through electoral incentives. However, they fail to explain variation in parliamentary activity when individual electoral incentives are largely absent. This article studies MPs' activity in such a parliament: the Dutch Tweede Kamer. It examines four clusters of incentives that may drive parliamentarians to be active. Party and committee environments provide the best explanation for the level of activity of individual MPs. Reselection and promotion prospects explain MPs' behaviour, but only under more particular specifications. Re-election prospects were not found to affect activity levels.},
author = {Louwerse, Tom and Otjes, Simon},
doi = {10.1080/01402382.2015.1111041},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Louwerse, Otjes - 2016 - Personalised parliamentary behaviour without electoral incentives the case of the Netherlands.pdf:pdf},
issn = {17439655},
journal = {West European Politics},
keywords = {Legislative behaviour,The Netherlands,electoral incentives,institutionalism,personalisation,selectoral incentives},
number = {4},
pages = {778--799},
publisher = {Routledge},
title = {{Personalised parliamentary behaviour without electoral incentives: the case of the Netherlands}},
volume = {39},
year = {2016}
}
@article{Wackerle2019,
author = {W{\"{a}}ckerle, Jens and Silva, Bruno Castanho},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/W{\"{a}}ckerle, Silva - 2019 - Blending in or Standing out Connecting Women's Descriptive, Symbolic, and Substantive Representation in Four E.pdf:pdf},
journal = {Working Paper},
title = {{Blending in or Standing out: Connecting Women's Descriptive, Symbolic, and Substantive Representation in Four European Parliaments}},
year = {2019}
}
@article{Lucas2015,
abstract = {Recent advances in research tools for the systematic analysis of textual data are enabling exciting new research throughout the social sciences. For comparative politics, scholars who are often interested in non-English and possibly multilingual textual datasets, these advances may be difficult to access. This article discusses practical issues that arise in the processing, management, translation, and analysis of textual data with a particular focus on how procedures differ across languages. These procedures are combined in two applied examples of automated text analysis using the recently introduced Structural Topic Model. We also show how the model can be used to analyze data that have been translated into a single language via machine translation tools. All the methods we describe here are implemented in open-source software packages available from the authors.},
annote = {More specifically tailored towards comparative politics/multiple languages, so not necessarily the most useful.},
author = {Lucas, Christopher and Nielsen, Richard A and Roberts, Margaret E and Stewart, Brandon M and Storer, Alex and Tingley, Dustin and Sinclair, Betsy and Blattman, Christopher and Corstange, Dan and Humphreys, Macartan and Jamal, Amaney and King, Gary and Milner, Helen and Mitts, Tamar and O'connor, Brendan and Spirling, Arthur},
doi = {10.1093/pan/mpu019},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Lucas et al. - 2015 - Computer-Assisted Text Analysis for Comparative Politics.pdf:pdf},
journal = {Political Analysis},
pages = {254--277},
title = {{Computer-Assisted Text Analysis for Comparative Politics}},
url = {http://pan.oxfordjournals.org/},
volume = {23},
year = {2015}
}
@misc{Hoggart2011,
author = {Hoggart, Simon},
booktitle = {The Guardian},
title = {{Prime minister's questions – or an unpleasant football match?}},
url = {https://tinyurl.com/yxluwbbc},
year = {2011}
}
@article{Streb2008,
abstract = {Public opinion polls show consistently that a substantial portion of the American public would vote for a qualified female presidential candidate. Because of the controversial nature of such questions, however, the responses may suffer from social desirability effects. In other words, respondents may be purposely giving false answers as not to violate societal norms. Using an unobtrusive measure called the "list experiment," we find that public opinion polls are indeed exaggerating support for a female president. Roughly 26 percent of the public is "angry or upset" about the prospect of a female president. Moreover, this level of dissatisfaction is constant across several demographic groups. As talk about the 2008 presidential election heats up, there is much speculation about whether the United States will elect its first female president; questions about the extent to which the public would support a woman for president have taken on more than hypothetical value. The White House Project has been established to research stereotypes about women as national leaders and to promote the idea of a woman as a president. Senator and former first lady Hillary Clinton leads in all polls to be the Democratic Party nominee in 2008, and the Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice has been promoted within Republican circles as that party's nominee, although she has declared she would not be a candidate. and the anonymous reviewers for their insightful comments. All errors, of course, are the sole responsibility of the authors.},
author = {Streb, Matthew J and Burrell, Barbara and Frederick, Brian and Genovese, Michael A},
doi = {10.1093/poq/nfm035},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Streb et al. - 2008 - Social Desirability Effects and Support For A Female American President.pdf:pdf},
journal = {Public Opinion Quarterly},
number = {1},
pages = {76--89},
title = {{Social Desirability Effects and Support For A Female American President}},
volume = {72},
year = {2008}
}
@article{Zelizer2019,
abstract = {Cue-taking is central to legislators' ability to make informed decisions. Despite its importance, rigorous research designs find little evidence that cue-taking occurs. This study employs two legislative field experiments, with over 2,000 observations in total, to estimate the frequency of cue-taking in a state legislature. Cue-taking is defined as the effect of an informational policy briefing that diffuses from a directly treated legislator to an untreated legislator within the same legislative office. Cue-taking is a substantial influence on cosponsorship. Nearly 80{\%} of directly induced cosponsorships diffuse to untreated legislators via cue-taking. The combined effects of direct briefings and cue-taking, identified by the full factorial design, show that cues and briefings are complements, not substitutes. Robustness checks show that cue-taking appears purposive and that there is little conclusive evidence of cue-taking through alternative contagion channels. Word count: 6,461},
author = {Zelizer, Adam},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Zelizer - 2019 - Is Position-Taking Contagious Evidence of Cue-Taking from Two Field Experiments in a State Legislature(2).pdf:pdf},
journal = {American Political Science Review},
number = {0},
pages = {1--13},
title = {{Is Position-Taking Contagious? Evidence of Cue-Taking from Two Field Experiments in a State Legislature}},
url = {https://adamzelizer.files.wordpress.com/2018/04/is-position-taking-contagious.pdf},
volume = {00},
year = {2019}
}
@article{Bauer2015,
abstract = {Women are underrepresented at all levels of elected office. It is suspected that gender stereotypes hinder the electoral success of female candidates, but empirical evidence is inconclusive on whether stereotypes have a direct effect on voting decisions. This empirical conflict stems, in part, from the assumption that voters automatically rely on gender stereotypes when evaluating female candidates. This study explicitly tests the assumption of automatic stereotype activation. I suggest that stereotype reliance depends on whether stereo- types have been activated during a campaign, and it is only when stereotypes are activated that they influence evaluations of female candidates. These hypotheses are tested with a survey experiment and observational analysis. The results show that campaign communication activates stereotypes when they otherwise might not be activated, thereby diminishing support for female candidates.},
author = {Bauer, Nichole M.},
doi = {10.1111/pops.12186},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Bauer - 2015 - Emotional, Sensitive, and Unfit for Office Gender Stereotype Activation and Support Female Candidates.pdf:pdf},
issn = {14679221},
journal = {Political Psychology},
keywords = {And representation,Female candidates,Gender,Stereotypes},
number = {6},
pages = {691--708},
title = {{Emotional, Sensitive, and Unfit for Office? Gender Stereotype Activation and Support Female Candidates}},
volume = {36},
year = {2015}
}
@article{Bailer2018,
abstract = {Building on the understanding that a career is a dynamic concept, this article applies the idea that parliamentarians' legislative activities vary according to their career stage and age. This is partly a function of experience and partly a function of future career prospects. Using a new data set of the German Bundestag (2002–13) that pinpoints the age and career stage of MPs at the time of individual activities, namely, attending votes, posing parliamentary questions, and holding rapporteurships, we identify practical and normative challenges to MPs' legislative work: It takes time to learn the trade and as the desire for re-election dissipates, a last-period problem arises. MPs significantly reduce their activity levels toward the end of their legislative careers, indicating a clear loss of accountability toward their parties and their constituents.},
author = {Bailer, Stefanie and Ohmura, Tamaki},
doi = {10.1111/lsq.12192},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Bailer, Ohmura - 2018 - Exploring, Maintaining, and Disengaging—The Three Phases of a Legislator's Life.pdf:pdf},
issn = {19399162},
journal = {Legislative Studies Quarterly},
keywords = {accountability,career,last period problem,legislative activity,parliamentary questions,rapporteurships,vote attendance},
number = {3},
pages = {493--520},
title = {{Exploring, Maintaining, and Disengaging—The Three Phases of a Legislator's Life}},
volume = {43},
year = {2018}
}
@unpublished{Perry2017,
abstract = {Probabilistic methods for classifying text form a rich tradition in machine learning and natural language processing. For many important problems, however, class prediction is uninteresting because the class is known, and instead the focus shifts to estimating latent quantities related to the text, such as affect or ideology. We focus on one such problem of interest, estimating the ideological positions of 55 Irish legislators in the 1991 D{\'{a}}il confidence vote. To solve the D{\'{a}}il scaling problem and others like it, we develop a text modeling framework that allows actors to take latent positions on a "gray" spectrum between "black" and "white" polar opposites. We are able to validate results from this model by measuring the influences exhibited by individual words, and we are able to quantify the uncertainty in the scaling estimates by using a sentence-level block bootstrap. Applying our method to the D{\'{a}}il debate, we are able to scale the legislators between extreme pro-government and pro-opposition in a way that reveals nuances in their speeches not captured by their votes or party affiliations.},
annote = {This paper has helpful overviews to the existing methods},
archivePrefix = {arXiv},
arxivId = {1710.08963v1},
author = {Perry, Patrick O and Benoit, Kenneth},
eprint = {1710.08963v1},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Perry, Benoit - 2017 - Scaling Text with the Class Affinity Model.pdf:pdf},
title = {{Scaling Text with the Class Affinity Model}},
url = {https://arxiv.org/pdf/1710.08963.pdf},
year = {2017}
}
@article{Harrison2016,
abstract = {As with the first televised debates in 1960, the 2012 US presidential debates accentuated the importance of nonverbal behavior in political competition, with President Obama receiving widespread criticism for his disengaged and arguably inappropriate communication style in the first debate. To investigate the perceptual impact of such nonverbal expectancy violations, this study first employs an experimental design to examine the consequence of inappropriate leader displays, operationalized as nonverbal behaviors that are incongruent with the rhetorical setting. Theoretical explanations about the evaluative consequences of inappropriate leader displays are described in light of expectancy violations theory. Results of a repeated measures eye-tracking experiment find support for the prediction that inappropriate facial expressions increase visual attention on the source of violation, prompt critical scrutiny, and elicit negative evaluations. These findings are further explored with qualitative analysis of focus group responses to key moments from the first and third presidential debates. The discussion considers the broader implications of nonverbal communication in politics and how expressive leader displays serve as meaningful cues for citizens when making sense of televised political encounters.},
author = {Harrison, Zijian and Bucy, Erik P},
doi = {10.1080/03637751.2015.1119868},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Harrison, Bucy - 2016 - When style obscures substance Visual attention to display appropriateness in the 2012 presidential debates.pdf:pdf},
journal = {Communication Monographs},
number = {3},
pages = {349--372},
title = {{When style obscures substance: Visual attention to display appropriateness in the 2012 presidential debates}},
url = {http://www.tandfonline.com/action/journalInformation?journalCode=rcmm20},
volume = {83},
year = {2016}
}
@article{Volden2018,
abstract = {Just like members of the House, US senators vary in how effective they are at lawmaking. We create Legislative Effectiveness Scores for each senator in each of the 93rd-113th Congresses (1973-2015). We use these scores to explore common claims about institutional differences in lawmaking between the House and the Senate. Our analysis offers strong support for the claim that the Senate is a more egalitarian and individualistic lawmaking body, in comparison to the relatively hierarchical institutional structure of the House. The scores developed here offer scholars numerous opportunities to explore important lawmaking phenomena.},
author = {Volden, Craig and Wiseman, Alan E.},
doi = {10.1086/697121},
file = {:Users/lotte/Dropbox/projects/productivity{\_}experiment/lit/VoldenWisemanJOP2018.pdf:pdf},
issn = {14682508},
journal = {Journal of Politics},
number = {2},
pages = {731--735},
title = {{Legislative effectiveness in the United States senate}},
volume = {80},
year = {2018}
}
@article{Bennett2007,
author = {Bennett, Andrew},
journal = {Qualitative Method},
number = {1},
pages = {9--28},
title = {{Symposium: Multi-Methods Work, Dispatches From the Front Lines}},
volume = {5},
year = {2007}
}
@article{Spence1974,
author = {Spence, Janet T. and Helmreich, Robert and Stapp, Joy},
journal = {Catalog of Selected Documents in Psychology},
pages = {43--44},
title = {{The Personal Attributes Questionnaire: A Measure of Sex Role Stereotypes and Masculinity-Femininity}},
volume = {4},
year = {1974}
}
@article{Welbers2017,
abstract = {Computational text analysis has become an exciting research field with many applications in communication research. It can be a difficult method to apply, however, because it requires knowledge of various techniques, and the software required to perform most of these techniques is not readily available in common statistical software packages. In this teacher's corner, we address these barriers by providing an overview of general steps and operations in a computational text analysis project, and demonstrate how each step can be performed using the R statistical software. As a popular open-source platform, R has an extensive user community that develops and maintains a wide range of text analysis packages. We show that these packages make it easy to perform advanced text analytics. With the increasing importance of computational text analysis in communication research (Boumans {\&} Trilling, 2016; Grimmer {\&} Stewart, 2013), many researchers face the challenge of learning how to use advanced software that enables this type of analysis. Currently, one of the most popular environments for computational methods and the emerging field of "data science" 1 is the R statistical software (R Core Team, 2017). However, for researchers that are not well-versed in programming, learning how to use R can be a challenge, and performing text analysis in particular can seem daunting. In this teacher's corner, we show that performing text analysis in R is not as hard as some might fear. We provide a step-by-step introduction into the use of common techniques, with the aim of helping researchers get acquainted with computational text analysis in general, as well as getting a start at performing advanced text analysis studies in R. R is a free, open-source, cross-platform programming environment. In contrast to most programming languages, R was specifically designed for statistical analysis, which makes it highly suitable for data science applications. Although the learning curve for programming with R can be steep, especially for people without prior programming experience, the tools now available for carrying out text analysis in R make it easy to perform powerful, cutting-edge text analytics using only a few simple commands. One of the keys to R's explosive growth (Fox {\&} Leanage, 2016; TIOBE, 2017) has been its densely populated collection of extension software libraries, known in R terminology as packages, supplied and maintained by R's extensive user community. Each package extends the functionality of the base R language and core packages, and in addition to functions and data must include documentation and examples, often in the form of vignettes demonstrating the use of the package. The best-known package repository, the Comprehensive R Archive Network (CRAN), currently has over 10,000 packages that are published, and which have gone through an extensive CONTACT Kasper Welbers},
author = {Welbers, Kasper and {Van Atteveldt}, Wouter and Benoit, Kenneth},
doi = {10.1080/19312458.2017.1387238},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Welbers, Van Atteveldt, Benoit - 2017 - Text Analysis in R.pdf:pdf},
journal = {Communication Methods and Measures},
number = {4},
pages = {245--265},
title = {{Text Analysis in R}},
url = {www.tandfonline.com/hcms.},
volume = {11},
year = {2017}
}
@article{Miquel2006,
abstract = {We studied an underutilized source of data on legislative effectiveness and exploited its panel structure to uncover several interesting patterns. We found that effectiveness rises sharply with tenure, at least for the first few terms, even when we control for legislators' institutional positions, party affiliation, and other factors. Effectiveness never declines with tenure, even out to nine terms. The increase in effectiveness is not simply due to electoral attrition and selective retirement, but to learning-by-doing. We also found evidence that a significant amount of "positive sorting" occurs in the legislature, with highly talented legislators moving more quickly into positions of responsibility and power. Finally, effectiveness has a positive impact on incumbents' electoral success and on the probability of legislators moving to higher office. These findings have important implications for arguments about term limits, the incumbency advantage, and seniority rule.},
author = {Miquel, Gerard Padr{\'{o}} I and Snyder, James M.},
doi = {10.3162/036298006x201841},
file = {:Users/lotte/Dropbox/PhD/topic{\_}project/lit/Legislative Studies Qtrly - 2011 - MIQUEL - Legislative Effectiveness and Legislative Careers.pdf:pdf},
issn = {03629805},
journal = {Legislative Studies Quarterly},
number = {3},
pages = {347--381},
title = {{Legislative Effectiveness and Legislative Careers}},
volume = {31},
year = {2006}
}
@article{Krupnikov2015,
abstract = {How does racial prejudice affect White turnout in elections with Black candidates? Previous research, which largely focuses on the relationship between prejudice and vote choice, rarely examines the relationship between prejudice and turnout, leading to an incomplete picture of the impact of prejudice on the fate of Black candidates. In this project, we examine a key condition under which parti-sanship and partisan strength moderate the effect of prejudice on electoral behavior. Specifically, we argue that when a prejudiced strong partisan shares the partisanship of a Black candidate, she is likely to experience a decision conflict-prejudice and partisanship point in opposing directions-increasing the likelihood that she stays home on Election Day. We test this argument through observational analyses of the 2008 presidential election. Our findings illuminate an additional barrier to Black electoral representation: racial prejudice undermines Black candidates' efforts to mobilize strong partisans.},
author = {Krupnikov, Yanna and Piston, Spencer},
doi = {10.1007/s11109-014-9268-2},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Krupnikov, Piston - 2015 - Racial Prejudice, Partisanship, and White Turnout in Elections with Black Candidates.pdf:pdf},
journal = {Political Behavior},
keywords = {Elections,Partisan strength,Partisanship,Prejudice,Race,Turnout},
pages = {397--418},
title = {{Racial Prejudice, Partisanship, and White Turnout in Elections with Black Candidates}},
volume = {37},
year = {2015}
}
@article{Monroe2008a,
annote = {Useful for the methods paper plus I have highlighted here the pieces in the special issue that sound worthwhile reading},
author = {Monroe, Burt L. and Schrodt, Philip A.},
doi = {10.1093/pan/mpn017},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Monroe, Schrodt - 2008 - Introduction to the Special Issue The Statistical Analysis of Political Text.pdf:pdf},
journal = {Political Analysis},
pages = {351--355},
title = {{Introduction to the Special Issue: The Statistical Analysis of Political Text}},
url = {https://doi.org/10.1093/pan/mpn017},
volume = {16},
year = {2008}
}
@techreport{Kimble1988,
abstract = {The effects of individuals' assertiveness and sex on dominant behaviors in arguing, mixed-sex dyads were examined in this study. The primary dominant behaviors investigated were (1) visual dominance behavior, (2) talking time, and (3) speech loudness. Subjects' assertiveness was determined by pretesting with the Rathus Assertiveness Schedule. Then dyads consisting of an assertive or an unassertive man and an assertive or an unassertive woman were videotaped as they argued an issue. Measures derived from the tapes indicated that men talked more and louder than women did, as expected. Also, the hypotheses that assertive individuals would talk more and louder than unassertive ones were supported with some qualifications. However, only the assertiveness of women was associated with higher visual dominance patterns. Men's assertiveness had no influence on their visual behavior. Men paired with assertive women had lower visual dominance patterns than men paired with unassertive ones. Also, women showed another form of visual dominance, looking while speaking, more than men did. These results were compared with earlier studies of the behavior of women and men in same-sex and mixed-sex dyads and groups and in structured and unstructured discussion situations.},
author = {Kimble, Charles E and Musgrove, Jeffrey I},
booktitle = {Journal of Research in Personality},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Kimble, Musgrove - 1988 - Dominance in Arguing Mixed-Sex Dyads Visual Dominance Patterns, Talking Time, and Speech Loudness.pdf:pdf},
pages = {1--16},
title = {{Dominance in Arguing Mixed-Sex Dyads: Visual Dominance Patterns, Talking Time, and Speech Loudness}},
url = {https://ac.els-cdn.com/0092656688900219/1-s2.0-0092656688900219-main.pdf?{\_}tid=f43ece46-0ce2-4615-ae4f-5d88e0d5dfcd{\&}acdnat=1539357367{\_}381768ca3c806ac6ac022399e9511301},
volume = {22},
year = {1988}
}
@book{Dahlerup2017,
abstract = {Why are women still under–represented in politics? Can we speak of democracy when women are not fully included in political decision–making? Some argue that we are on the right track to full gender equality in politics, while others talk about women hitting the glass ceiling or being included in institutions with shrinking power, not least as a result of neo–liberalism. In this powerful essay, internationally renowned scholar of gender and politics Drude Dahlerup explains how democracy has failed women and what can be done to tackle it. Political institutions, including political parties, she argues, are the real gatekeepers to elected positions all over the world, but they need to be much more inclusive. By reforming these institutions and carefully implementing gender quotas we can move towards improved gender equality and greater democratization.},
address = {London, UK},
annote = {{\textperiodcentered}      Argument that many would say democracy has failed women since less than a quarter of the world's legislative seats are held by women 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 21) “Male suffrage was for long considered sufficient for fulfilling the criteria of popular participation and embedded in most definitions of democracy.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 34-35) On one element of male dominance in legislatures: “The sixth dimension concerns the gendered perceptions of politicians, especially how women politicians are depictured in the media, and how party leaders – when looking for candidates – tend to frame women within a traditional discourse of what a ‘strong' politician looks like.” “The greatest obstacle to change is the conception that the existing political structures are the natural order of things.”},
author = {Dahlerup, Drude},
pages = {144},
publisher = {Polity},
title = {{Has Democracy Failed Women?}},
year = {2017}
}
@article{Trimble2007,
abstract = {When women seek the leadership of competitive political parties, does their sex influence their news visibility throughout the campaign? By conducting a content analysis of all Globe and Mail coverage of each of the three Conservative Party of Canada leadership races featuring competitive female contenders--Flora MacDonald in 1976, Kim Campbell in 1993 and Belinda Stronach in 2004--I measured the news visibility of each of the leading male and female candidates. The findings show a relationship between the sex of the leadership candidate and news prominence, as the female contenders were, on the whole, more visible than similarly situated male candidates. However, as the analysis reveals, sex is not the only factor shaping news coverage. I argue that the news value of the party, the nature of the leadership competition, and gendered mediation of individual leadership candidates intersect to determine the amount and prominence of news coverage accorded male and female candidates for party leadership positions. (English) [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]; Lorsque les femmes se pr{\'{e}}sentent {\`{a}} la chefferie d'un parti politique important, leur sexe a-t-il une influence, durant la campagne, sur la place qu'on leur accorde dans l'actualit{\'{e}} ? J'ai mesur{\'{e}} la pr{\'{e}}sence dans l'actualit{\'{e}} des meneurs des trois courses {\`{a}} la chefferie du Parti conservateur du Canada o{\`{u}} une femme {\'{e}}tait candidate -- Flora MacDonald en 1976, Kim Campbell en 1993 et Belinda Stronach en 2004 -- {\`{a}} partir d'une analyse du contenu de toute la couverture du Globe and Mail pour chacune des campagnes. Les r{\'{e}}sultats permettent d'{\'{e}}tablir un lien entre le sexe des candidats et leur pr{\'{e}}sence dans l'actualit{\'{e}}, les candidates {\'{e}}tant, dans l'ensemble, plus visibles que les candidats dont la situation {\'{e}}tait par ailleurs comparable. Cependant, l'analyse d{\'{e}}montre {\'{e}}galement que le sexe n'est pas le seul facteur d{\'{e}}terminant de la couverture m{\'{e}}diatique. Je soutiens que l'importance du parti m{\^{e}}me dans l'actualit{\'{e}}, le style propre {\`{a}} la campagne, ainsi que la repr{\'{e}}sentation genr{\'{e}}e de chaque candidat par les m{\'{e}}dias se recoupent pour d{\'{e}}terminer la fr{\'{e}}quence et la visibilit{\'{e}} de la couverture accord{\'{e}}e aux candidats et candidates {\`{a}} la direction d'un parti politique. (French) [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]; Copyright of Canadian Journal of Political Science is the property of Cambridge University Press and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)},
author = {Trimble, Linda},
doi = {10.1017/S0008423907071120},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Trimble - 2007 - Gender, political leadership and media visibility Globe and Mail coverage of conservative party of Canada leadership co.pdf:pdf},
issn = {00084239},
journal = {Canadian Journal of Political Science},
number = {4},
pages = {969--993},
title = {{Gender, political leadership and media visibility: Globe and Mail coverage of conservative party of Canada leadership contests}},
volume = {40},
year = {2007}
}
@article{Eagly1992,
abstract = {This article reviews research on the evaluation of women and men who occupy leadership roles. In these experiments, the characteristics of leaders other than their sex were held constant, and the sex of the leader was varied. These experiments thus investigated whether people are biased against female leaders and managers. Although this research showed only a small overall tendency for subjects to evaluate female leaders less favorably than male leaders, this tendency was more pronounced under certain circumstances. Specifically, women in leadership positions were devalued relative to their male counterparts when leadership was carried out in stereotypically masculine styles, particularly when this style was autocratic or directive. In addition, the devaluation of women was greater when leaders occupied male-dominated roles and when the evaluators were men. These and other findings are interpreted from a perspective that emphasizes the influence of gender roles within organizational settings.},
author = {Eagly, Alice H. and Makhijani, Mona G. and Klonsky, Bruce G.},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Eagly, Makhijani, Klonsky - 1992 - Gender and the Evaluation of Leaders A Meta-Analysis.pdf:pdf},
journal = {Psychological Bulletin},
number = {1},
pages = {3--22},
title = {{Gender and the Evaluation of Leaders: A Meta-Analysis}},
volume = {111},
year = {1992}
}
@article{Eggers2014,
abstract = {This article considers the historical development of a characteristic crucial for the functioning and normative appeal of Westminster systems: cohesive legislative parties. It gathers the universe of the 20,000 parliamentary divisions that took place between 1836 and 1910 in the British House of Commons, construct a voting record for every Member of Parliament (MP) serving during this time, and conducts analysis that aims to both describe and explain the development of cohesive party voting. In line with previous work, it shows that-with the exception of a chaotic period in the 1840s and 1850s-median discipline was always high and increased throughout the century. The study uses novel methods to demonstrate that much of the rise in cohesion results from the elimination of a rebellious 'left tail' from the 1860s onwards, rather than central tendency shifts. In explaining the aggregate trends, the article uses panel data techniques and notes that there is scant evidence for 'replacement' explanations that involve new members behaving in more disciplined ways than those leaving the chamber. It offers evidence that more loyal MPs were more likely to obtain ministerial posts, and speculates that this and other 'inducement'-based accounts offer more promising explanations of increasingly cohesive parties. Strong party discipline is a defining feature of legislative politics in Westminster systems. 1 In modern times, parliamentary divisions ('roll calls' in American parlance) are characterized as predictable affairs insofar as members of parliament (MPs) can be expected to vote in line with their parties' explicit orders, and rebellion against the whip is a relatively rare event. 2 One consequence of party cohesion, in tandem with an electoral system that yields a 'manufactured majority' of seats, 3 is that governing parties almost never lose votes that are important to their legislative agenda. This arrangement facilitates the particular vision of responsible government 4 and accountability 5 that has allowed the unusual longevity and diffusion of the Westminster system from its home in Britain to other polities. 6},
author = {Eggers, Andrew C. and Spirling, Arthur},
doi = {10.1017/S0007123414000362},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Eggers, Spirling - 2014 - Party Cohesion in Westminster Systems Inducements, Replacement and Discipline in the House of Commons, 1836-19.pdf:pdf},
journal = {British Journal of Political Science},
pages = {567--589},
title = {{Party Cohesion in Westminster Systems: Inducements, Replacement and Discipline in the House of Commons, 1836-1910}},
url = {http://dx.doi.org/},
volume = {46},
year = {2014}
}
@article{Karpowitz2012a,
abstract = {Can men and women have equal levels of voice and authority in deliberation or does deliberation exacerbate gender inequality? Does increasing women's descriptive representation in deliberation increase their voice and authority? We answer these questions and move beyond the debate by hypothesizing that the group's gender composition interacts with its decision rule to exacerbate or erase the inequalities. We test this hypothesis and various alternatives, using experimental data with many groups and links between individuals' attitudes and speech. We find a substantial gender gap in voice and authority, but as hypothesized, it disappears under unanimous rule and few women, or under majority rule and many women. Deliberative design can avoid inequality by fitting institutional procedure to the social context of the situation. Copyright {\textcopyright} 2012 American Political Science Association.},
author = {Karpowitz, Christopher F. and Mendelberg, Tali and Shaker, Lee},
doi = {10.1017/S0003055412000329},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Karpowitz, Mendelberg, Shaker - 2012 - Gender inequality in deliberative participation(2).pdf:pdf},
issn = {00030554},
journal = {American Political Science Review},
number = {3},
pages = {533--547},
title = {{Gender inequality in deliberative participation}},
volume = {106},
year = {2012}
}
@incollection{Blumenau2020a,
address = {Oxford},
author = {Blumenau, Jack and Damiani, Roberta},
booktitle = {The Politics of Legislative Debate},
editor = {B{\"{a}}ck, Hanna and Debus, Marc and Fernandes, Jorge M.},
pages = {775--800},
publisher = {Oxford University Press},
title = {{The (Increasing) Discretion of MPs in Parliamentary Debate}},
year = {2021}
}
@article{Martin2020,
abstract = {Research shows that ethnic minority candidates often face an electoral penalty at the ballot box. In this study, we argue that this penalty depends on both candidate and voter characteristics, and that pro-minority policy positions incur a greater penalty than a candidate's ethnic background itself. Using a conjoint experiment embedded in a panel study of British voters, we investigate the relative contributions of candidate ethnicity, policy positions, affirmative action, and voter attitudes to this electoral penalty. We find that although Pakistani (Muslim) candidates are penalized directly for their ethnicity, black Caribbean candidates receive on average the same levels of support as white British ones. However, black Caribbean candidates suffer conditional discrimination where they are penalized if they express support for pro-minority policies, and all candidates are penalized for having been selected through an affirmative action initiative. We also find that some white British voters are more inclined to support a black Caribbean candidate than a white British one, all else being equal. These voters (one quarter of our sample) have cosmopolitan views on immigration, and a strong commitment to anti-prejudice norms. However, despite efforts across parties to increase the ethnic diversity of candidates for office, many voters' preferences continue to pose barriers toward descriptive and substantive representation of ethnic minority groups.},
author = {Martin, Nicole S. and Blinder, Scott},
doi = {10.1007/s11109-020-09596-4},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Martin, Blinder - 2021 - Biases at the Ballot Box How Multiple Forms of Voter Discrimination Impede the Descriptive and Substantive Repr.pdf:pdf},
isbn = {0123456789},
issn = {15736687},
journal = {Political Behavior},
keywords = {Candidates,Discrimination,Ethnicity,Muslims,Prejudice,Representation},
pages = {1487--1510},
publisher = {Springer US},
title = {{Biases at the Ballot Box: How Multiple Forms of Voter Discrimination Impede the Descriptive and Substantive Representation of Ethnic Minority Groups}},
volume = {43},
year = {2021}
}
@article{Bos2013,
abstract = {It has often been argued that the communication strategies used by right-wing populists are key to their appeal to voters. However, prior studies found only rather limited across-the-board effects of communication strategies that employ a populist style and rhetoric. In this study, we focus on the conditionality of the effects of these two communication strategies on the perceived legitimacy of one right-wing populist and one mainstream leader. We use an experimental setup with a large-N representative sample of Dutch voters (n=3125). The results show that the effects of populist communication strategies differ for the lower educated and the politically cynical. These groups of voters are more susceptible to persuasion by the populist style of the right-wing populist party leader. Results are discussed in the light of research on (right-wing) populism. {\textcopyright} 2013 Macmillan Publishers Ltd.},
author = {Bos, Linda and {Van Der Brug}, Wouter and {De Vreese}, Claes H.},
doi = {10.1057/ap.2012.27},
file = {:Users/lotte/Dropbox/PhD/style{\_}experiment/lit/Bos2013{\_}Article{\_}AnExperimentalTestOfTheImpactO.pdf:pdf},
issn = {00016810},
journal = {Acta Politica},
keywords = {experimental research,leadership,political communication,populism,right-wing populist parties},
number = {2},
pages = {192--208},
title = {{An Experimental Test of the Impact of Style and Rhetoric on the Perception of Right-Wing Populist and Mainstream Party Leaders}},
volume = {48},
year = {2013}
}
@book{Imai2017,
address = {Princeton, New Jersey},
author = {Imai, Kosuke},
isbn = {9780691167039},
publisher = {Princeton University Press},
title = {{Quantitative Social Science: An Introduction}},
year = {2017}
}
@article{Bauer2018b,
abstract = {Existing literature debates whether gender stereotypes or partisanship has a greater effect on evaluations of female candidates. Feminine stereotypes are considered incongruent with leadership roles, but partisanship is also an important cue for many voters. Complicating the influence of feminine stereotypes is that this concept overlaps with stereotypes about the Democratic Party. This manuscript examines the influence of partisanship and feminine stereotypes in how voters perceive female candidates. Using an original survey experiment, the results uncover several findings. First, partisanship and gender do not combine to activate feminine stereotypes. Second, feminine information activates feminine stereotypes for only Democratic female candidates while masculine information prevents feminine stereotyping for all candidate types. Overall, voters evaluate Democratic female candidates favorably when they have feminine or masculine information, but Republican female candidates receive evaluations that are more critical. These results suggest that feminine stereotypes and partisanship jointly affect perceptions of female candidates.},
author = {Bauer, Nichole M.},
doi = {10.1080/1554477X.2016.1268875},
file = {:Users/lotte/Dropbox/PhD/style{\_}experiment/lit/Untangling the Relationship between Partisanship Gender Stereotypes and Support for Female Candidates.pdf:pdf},
issn = {15544788},
journal = {Journal of Women, Politics and Policy},
keywords = {Female candidates,gender stereotypes,partisan stereotypes},
number = {1},
pages = {1--25},
publisher = {Routledge},
title = {{Untangling the Relationship Between Partisanship, Gender Stereotypes, and Support for Female Candidates}},
volume = {39},
year = {2018}
}
@article{Murray2010,
abstract = {The introduction of France's "parity" law in 2000 raised fears of electing inferior women candidates via a gender quota. France has since held two legislative elections, with the proportion of women in parliament rising from 10.9{\%} to 12.3{\%} in 2002, and 18.5{\%} in 2007. These rises permit an empirical evaluation of whether "quota women" measure up to those elected without a quota. New women parliamentarians are compared to their male counterparts and to women elected before 2002 to see whether there are any noticeable differences in their background (profession, age, and prior experience) and their levels of parliamentary activity (including numbers of bills, reports, and questions introduced). The findings challenge the notion that parity is producing weak politicians. The slightly different profiles of men and women politicians reflect wider barriers to women's political careers that would not have been overcome without the parity law. Once women are elected, the volume of activity shows no evidence of being gendered, suggesting that women are as effective in the job as men. These findings imply that sex is a barrier to entry but not to performance, reinforcing claims for the use of quotas to overcome entry barriers and negating claims that quotas produce second-rate parliamentarians. the editors and anonymous reviewers for their feedback, advice and encouragement. Any errors remaining are my own.},
author = {Murray, Rainbow},
doi = {10.1017/S1743923X09990523},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Murray - 2010 - Second Among Unequals A Study of Whether France's “Quota Women” are Up to the Job.pdf:pdf},
journal = {Politics {\&} Gender},
pages = {93--118},
title = {{Second Among Unequals? A Study of Whether France's “Quota Women” are Up to the Job}},
url = {http://www.rainbowmurray.co.uk/PAG{\_}2010.pdf},
volume = {6},
year = {2010}
}
@article{Lakoff1973,
abstract = {JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact support@jstor.org. ABSTRACT Our use of language embodies attitudes as well as referential meanings. 'Woman's language' has as foundation the attitude that women are marginal to the serious concerns of life, which are pre-empted by men. The mar-ginality and powerlessness of women is reflected in both the ways women are expected to speak, and the ways in which women are spoken of. In appropriate women's speech, strong expression of feeling is avoided, expression of uncertainty is favored, and means of expression in regard to subject-matter deemed 'trivial' to the 'real' world are elaborated. Speech about women implies an object, whose sexual nature requires euphemism, and whose social roles are derivative and dependent in relation to men. The personal identity of women thus is linguistically submerged; the language works against treatment of women, as serious persons with individual views. These aspects of English are explored with regard to lexicon (color terms, particles, evaluative adjectives), and syntax (tag-questions, and related aspects of intonation in answers to requests, and of requests and orders), as concerns speech by women. Speech about women is analyzed with regard to lady :woman, master: mistress, widow: widower, and Mr: Mrs., Miss, with notice of differential use of role terms not explicitly marked for sex (e.g. professional) as well. Some suggestions and conclusions are offered for those working in the women's liberation movement and other kinds of social reform; second language teaching; and theoretical linguistics. Relevant generalizations in linguistics require study of social mores as well as of purely linguistic data.},
author = {Lakoff, Robin},
doi = {10.1017/S0047404500000051},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Lakoff - 1973 - Language and Woman's Place.pdf:pdf},
isbn = {9786610535453},
issn = {0047-4045},
journal = {Language in Society},
number = {1},
pages = {45--80},
title = {{Language and Woman's Place}},
volume = {2},
year = {1973}
}
@book{Lawless2005,
address = {Cambridge, UK},
author = {Lawless, Jennifer L. and Fox, Richard L.},
publisher = {Cambridge University Press},
title = {{It Takes A Candidate: Why Women Don't Run for Office}},
year = {2005}
}
@book{Page2010,
address = {Chicago, US},
author = {Page, Benjamin I. and Shapiro, Robert Y.},
publisher = {University of Chicago Press},
title = {{The Rational Public: Fifty Years of Trends in Americans' Policy Preferences}},
year = {2010}
}
@unpublished{Lowe2011,
abstract = {Several methods have now become popular in political science for scaling latent traits-usually left-right policy positions-from political texts. Following a great deal of development , application, and replication, we now have a fairly good understanding of the estimates produced by scaling models such as "Wordscores", "Wordfish", and other variants (i.e. Monroe and Maeda's two-dimensional estimates). Less well understood, however, are the appropriate methods for estimating uncertainty around these estimates , which are based on untested assumptions about the stochastic processes that generate text. In this paper we address this gap in our understanding on three fronts. First, we lay out the model assumptions of scaling models and how to generate uncertainty estimates that would be appropriate if all assumptions are correct. Second, we examine a set of real texts to see where and to what extent these assumptions fail. Finally, we introduce a sequence of bootstrap methods to deal with assumption failure and demonstrate their application using a series of simulated and real political texts.},
author = {Lowe, Will and Benoit, Kenneth},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Lowe, Benoit - 2011 - Estimating Uncertainty in Quantitative Text Analysis.pdf:pdf},
title = {{Estimating Uncertainty in Quantitative Text Analysis}},
url = {https://kenbenoit.net/pdfs/Midwest{\_}2011{\_}Lowe{\_}Benoit.pdf},
year = {2011}
}
@article{Wyss2015,
abstract = {This article explores the evolution of debate quality in the Swiss parliament. Focusing on immigration debates, we employ a psychological construct—cognitive complexity (CC)—which captures both epistemic and accommodative dimensions of political argumentation. We find a decrease in CC in parliamentary immigration debates over time, but this decrease was driven by the rise of the SVP (Swiss People's Party). However, there was almost no “spillover” of this new communication style to other parties. Moreover, we also find a constant difference between the St{\"{a}}nderat and the Nationalrat, with the former scoring higher on CC and thus asserting its role as a “chambre de r{\'{e}}flexion” in immigration debates. Our diachronic focus on the quality of political debate takes a novel perspective on the dynamics of consensus democracy as well as on elite political culture. While our results indicate that the rise of the SVP has transformed the traditional consensual and deliberative pattern of Swiss policy‐making style into one which is geared towards less accommodation and a higher simplicity of political talk, there is still remarkable resilience against this new style of political interaction.},
author = {Wyss, Dominik and Beste, Simon and B{\"{a}}chtiger, Andr{\'{e}}},
doi = {10.1111/spsr.12179},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Wyss, Beste, B{\"{a}}chtiger - 2015 - A Decline in the Quality of Debate the Evolution of Cognitive Complexity in Swiss Parliamentary Debates.pdf:pdf},
issn = {16626370},
journal = {Swiss Political Science Review},
keywords = {Deliberation,Democracy,Parliament,Polarisation,Switzerland},
number = {4},
pages = {636--653},
title = {{A Decline in the Quality of Debate? the Evolution of Cognitive Complexity in Swiss Parliamentary Debates on Immigration (1968-2014)}},
volume = {21},
year = {2015}
}
@article{Gwiazda2019,
author = {Gwiazda, Anna},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Gwiazda - 2019 - The Substantive Representation of Women in Poland.pdf:pdf},
journal = {Politics {\&} Gender},
pages = {262--284},
title = {{The Substantive Representation of Women in Poland}},
volume = {15},
year = {2019}
}
@article{Pruysers2017,
author = {Pruysers, Scott and Blais, Julie},
doi = {10.1017/S1743923X16000544},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Pruysers, Blais - 2017 - Why won't lola run An experiment examining stereotype threat and political ambition.pdf:pdf},
issn = {17439248},
journal = {Politics and Gender},
number = {2},
pages = {232--252},
title = {{Why won't lola run? An experiment examining stereotype threat and political ambition}},
volume = {13},
year = {2017}
}
@article{Kanthak2010a,
author = {Kanthak, Kristin and Krause, George A},
doi = {10.1111/j.1540-5907.2010.00467.x},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Kanthak, Krause - 2010 - Valuing Diversity in Political Organizations Gender and Token Minorities in the U.S. House of Representative(2).pdf:pdf},
journal = {American Journal of Political Science},
number = {4},
pages = {839--854},
title = {{Valuing Diversity in Political Organizations: Gender and Token Minorities in the U.S. House of Representatives}},
volume = {54},
year = {2010}
}
@article{Parry-Giles1996,
author = {Parry-Giles, Shawn J and Parry-Giles, Trevor},
doi = {10.1080/03637759609376398},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Parry-Giles, Parry-Giles - 1996 - Gendered politics and presidential image construction A reassessment of the feminine style.pdf:pdf},
journal = {Communications Monographs},
number = {4},
pages = {337--353},
title = {{Gendered politics and presidential image construction: A reassessment of the "feminine style"}},
volume = {63},
year = {1996}
}
@article{Amanatullah2013,
abstract = {We complement prior findings that self-advocating female negotiators are reluctant to assert their interests and subsequently suffer financial repercussions, relative to other-advocating females, self-advocating males, and other-advocating males, by showing that self-advocating female negotiators who do assert their interests suffer negative social judgments (i.e., backlash). We use nascent theory on societal norms for the behavior of each gender to explain why advocacy context moderates backlash. We show that assertive, self-advocating women suffer a social backlash (for example, decreased likability) because their behavior is associated with high negative masculine and low positive feminine characterizations. Non-assertive, other-advocating women suffer a leadership backlash (for example, lower presumed com-petency) because their behavior is associated with high negative feminine and low positive masculine characterizations. Interestingly, male negotiators do not suffer any backlash consequences despite being characterized in a fashion similar to that of the females in each condition.},
author = {Amanatullah, Emily T and Tinsley, Catherine H},
doi = {10.1016/j.obhdp.2012.03.006},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Amanatullah, Tinsley - 2013 - Punishing female negotiators for asserting too much...or not enough Exploring why advocacy moderates backl.pdf:pdf},
journal = {Organisational Behavior and Human Decision Processes},
pages = {110--122},
title = {{Punishing female negotiators for asserting too much...or not enough: Exploring why advocacy moderates backlash against assertive female negotiators}},
volume = {120},
year = {2013}
}
@inproceedings{Pennington2014,
abstract = {Recent methods for learning vector space representations of words have succeeded in capturing fine-grained semantic and syntactic regularities using vector arithmetic , but the origin of these regularities has remained opaque. We analyze and make explicit the model properties needed for such regularities to emerge in word vectors. The result is a new global log-bilinear regression model that combines the advantages of the two major model families in the literature: global matrix factorization and local context window methods. Our model efficiently leverages statistical information by training only on the nonzero elements in a word-word co-occurrence matrix, rather than on the entire sparse matrix or on individual context windows in a large corpus. The model produces a vector space with meaningful sub-structure, as evidenced by its performance of 75{\%} on a recent word analogy task. It also outperforms related models on similarity tasks and named entity recognition.},
author = {Pennington, Jeffrey and Socher, Richard and Manning, Christopher D},
booktitle = {Proceedings of the 2014 Conference on Empirical Methods in Natural Language Processing (EMNLP)},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Pennington, Socher, Manning - 2014 - GloVe Global Vectors for Word Representation.pdf:pdf},
pages = {1532--1543},
title = {{GloVe: Global Vectors for Word Representation}},
year = {2014}
}
@article{Bertrand2019,
abstract = {In late 2003, Norway passed a law mandating 40{\%} representation of each gender on the board of public limited liability companies. The primary objective of this reform was to increase the representation of women in top positions in the corporate sector and decrease the gender disparity in earnings within that sector. We document that the women appointed to these boards post-reform were observably more qualified than their female predecessors along many dimensions, and that the gender gap in earnings within boards fell substantially. However, we see no robust evidence that the reform benefited the larger set of women employed in the companies subject to the quota. Moreover, the reform had no clear impact on highly qualified women whose qualifications mirror those of board members but who were not appointed to boards. Finally, we find mixed support for the view that the reform affected the decisions of young women. While the reform was not accompanied by any change in female enrollment in business education programmes, we do see some improvements in labour market outcomes for young women with graduate business degrees in their early career stages; however, we observe similar improvements for young women with graduate science degrees, suggesting this may not be due to the reform. Overall, seven years after the board quota policy fully came into effect, we conclude that it had very little discernible impact on women in business beyond its direct effect on the women who made it into boardrooms.},
author = {Bertrand, Marianne and Black, Sandra E and Jensen, Sissel and Lleras-Muney, Adriana},
doi = {10.1093/restud/rdy032},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Bertrand et al. - 2019 - Breaking the Glass Ceiling The Effect of Board Quotas on Female Labour Market Outcomes in Norway.pdf:pdf},
journal = {Review of Economic Studies},
pages = {191--239},
title = {{Breaking the Glass Ceiling? The Effect of Board Quotas on Female Labour Market Outcomes in Norway}},
volume = {86},
year = {2019}
}
@article{Waylen2009,
abstract = {In this essay I lay out how historical institutionalism (HI) could serve as an important tool for feminist political scientists, highlighting the potentially distinctive contribution and advantages of a feminist historical institutionalism (rather than a feminist institutionalism) for feminist political science and particularly for a feminist comparative politics. The potentially significant contribution of HI is to help us answer some “big questions,” in particular, how and why institutional change occurs. This, in turn, can help us understand how positive gender change, such as improvements in women's descriptive and substantive representation, can come about. This latter question is obviously not only of academic but also of political concern for feminists who wish to lessen gender inequality.},
annote = {{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 245) “The potentially significant contribution of HI is to help us answer some “big questions,” in particular, how and why institutional change occurs. This, in turn, can help us understand how positive gender change, such as improvements in women's descriptive and substantive representation, can come about.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 246) “HI approaches can therefore solve some of the problems that currently hamper feminist political analysis in answering some big questions, such as how certain institutions and regimes are gendered, how they came into being, and how change can come about, as well as in understanding the relationship between different actors and the institutional context.”},
author = {Waylen, Georgina},
doi = {10.1017/S1743923X09000191},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Waylen - 2009 - What Can Historical Institutionalism Offer Feminist Institutionalists.pdf:pdf},
journal = {Politics {\&} Gender},
number = {2},
pages = {245--253},
title = {{What Can Historical Institutionalism Offer Feminist Institutionalists?}},
url = {https://doi.org/10.1017/S1743923X09000191},
volume = {5},
year = {2009}
}
@article{Hall2013,
abstract = {Julia Gillard became the first female prime minister of Australia in 2010. This paper examines the various ways in which her success was constructed in the Australian print media in the days immediately following her elevation. In particular, we focus on how an issue that has long beset women aspiring to power and leadership - the so-called 'double bind' in which aspiring women leaders must display high competence and ambition in traditionally masculine domains while maintaining sufficient femininity so as not to be disliked - was constructed in this high-profile instance. We discuss the coverage in terms of its implications for the need to create an androgynized presentation of ambition, the continuing relevance of gender stereotypes, and the mixture of threat and opportunity provided to women taking positions on 'the glass cliff'. These issues remain crucially important for women aspiring to power and leadership in contemporary western societies.},
author = {Hall, Lauren J. and Donaghue, Ngaire},
doi = {10.1111/j.2044-8309.2012.02114.x},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Hall, Donaghue - 2013 - 'Nice girls don't carry knives' Constructions of ambition in media coverage of Australia's first female prime mi.pdf:pdf},
issn = {01446665},
journal = {British Journal of Social Psychology},
number = {4},
pages = {631--647},
title = {{'Nice girls don't carry knives': Constructions of ambition in media coverage of Australia's first female prime minister}},
volume = {52},
year = {2013}
}
@misc{Debenedetti2020,
author = {Debenedetti, Gabriel},
booktitle = {Intelligencer},
title = {{Elizabeth Warren's 2020 Maneuvering Is Getting Even More Aggressive}},
url = {https://nymag.com/intelligencer/2018/08/elizabeth-warren-2020-preparations-aggressive.html},
year = {2020}
}
@article{Edelsky1990,
annote = {Notes: not methods useful},
author = {Edelsky, Carole and Adams, Karen},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Edelsky, Adams - 1990 - Creating Inequality Breaking the Rules in Debates.pdf:pdf},
journal = {Journal of Language and Social Psychology},
number = {3},
pages = {171--190},
title = {{Creating Inequality: Breaking the Rules in Debates}},
volume = {9},
year = {1990}
}
@article{Benoit2008,
author = {Benoit, Kenneth and Laver, Michael},
doi = {10.1093/pan/mpm020},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Benoit, Laver - 2008 - Compared to What A Comment on ''A Robust Transformation Procedure for Interpreting Political Text'' by Martin and.pdf:pdf},
journal = {Political Analysis},
pages = {101--111},
title = {{Compared to What? A Comment on ''A Robust Transformation Procedure for Interpreting Political Text'' by Martin and Vanberg}},
url = {https://doi.org/10.1093/pan/mpm020},
volume = {16},
year = {2008}
}
@article{Broughton1999,
abstract = {This paper seeks to extend our understanding of the contribution women parliamentarians make to the Commonwealth parliament. The euthanasia debate, precipitated by the 1996 Andrews Bill, provided a rare opportunity to compare male and female parliamentarians' contributions without the constraint of formal party discipline. This unusual set of circumstances allowed us to focus on whether women make a distinctive contribution to parliamentary debate, without the complicating in¯uence of party. We have been able to show that under certain circumstances, women do bring a different focus to parliamentary debate, and in so doing, may, in suf{\textregistered}cient numbers, alter the status quo. One},
author = {Broughton, Sharon and Palmieri, Sonia},
doi = {10.1080/10361149950443},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Broughton, Palmieri - 1999 - Gendered Contributions to Parliamentary Debates The Case of Euthanasia.pdf:pdf},
issn = {1036-1146},
journal = {Australian Journal of Political Science},
number = {1},
pages = {29--45},
title = {{Gendered Contributions to Parliamentary Debates: The Case of Euthanasia}},
volume = {34},
year = {1999}
}
@article{Zucco2011,
abstract = {Ideal point estimators hold the promise of identifying multiple dimensions of political disagreement as they are manifested in legislative voting. However, standard ideal point estimates do not distinguish between ideological motivations and voting inducements from parties, coalitions, or the executive. In this article we describe a general approach for hierarchically identifying an ideological dimension using an auxiliary source of data. In the case we consider, we use an anonymous survey of Brazilian legislators to identify party positions on a left-right ideology dimension. We then use this data to distinguish ideological motivations from other determinants of roll-call behavior for eight presidential-legislative periods covering more than 20 years of Brazilian politics. We find that there exists an important nonideological government-opposition dimension, with the entrance and exit of political parties from the governing coalition appearing as distinct shifts in ideal point on this second dimension. We conjecture that the Brazilian president's control over politically important resources is the source of this dimension of conflict, which has recently become far more important in explaining roll-call voting than the ideological dimension.},
author = {Zucco, Cesar and Lauderdale, Benjamin E.},
doi = {10.1111/j.1939-9162.2011.00019.x},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Zucco, Lauderdale - 2011 - Distinguishing between influences on Brazilian legislative behavior.pdf:pdf},
issn = {03629805},
journal = {Legislative Studies Quarterly},
number = {3},
pages = {363--396},
title = {{Distinguishing between influences on Brazilian legislative behavior}},
volume = {36},
year = {2011}
}
@article{Bernhard2021a,
abstract = {Women's underrepresentation in American politics is often attributed to relatively low levels of political ambition. Yet scholarship still grapples with a major leak in the pipeline to power: that many qualified and politically ambitious women decide against candidacy. Focusing on women with political ambition, we theorize that at the final stage of candidate emergence, household income, breadwinning responsibilities, and household composition are interlocking obstacles to women's candidacies. We examine these dynamics through a multimethod design that includes an original survey of women most likely to run for office: alumnae of the largest Democratic campaign training organization in the United States. Although we do not find income effects, we provide evidence that breadwinning - responsibility for a majority of household income - negatively affects women's ambition, especially for mothers. These findings have important implications for understanding how the political economy of the household affects candidate emergence and descriptive representation in the United States.},
author = {Bernhard, Rachel and Shames, Shauna and Teele, Dawn Langan},
doi = {10.1017/S0003055420000970},
file = {:Users/lotte/Dropbox/PhD/style{\_}experiment/lit/to-emerge-breadwinning-motherhood-and-womens-decisions-to-run-for-office.pdf:pdf},
issn = {15375943},
journal = {American Political Science Review},
number = {2},
pages = {379--394},
title = {{To Emerge? Breadwinning, Motherhood, and Women's Decisions to Run for Office}},
volume = {115},
year = {2021}
}
@article{Thompson2013,
author = {Thompson, Louise},
doi = {10.1093/pa/gss016},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Thompson - 2013 - More of the Same or a Period of Change The Impact of Bill Committees in the Twenty-First Century House of Commons.pdf:pdf},
journal = {Parliamentary Affairs},
pages = {459--479},
title = {{More of the Same or a Period of Change? The Impact of Bill Committees in the Twenty-First Century House of Commons}},
url = {https://academic.oup.com/pa/article-abstract/66/3/459/1562690},
volume = {66},
year = {2013}
}
@book{Rush2001,
abstract = {Available as UCL ebook.},
address = {Oxford},
author = {Rush, Michael},
publisher = {Oxford University Press},
title = {{The role of the Member of Parliament since 1868: From Gentlemen to Players}},
year = {2001}
}
@article{Enos2014,
author = {Enos, Ryan D.},
journal = {Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences},
number = {10},
pages = {3699--3704},
title = {{Causal Effect of Intergroup Contact on Exclusionary Attitudes}},
volume = {111},
year = {2014}
}
@article{Erzeel2016,
abstract = {The recent finding that right-wing parties increasingly make efforts to integrate women's concerns raises questions as to whether ideology still counts as a reliable indicator for women's substantive representation and how different party contexts shape opportunities for the articulation of women's interests. This article therefore critically reassesses how ideology defines the opportunities for women's substantive representation, based on a comparative study of legislators' acting on behalf of women in 14 European countries. We argue that ideology still offers an important explanation for women's substantive representation, but that the link between the two should be conceptualized as complex rather than straightforward. The role of ideology is best understood if scholars (1) adopt an understanding of ‘ideology' that allows for more variation and is conceptually different from ‘party', (2) differentiate between gendered interests and feminist interests and (3) understand the impact of ideology as both direct and mediated.},
author = {Erzeel, Silvia and Celis, Karen},
doi = {10.1177/1354068816655561},
file = {:Users/lotte/Dropbox/PhD/style{\_}experiment/lit/1354068816655561.pdf:pdf},
issn = {14603683},
journal = {Party Politics},
keywords = {comparative research,gender,ideology,substantive representation,women's political representation},
number = {5},
pages = {576--586},
title = {{Political parties, ideology and the substantive representation of women}},
volume = {22},
year = {2016}
}
@book{Griffith1974,
address = {New South Wales, Australia},
author = {Griffith, J. A. G.},
publisher = {Allen {\&} Unwin},
title = {{Parliamentary Scrutiny of Government Bills}},
year = {1974}
}
@article{Diekman2000,
abstract = {Dynamic stereotypes characterize social groups that are thought to have changed from the attributes they manifested in the past and even to continue to change in the future. According to social role theory's assumption that the role behavior of group members shapes their stereotype, groups should have dynamic stereotypes to the extent that their typical social roles are perceived to change over time. Applied to men and women, this theory makes two predictions about perceived change: (a) perceivers should think that sex differences are eroding because of increasing similarity of the roles of men and women and (b) the female stereotype should be particularly dynamic because of greater change in the roles of women than of men. This theory was tested and confirmed in five experiments that examined perceptions of the roles and the personality, cognitive, and physical attributes of men and women of the past, present, and future.},
author = {Diekman, Amanda B and Eagly, Alice H},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Diekman, Eagly - 2000 - Stereotypes as Dynamic Constructs Women and Men of the Past, Present, and Future.pdf:pdf},
journal = {Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin},
number = {10},
pages = {1171--1188},
title = {{Stereotypes as Dynamic Constructs: Women and Men of the Past, Present, and Future}},
volume = {26},
year = {2000}
}
@article{Schonhardt-Bailey2017,
abstract = {In parliamentary committee oversight hearings on fiscal policy, monetary policy, and financial stability, where verbal deliberation is the focus, nonverbal communication may be crucial in the acceptance or rejection of arguments proffered by policymakers. Systematic qualitative coding of these hearings in the 2010-15 U.K. Parliament finds the following: (1) facial expressions, particularly in the form of anger and contempt, are more prevalent in fiscal policy hearings, where backbench parliamentarians hold frontbench parliamentarians to account, than in monetary policy or financial stability hearings, where the witnesses being held to account are unelected policy experts; (2) comparing committees across chambers, hearings in the House of Lords committee yield more reassuring facial expressions relative to hearings in the House of Commons committee, suggesting a more relaxed and less adversarial context in the former; and (3) central bank witnesses appearing before both the Lords and Commons committees tend toward expressions of appeasement, suggesting a willingness to defer to Parliament.},
annote = {NOTE: Look at this article for citation of other studies that use nonverbal communication as a method if I decide to go down this root 
{\textperiodcentered}      Systematic qualitative coding of committee oversight hearings on fiscal policy, monetary policy and financial stability in the 2010-25 UK Parliament show: (1) facial expressions, particularly in the form of anger and contempt, are more prevalent in fiscal policy hearings, where backbench parliamentarians hold frontbench parliamentarians to account, than in monetary policy or financial stability hearings, where the witnesses being hold to account are unelected policy experts; (2) hearings in the Lords' committee yield more reassuring facial expressions relative to hearings in the Commons' committee, suggesting a more relaxed and less adversarial context in the former; (3) central bank witnesses appearing before both the Commons' and Lords' committee tend towards expressions of appeasement, suggesting a willingness to defer to Parliament 
{\textperiodcentered}      “The 2010-15 Parliament is especially important for select committee activity, given the much greater prominence of these committees following the key reforms of 2010 which among other things, created the election of committee members and chairs, thereby stripping the power of the party whips to appoint these members and thereby lent the committees greater autonomy in holding the Government to account” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “The context for these differences in content will be described further below, but the point here is that while textual analysis is effective in empirically measuring the deliberative content, it provides no information as to the delivery of these arguments within a deliberative setting.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      Written record provides us with content of deliberation, but not the underlying interpersonal dynamic of committee hearing 
{\textperiodcentered}      “Measuring nonverbal behaviour promises a means to gauge better both the emotive tone of the arguments but also the nature of the intentions of the witnesses appearing before each committee, witnesses whose credibility and intentions with respect to public policy are being judged by parliamentarians.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      Methodologically, the goal here is to bring research from interpersonal communication studies, political psychology and political ethology (behaviour) into the study of committee deliberation, and to show that nonverbal communication can play a potentially important role in government accountability. 
{\textperiodcentered}      One reason is that whereas speech is deliberate and sometimes scripted, nonverbal communication is far less conscious 
{\textperiodcentered}      “The social and political significance of facial expressions may thus be categorized as intent to attack or threaten (anger face), reassurance or willingness to socially bond (happiness), appeasement (sadness), or intention to flee/submit (fear), and each of these have been identified in the facial expressions of televised politicians.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      For simplicity, here the focus is on three primary forms of dynamic nonverbal communication: facial expressions, vocal cues, and body movement/gestures. 
{\textperiodcentered}      Employing a behavioural model of leader-follower interactions, we might expect dominant individuals (leading committee members) to invoke threatening facial expressions (e.g., anger) and the presumed subordinate (the Chancellor) to display more submissive or appeasing emotional expressions like sadness or fear 
{\textperiodcentered}      Beyond facial expressions and voice, gestures and body movement comprise a third 
{\textperiodcentered}      influential mode of nonverbal communication. Among other functions, gestures help to illustrate speech (e.g., pointing and saying “there”; nodding and saying “yes”) or serve as “emblems” in place of words (e.g., thumbs up for “okay,” shoulder shrugging for “I don't know/care”). 
{\textperiodcentered}      As noted, the purpose of the present research is unique in that it seeks to capture the interactional dynamic of the deliberation between a series of questioners (parliamentarians) and a series of witnesses, particularly as collective groups. Unlike many empirical investigations of nonverbal behaviour discussed earlier, the subjects of investigation are engaged in a reciprocal form of communication: rather than giving speeches, they are asking and answering questions—they are not directing their words and actions at some passive audience but rather engaging with and reacting to one another. This means that the empirical focus is the exchange between two actors (a committee member and a witness), repeated with new sets of actors (or a new committee member and the same witness), for the duration of each committee hearing 
{\textperiodcentered}      Looked at video footage of hearings 
{\textperiodcentered}      Before beginning coding, the RAs underwent four on-line training courses on micro expressions and subtle expressions (all obtained from the Paul Ekman Group) and in each of the on- line tests, were required to achieve a success rate of at least 75{\%}. The training focused particularly on identifying the seven basic emotions (joy/happiness, surprise, anger, contempt, sadness, fear, disgust), which are identifiable in facial expressions. 
{\textperiodcentered}      Opts for manual coding and not automatically coding facial expressions (e.g. through Visage and FaceReader). Reasons for this: First, humans still outperform computers in interpreting the nuances and context of facial expressions, although the capacity of automation is no doubt rapidly evolving. Second, no software as yet (of which I am aware) automatically codes facial expressions, vocal cues and gestures as a whole package. Third, software that codes all relevant aspects of nonverbal communication may well be around the corner; nonetheless, this does not negate the importance of obtaining human coding of the various categories, as observed in real world settings. Human coding may serve to first map the contours of nonverbal expression in parliamentary hearings, and subsequent automation may then rely on such human coding as a baseline. In short, human coders may initially define the contours of nonverbal cues in parliamentary hearings, and software may subsequently refine or even challenge these outright. 
{\textperiodcentered}      Experimental design: “In the experiment some participants watched selected footage from the twelve parliamentary hearings previously coded in their entirety by the three RAs, while a second group served as a control group, in that they only listened to recordings of these same hearings. Following completion of the nine videos and questions on these videos, participants met in groups to discuss their individual impressions of the witnesses, according to their likeability, competence and persuasiveness. Following these discussions, participants returned to their stations, and were asked whether the group discussion changed their initial impressions of each witness and if so, why or why not. This post-group element sought to gauge the extent to which participants were influenced by others to change their views, given knowledge of the views of fellow participants. This experiment—together with a qualitative analysis of about two dozen elite interviews with members of both select committees, and former witnesses from the Bank of England and Treasury—is added to the human coding of facial expressions, vocal cues and gestures.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      Finds that anger and contempt are identified more frequently in the facial expression of Treasury witnesses (e.g. Osborne) compared to Bank experts 
{\textperiodcentered}      Partisanship is less acute in Lords committee hearings than in Commons committee hearings 
{\textperiodcentered}      The Commons committee setting appears to be a competitive setting and the Lords committee seems to be non-competitive},
author = {Schonhardt-Bailey, Cheryl},
doi = {10.1017/pls.2017.7},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Schonhardt-Bailey - 2017 - Nonverbal contention and contempt in U.K. parliamentary oversight hearings on fiscal and monetary policy.pdf:pdf},
issn = {07309384},
journal = {Politics and the Life Sciences},
keywords = {Deliberation,Economic policy,Nonverbal communication,Oversight,Parliamentary committees},
number = {1},
pages = {27--46},
pmid = {28884651},
title = {{Nonverbal contention and contempt in U.K. parliamentary oversight hearings on fiscal and monetary policy}},
url = {http://personal.lse.ac.uk/schonhar/},
volume = {36},
year = {2017}
}
@article{Hainmueller2014a,
abstract = {Survey experiments are a core tool for causal inference. Yet, the design of classical survey experiments prevents them from identifying which components of a multidimensional treatment are influential. Here, we show how conjoint analysis, an experimental design yet to be widely applied in political science, enables researchers to estimate the causal effects of multiple treatment components and assess several causal hypotheses simultaneously. In conjoint analysis, respondents score a set of alternatives, where each has randomly varied attributes. Here, we undertake a formal identification analysis to integrate conjoint analysis with the potential outcomes framework for causal inference. We propose a new causal estimand and show that it can be nonparametrically identified and easily estimated from conjoint data using a fully randomized design. The analysis enables us to propose diagnostic checks for the identification assumptions. We then demonstrate the value of these techniques through empirical applications to voter decision making and attitudes toward immigrants. {\textcopyright} The Author 2013. Published by Oxford University Press on behalf of the Society for Political Methodology. All rights reserved.},
author = {Hainmueller, Jens and Hopkins, Daniel J. and Yamamoto, Teppei},
doi = {10.1093/pan/mpt024},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Hainmueller, Hopkins, Yamamoto - 2014 - Causal inference in conjoint analysis Understanding multidimensional choices via stated prefe(2).pdf:pdf},
issn = {14764989},
journal = {Political Analysis},
number = {1},
pages = {1--30},
title = {{Causal inference in conjoint analysis: Understanding multidimensional choices via stated preference experiments}},
volume = {22},
year = {2014}
}
@article{OGrady2019,
abstract = {Many parties have seen declines in working-class legislators and increases in professional career politicians. I argue that career politicians are more likely to adopt policies for strategic political reasons, whereas working-class politicians are more likely to represent the interests of working-class voters. Changes in the representation of these occupational groups matter substantively whenever legislators' strategic concerns contradict the interests of working-class voters. Welfare reforms adopted in the 1990s and 2000s by the British Labour Party exhibit this divergence. The two types of politicians held very different policy positions, which I measure using a scaling method applied to all speeches made about welfare in the House of Commons from 1987 to 2007. The results carry over to voting behavior and are robust to alternative explanations, including other characteristics of both MPs and their voters. The changing representation of occupational groups has therefore had substantive policy effects, lowering the political influence of working-class voters.},
author = {O'Grady, Tom},
doi = {10.1177/0010414018784065},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/O'Grady - 2019 - Careerists Versus Coal-Miners Welfare Reforms and the Substantive Representation of Social Groups in the British Labour.pdf:pdf},
journal = {Comparative Political Studies},
number = {4},
pages = {544--578},
title = {{Careerists Versus Coal-Miners: Welfare Reforms and the Substantive Representation of Social Groups in the British Labour Party}},
volume = {52},
year = {2019}
}
@article{Lowe2013,
abstract = {Edited by R. Michael Alvarez Automated and statistical methods for estimating latent political traits and classes from textual data hold great promise, because virtually every political act involves the production of text. Statistical models of natural language features, however, are heavily laden with unrealistic assumptions about the process that generates these data, including the stochastic process of text generation, the functional link between political variables and observed text, and the nature of the variables (and dimensions) on which observed text should be conditioned. While acknowledging statistical models of latent traits to be "wrong," political scientists nonetheless treat their results as sufficiently valid to be useful. In this article, we address the issue of substantive validity in the face of potential model failure, in the context of unsupervised scaling methods of latent traits. We critically examine one popular parametric measurement model of latent traits for text and then compare its results to systematic human judgments of the texts as a benchmark for validity. A vast amount of effort in political science focuses on estimating characteristics of political actors-parties, legislators, candidates, voters, and so on-that may be estimated, but never directly observed. Whether we call them "ideal points," policy preferences, topics, or issue emphases, these latent traits and latent classes are not only fundamentally unobservable but also exist in a dimensional space that is fundamentally unknowable. 1 This has hardly prevented political researchers from attempting to identify and estimate such quantities, however, and a variety of such methods are widely used. Many, such as the analysis of roll call votes, suffer from problems of data censorship and selection that produce biased estimates of the quantities desired. Not all actors vote, co-sponsor bills, or return our questionnaires, but there is one activity that always accompanies political action: speech. This simple fact, coupled with a revolution in the availability of vast quantities of recorded text and speech, has spurred the development of a wide range of methods for analyzing textual data, most of which are surveyed in Grimmer and Stewart (2013). Every statistical model applied to data-textual or otherwise-requires assumptions. As Grimmer and Stewart (2013) point out, such assumptions are always wrong. For textual data, these assumptions concern the process that generates the observed textual data, including the stochastic process of text generation; the functional model linking political variables of interest and observed text; and the nature of the variables (and dimensions) on which observed text should be conditioned. The reality is that even though we know that these assumptions are "wrong," we have no real benchmark by which to assess the consequences of or the degree of wrongness, because},
author = {Lowe, Will and Benoit, Kenneth},
doi = {10.1093/pan/mpt002},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Lowe, Benoit - 2013 - Validating Estimates of Latent Traits from Textual Data Using Human Judgment as a Benchmark.pdf:pdf},
journal = {Political Analysis},
pages = {298--313},
title = {{Validating Estimates of Latent Traits from Textual Data Using Human Judgment as a Benchmark}},
volume = {21},
year = {2013}
}
@article{Leaper2011,
abstract = {Robin Lakoff proposed that women are more likely than men to use tentative speech forms (e.g., hedges, qualifiers/disclaimers, tag questions, intensifiers). Based on conflicting results from research testing Lakoff's claims, a meta-analysis of studies testing gender differences in tentative language was conducted. The sample included 29 studies with 39 independent samples and a combined total sample of 3,502 participants. Results revealed a statistically significant but small effect size (d ¼ .23), indicating that women were somewhat more likely than men to use tentative speech. In addition, methodological moderators (opera-tional definition, observation length, recording method, author gender, and year of study) and contextual moderators (gender composition, familiarity, student status, group size, conversational activity, and physical setting) were tested. Effect sizes were significantly larger in studies that (a) observed longer (vs. shorter) conversations, (b) sampled undergraduates (vs. other adults), (c) observed groups (vs. dyads), and (d) occurred in research labs (vs. other settings). The moderator effects are interpreted as supporting proposals that women's greater likelihood of tentative language reflects interpersonal sensitivity rather than a lack of assertiveness. In addition, the influence of self-presentation concerns in the enactment of gender-typed behavior is discussed. The question of whether women and men differ in their language style has received much attention over the past several decades in},
author = {Leaper, Campbell and Robnett, Rachael D},
doi = {10.1177/0361684310392728},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Leaper, Robnett - 2011 - Women Are More Likely Than Men to Use Tentative Language, Aren't They A Meta-Analysis Testing for Gender Differ.pdf:pdf},
journal = {Psychology of Women Quarterly},
number = {1},
pages = {129--142},
publisher = {SAGE},
title = {{Women Are More Likely Than Men to Use Tentative Language, Aren't They? A Meta-Analysis Testing for Gender Differences and Moderators}},
url = {http://pwq.sagepub.com},
volume = {35},
year = {2011}
}
@article{Barnes2018b,
abstract = {Though the defense ministry has been a bastion of male power, a growing number of states have appointed women to this portfolio. What explains men's dominance over these positions? Which factors predict women's appointments? With comprehensive cross-national data from the post–Cold War era, we develop and test three sets of hypotheses concerning women's access to the defense ministry. We show that women remain excluded when the portfolio's remit reinforces traditional beliefs about the masculinity of the position, particularly in states that are engaged in fatal disputes, governed by military dictators, and large military spenders. By contrast, female defense ministers emerge when expectations about women's role in politics have changed—that is, in states with female chief executives and parliamentarians. Women are also first appointed to the post when its meaning diverges from traditional conceptions of the portfolio, particularly in countries concerned with peacekeeping and in former military states with left-wing governments.},
author = {Barnes, Tiffany D. and O'Brien, Diana Z.},
doi = {10.1111/ajps.12337},
file = {:Users/lotte/Dropbox/PhD/topic{\_}project/lit/26598734.pdf:pdf},
issn = {15405907},
journal = {American Journal of Political Science},
number = {2},
pages = {355--368},
title = {{Defending the Realm: The Appointment of Female Defense Ministers Worldwide}},
volume = {62},
year = {2018}
}
@article{Sanders2018,
author = {Sanders, J. and Lisi, G. and Schonhardt-bailey, C.},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Sanders, Lisi, Schonhardt-bailey - 2018 - Themes and Topics in Parliamentary Oversight Hearings A New Direction in Textual Data Analysi.pdf:pdf},
number = {2},
title = {{Themes and Topics in Parliamentary Oversight Hearings : A New Direction in Textual Data Analysis}},
year = {2018}
}
@article{Tremblay2003,
abstract = {This article compares the perceptions of federally elected women in Australia and Canada regarding the political representation of women. More specifically, it aims to understand to what extent political rules (notably the electoral system) affect how the links between the descriptive and substantive representation of women are perceived. Through an examination of the results of interviews done with 44 female members of the 35th Parliament of Canada (1993-97) and 45 female MPs and senators in the 39th Parliament of Australia (1998-2001), the analysis shows that the electoral system (notably proportional representation) can influence elected women's perceptions of their role in ensuring the political representation of women. That being said, other variables can also help explain these perceptions, such as the party system, the parliamentary cycle and the unicameral or bicameral nature of parliament.},
author = {Tremblay, Manon},
doi = {10.1080/1036114032000092693},
issn = {10361146},
journal = {Australian Journal of Political Science},
number = {2},
pages = {215--238},
title = {{Women's representational role in Australia and Canada: The impact of political context}},
volume = {38},
year = {2003}
}
@article{Blei2012,
abstract = {as OUr COLLeCTive knowledge continues to be digitized and stored-in the form of news, blogs, Web pages, scientific articles, books, images, sound, video, and social networks-it becomes more difficult to find and discover what we are looking for. We need new computational tools to help organize, search, and understand these vast amounts of information. Right now, we work with online information using two main tools-search and links. We type keywords into a search engine and find a set of documents related to them. We look at the documents in that set, possibly navigating to other linked documents. This is a powerful way of interacting with our online archive, but something is missing. Imagine searching and exploring documents based on the themes that run through them. We might "zoom in" and "zoom out" to find specific or broader themes; we might look at how those themes changed through time or how they are connected to each other. Rather than finding documents through keyword search alone, we might first find the theme that we are interested in, and then examine the documents related to that theme. For example, consider using themes to explore the complete history of the New York Times. At a broad level, some of the themes might correspond to the sections of the newspaper-foreign policy, national affairs, sports. We could zoom in on a theme of interest , such as foreign policy, to reveal various aspects of it-Chinese foreign policy, the conflict in the Middle East, the U.S.'s relationship with Russia. We could then navigate through time to reveal how these specific themes have changed, tracking, for example, the changes in the conflict in the Middle East over the last 50 years. And, in all of this exploration, we would be pointed to the original articles relevant to the themes. The thematic structure would be a new kind of window through which to explore and digest the collection. But we do not interact with electronic archives in this way. While more and more texts are available online, we simply do not have the human power to read and study them to provide the kind of browsing experience described above. To this end, machine learning researchers have developed probabilis-tic topic modeling, a suite of algorithms that aim to discover and annotate large archives of documents with thematic information. Topic modeling algorithms are statistical methods that analyze the words of the original texts to discover the themes that run through them, how those themes are connected to each other, and how they change over key insights topic models are algorithms for discovering the main themes that pervade a large and otherwise unstructured collection of documents. topic models can organize the collection according to the discovered themes. topic modeling algorithms can be applied to massive collections of documents. Recent advances in this field allow us to analyze streaming collections, like you might find from a Web aPi. topic modeling algorithms can be adapted to many kinds of data. among other applications, they have been used to find patterns in genetic data, images, and social networks.},
annote = {Nice little summary of topic modelling approaches.},
author = {Blei, David M},
doi = {10.1145/2133806.2133826},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Blei - 2012 - Surveying a suite of algorithms that offer a solution to managing large document archives. Probabilistic topic models.pdf:pdf},
journal = {Communications of the ACM},
number = {4},
pages = {77--84},
title = {{Surveying a suite of algorithms that offer a solution to managing large document archives. Probabilistic topic models}},
url = {http://www.sccs.},
volume = {555},
year = {2012}
}
@article{Akrami2011,
abstract = {Previous research has almost exclusively examined sexism (negative attitudes toward women) from either a personality or a social-psychology perspective. In two studies (N = 379 and 182, respectively), we combine these perspectives and examine whether sexism is best explained by personality (Big-Five factors, social dominance orientation, and right-wing authoritarianism) or by social-psychological (group membership and group identification) variables - or by a combination of both approaches. Causal modeling and multiple regression analyses showed that, with the present set of variables, sexism was best explained by considering the combined influence of both personality- and social-psychology constructs. The findings imply that it is necessary to integrate various approaches to explain prejudice. {\textcopyright} 2011 Hogrefe Publishing.},
annote = {Look at the bibliography.},
author = {Akrami, Nazar and Ekehammar, Bo and Yang-Wallentin, Fan},
doi = {10.1027/1614-0001/a000043},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Akrami, Ekehammar, Yang-Wallentin - 2011 - Personality and Social Psychology Factors Explaining Sexism.pdf:pdf},
issn = {16140001},
journal = {Journal of Individual Differences},
keywords = {Big Five personality,Right-wing authoritarianism,Sexism,Social dominance orientation,Social identification},
number = {3},
pages = {153--160},
title = {{Personality and Social Psychology Factors Explaining Sexism}},
volume = {32},
year = {2011}
}
@article{Campbell2004,
abstract = {This article is not intended as a comprehensive study of gender and attitude in Britain. Neither is it a thorough analysis of gender and vote in Britain. It is, however, designed to ascertain whether there is any evidence to suggest that men and women might think about politics in different ways. Mainstream measures of ideology are examined and it is asked whether they can be applied equally to both sexes and also whether issues that might be defined as being especially important to women, such as health and education, provide more powerful explanations of women's voting choices than men's.},
author = {Campbell, Rosie},
doi = {10.1111/j.1467-856x.2004.00125.x},
file = {:Users/lotte/Dropbox/PhD/style{\_}experiment/lit/j.1467-856x.2004.00125.x.pdf:pdf},
issn = {1369-1481},
journal = {The British Journal of Politics and International Relations},
number = {1},
pages = {20--44},
title = {{Gender, Ideology and Issue Preference: Is There such a Thing as a Political Women's Interest in Britain?}},
volume = {6},
year = {2004}
}
@article{Allen2016,
abstract = {Family-friendly (FF) working practices in political institutions have attracted scant attention from scholars, arguably reflecting the scarcity of their implementation. Using a survey of legislators and qualitative interviews, we examine for the first time how satisfied elected members of two new legislatures (the Welsh Assembly and the Scottish Parliament) are with FF working practices. We offer four possible explanations-parenthood, age of the legislator, sex, and the distance between the legislator's constituency and the legislature-for the variation in satisfaction. Our findings suggest that being a woman and having a greater distance between legislature and constituency exerted significant negative effects on legislators' satisfaction with FF working practices. In contrast, legislators over age 60 were significantly more likely to be satisfied with FF working practices in the new legislatures. We conclude by outlining future research avenues for comparative scholars of gender and politics interested in the effectiveness and resilience of FF working practices, in particular highlighting the importance of looking beyond the parent-child caring relationship to other caring and domestic obligations.},
author = {Allen, Peter and Cutts, David and Winn, Madelaine},
doi = {10.1017/S1743923X16000040},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Allen, Cutts, Winn - 2016 - Understanding Legislator Experiences of Family-Friendly Working Practices in Political Institutions.pdf:pdf},
issn = {17439248},
journal = {Politics and Gender},
number = {3},
pages = {549--572},
title = {{Understanding Legislator Experiences of Family-Friendly Working Practices in Political Institutions}},
volume = {12},
year = {2016}
}
@article{Shorrocks2018,
abstract = {This article tests novel hypotheses regarding cohort trends in gender-role attitudes in European countries. The second-wave feminist movement in Western and Southern Europe is found to be an important socialization experience leading the generation who came of age during this period to be unusually feminist given their low levels of education, female labor force participation, and secularism compared with younger cohorts. The feminist movement was especially influential for attitudes toward the trade-off between women's employment and family life. The feminist generation is not found in Eastern Europe, which did not experience the same second-wave feminist movement and its subsequent diversification and backlash. In addition, cohort change tends to be stronger for women, widening the gender gap in gender-egalitarianism across cohorts.},
author = {Shorrocks, Rosalind},
doi = {10.1093/ijpor/edw028},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Shorrocks - 2018 - A Feminist Generation Cohort Change in Gender-Role Attitudes and the Second-Wave Feminist Movement.pdf:pdf},
issn = {14716909},
journal = {International Journal of Public Opinion Research},
number = {1},
pages = {125--145},
title = {{A Feminist Generation? Cohort Change in Gender-Role Attitudes and the Second-Wave Feminist Movement}},
volume = {30},
year = {2018}
}
@book{Foley2013,
address = {Oxford},
author = {Foley, Michael},
publisher = {Oxford University Press},
title = {{Political Leadership: Themes, Contexts and Critiques}},
year = {2013}
}
@article{Krook2012,
abstract = {Women have traditionally been underrepresented among government ministers, and when included in cabinets have largely been relegated to ''feminine'' and low-prestige policy areas. Recently, however, some countries have witnessed changes in the number, gender, and/or prestige of women's appointments. What accounts for this variation in women's access to ministerial power? To answer this question, we posit three competing theoretical explanations: political institutions, social indicators of gender equality, and broader trends in women's political recruitment. To test these hypotheses, we compile an original dataset of 117 countries and construct a new measure-the Gender Power Score-which differentially weights cabinet positions based on women's numbers and the gender and prestige of the ministries to which they are assigned. Using a finite mixture model to evaluate competing hypotheses, we find that political variables-rather than social factors-have the strongest impact on gender parity in cabinets.},
author = {Krook, Mona Lena and O'Brien, Diana Z.},
doi = {10.1017/S0022381612000382},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Krook, O'Brien - 2012 - All the President's Men The Appointment of Female Cabinet Ministers Worldwide.pdf:pdf},
journal = {The Journal of Politics},
number = {3},
pages = {840--855},
title = {{All the President's Men? The Appointment of Female Cabinet Ministers Worldwide}},
volume = {74},
year = {2012}
}
@article{Salmela2018,
abstract = {Emotions are prevalent in the rhetoric of populist politicians and among their electorate. We argue that partially dissimilar emotional processes may be driving right-and left-wing populism. Existing research has associated populism with fear and insecurities experienced in contemporary societies, on the one hand, and with anger, resentment, and hatred, on the other. Yet there are significant differences in the targets of right-and left-wing resentment: A political and economic establishment deemed responsible for austerity politics (left) and political and cultural elites accused of favoring ethnic, religious, and sexual out-groups at the expense of the neglected in-group (right). Referring to partially different emotional opportunity structures and distinct political strategies at exploiting these structures, we suggest that right-wing populism is characterized by repressed shame that transforms fear and insecurity into anger, resentment, and hatred against perceived "enemies" of the precarious self. Left-wing populism, in turn, associates more with acknowledged shame that allows individuals to self-identify as aggrieved and humiliated by neoliberal policies and their advocates. The latter type of shame holds emancipatory potential as it allows individuals to establish bonds with others who feel the same, whereas repressors remain in their shame or seek bonds from repression-mediated defensive anger and hatred.},
author = {Salmela, Mikko and {Von Scheve}, Christian},
doi = {10.1177/0160597618802521},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Salmela, Von Scheve - 2018 - Emotional Dynamics of Right-and Left-wing Political Populism.pdf:pdf},
journal = {Humanity {\&} Society},
number = {4},
pages = {434--454},
title = {{Emotional Dynamics of Right-and Left-wing Political Populism}},
volume = {42},
year = {2018}
}
@book{Dittmar2018,
address = {Oxford, UK},
author = {Dittmar, Kelly and Sanbonmatsu, Kira and Carroll, Susan J.},
publisher = {Oxford University Press},
title = {{A Seat at the Table: Congresswomen's Perspectives on Why Their Presence Matters}},
year = {2018}
}
@article{Schwarz2020,
abstract = {Candidate choice survey experiments in the form of conjoint or vignette experi-ments have become a standard part of the political science toolkit for understanding voters' multidimensional preferences over candidates. These experiments have been used to study many candidate attributes, such as policy position, race, age, political or career experience, attractiveness, and political party. By our count, the most com-mon attribute studied in these experiments is candidate gender. We collect 30 such experiments and reanalyze them using a standardized statistical approach. Holding other candidate features fixed by design, female candidates are on average preferred by respondents by approximately 2 percentage points. We further investigate how this preference varies with respondent gender and partisanship and other candidate characteristics. We find limited evidence of heteogeneity, though the female preference appears to be somewhat smaller for black (versus white) candidates and among Re-publican (versus Democratic) respondents. We conclude by attempting to reconcile the disjunction between the unambiguous survey experimental results and the drastic underprovision of female elected representatives.},
author = {Schwarz, Susanne and Coppock, Alexander},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Schwarz, Coppock - 2020 - What Have We Learned About Gender From Candidate Choice Experiments A Meta-analysis of 30 Factorial Survey Exp.pdf:pdf},
journal = {Journal of Politics},
number = {2},
publisher = {Forthcoming},
title = {{What Have We Learned about Gender from Candidate Choice Experiments? A Meta-Analysis of Sixty-Seven Factorial Survey Experiments}},
volume = {84},
year = {2022}
}
@article{Fox2011,
abstract = {Based on the second wave of the Citizen Political Ambition Panel Study, we provide the first thorough analysis of how gender affects women and men's efficacy to run for office. Our findings reveal that, despite comparable credentials, backgrounds, and experiences, accomplished women are substantially less likely than similarly situated men to perceive themselves as qualified to seek office. Importantly, women and men rely on the same factors when evaluating themselves as candidates, but women are less likely than men to believe they meet these criteria. Not only are women more likely than men to doubt that they have skills and traits necessary for electoral politics, but they are also more likely to doubt their abilities to engage in campaign mechanics. These findings are critical because the perceptual differences we uncover account for much of the gender gap in potential candidates' self-efficacy and ultimately hinder women's prospects for political equality.},
author = {Fox, Richard L. and Lawless, Jennifer L.},
doi = {10.1111/j.1540-5907.2010.00484.x},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Fox, Lawless - 2011 - Gendered perceptions and political candidacies A central barrier to women's equality in electoral politics.pdf:pdf},
issn = {00925853},
journal = {American Journal of Political Science},
number = {1},
pages = {59--73},
title = {{Gendered perceptions and political candidacies: A central barrier to women's equality in electoral politics}},
volume = {55},
year = {2011}
}
@article{VanDerPas2020,
abstract = {Do the media cover men and women politicians and candidates differently? This article performs a systematic analysis of 90 studies covering over 25,000 politicians in over 750,000 media stories, and presents the accumulated knowledge in a comprehensive theoretical framework. The paper shows that there is a gender bias in the amount of coverage of politicians in proportional electoral systems, where women politicians lag behind men in media attention, but that, surprisingly, this gender bias is absent in majoritarian electoral systems. In addition, we systematically review gender differences in the content of media reports on political candidates, such as differences in attention to private life and family, viability and horse-race coverage, issue coverage, and gender stereotypes. Overall, women politicians receive more attention to their appearance and personal life, more negative viability coverage, and, to some extent, stereotypical issue and trait coverage. We conclude by pointing out promising avenues for future research.},
author = {{Van Der Pas}, Daphne Joanna and Aaldering, Loes},
doi = {10.1093/joc/jqz046},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Van Der Pas, Aaldering - 2020 - Gender Differences in Political Media Coverage A Meta-Analysis.pdf:pdf},
issn = {14602466},
journal = {Journal of Communication},
keywords = {Gender bias,Media coverage,Meta-analysis,Political candidates,Stereotypes},
number = {1},
pages = {114--143},
title = {{Gender Differences in Political Media Coverage: A Meta-Analysis}},
volume = {70},
year = {2020}
}
@article{Campbell2015b,
author = {Campbell, Rosie and Childs, Sarah},
doi = {10.1093/pa/gsv036},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Campbell, Childs - 2015 - All Aboard the Pink Battle Bus Women Voters, Women's Issues, Candidates and Party Leaders.pdf:pdf},
journal = {Parliamentary Affairs},
number = {1},
pages = {206--223},
title = {{All Aboard the Pink Battle Bus? Women Voters, Women's Issues, Candidates and Party Leaders}},
url = {http://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2015/apr/14/why-isnt-},
volume = {68},
year = {2015}
}
@article{Childs2001,
abstract = {In the period since the election of 120 women MPs to the House of Commons, discussion concerning their behaviour has been much in evidence. This article seeks to contribute to the analysis of whether women MPs seek to substantively represent women. It draws on qualitative interviews with more than half of the newly elected Labour women MPs. The paper demonstrates that more than two-thirds of the newly elected Labour women MPs are 'attitudinally feminist', one measure of whether women representatives will seek to 'act for' women. The article challenges, therefore, claims that women representatives have not sought feminised change in British politics.},
author = {Childs, Sarah},
doi = {10.1111/1467-9256.00149},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Childs - 2001 - ‘Attitudinally Feminist' The New Labour Women MPs and the Substantive Representation of Women.pdf:pdf},
issn = {0263-3957},
journal = {Politics},
number = {3},
pages = {178--185},
title = {{‘Attitudinally Feminist'? The New Labour Women MPs and the Substantive Representation of Women}},
volume = {21},
year = {2001}
}
@article{Ho2012,
author = {Ho, Arnold K. and Sidanius, Jim and Pratto, Felicia and Levin, Shana and Thomsen, Lotte and Kteily, Nour and Sheehy-Skeffington, Jennifer},
doi = {10.1177/0146167211432765},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Ho et al. - 2012 - Social Dominance Orientation Revisiting the Structure and Function of a Variable Predicting Social and Political Atti.pdf:pdf},
journal = {Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin},
number = {5},
pages = {583--606},
title = {{Social Dominance Orientation: Revisiting the Structure and Function of a Variable Predicting Social and Political Attitudes}},
url = {http://pspb.sagepub.com},
volume = {38},
year = {2012}
}
@book{Holman2015,
address = {Philadelphia, PA},
author = {Holman, Mirya R.},
publisher = {Temple University Press},
title = {{Women in Politics in the American City}},
year = {2015}
}
@techreport{Kincaid1975,
author = {Kincaid, J. Peter and {Fishburne Jr}, Robert P. and Rogers, Richard L. and Chissom, Brad S.},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Kincaid et al. - 1975 - Derivation Of New Readability Formulas (Automated Readability Index, Fog Count And Flesch Reading Ease Formula).pdf:pdf},
institution = {Institute for Simulation and Training},
title = {{Derivation Of New Readability Formulas (Automated Readability Index, Fog Count And Flesch Reading Ease Formula) For Navy Enlisted Personnel}},
year = {1975}
}
@article{Collingwood2011,
abstract = {Text is becoming a central source of data for social science research. With advances in digitization and open records practices, the central challenge has in large part shifted away from availability to usability. Automated text classification methodologies are becoming increasingly important within political science because they hold the promise of substantially reducing the costs of converting text to data for a variety of tasks. In this paper, we consider a number of questions of interest to prospective users of supervised learning methods, which are appropriate to classification tasks where known categories are applied. For the right task, supervised learning methods can dramatically lower the costs associated with labeling large volumes of textual data while maintaining high reliability and accuracy. Information science researchers devote considerable attention to comparing the performance of supervised learning algorithms and different feature representations, but the questions posed are often less directly relevant to the practical concerns of social science researchers. The first question prospective social science users are likely to ask is-how well do such methods work? The second is likely to be-how much do they cost in terms of human labeling effort? Relatedly, how much do marginal improvements in performance cost? We address these questions in the context of a particular dataset-the Congressional Bills Project-which includes more than 400,000 labeled bill titles (19 policy topics). This corpus also provides opportunities to experiment with varying sample sizes and sampling methodologies. We are ultimately able to locate an accuracy/efficiency sweet spot of sorts for this dataset by leveraging results generated by an ensemble of supervised learning algorithms.},
author = {Collingwood, Loren and Wilkerson, John},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Collingwood, Wilkerson - 2011 - Tradeoffs in Accuracy and Efficiency in Supervised Learning Methods.pdf:pdf},
journal = {The Journal of Information Technology and Politics},
title = {{Tradeoffs in Accuracy and Efficiency in Supervised Learning Methods}},
url = {https://scholarworks.umass.edu/jitpc2011Retrievedfromhttps://scholarworks.umass.edu/jitpc2011/4},
volume = {4},
year = {2011}
}
@article{Baumann2015,
abstract = {Theoretical and empirical models of legislative decision making in parliamentary democracies typically neglect the policy preferences of individual MPs and instead focus on political parties and possible institutional constraints. We argue that MPs actually make judgments and decisions on the basis of their preferences, which are shaped by their personal characteristics. However, given the strength of parties in most parliamen- tary systems, the impact of personal characteristics on legislative behavior is rarely visi- ble. Therefore, we examine a moral issue. Looking at cosponsorship, parliamentary speeches, and votes in the German Bundestag, we analyze the legislative procedure on the regulation of preimplantation genetic diagnosis (PGD) in Germany in 2011. We show that the legislative behavior of MPs does not only reflect partisan conflict but is also influenced by the preferences of the constituents andMPs' own personal character- istics such as: religious denomination, gender, and parental status. Introduction},
annote = {{\textperiodcentered}      Hypothesis: MPs make judgement and decisions based on their preferences, which are shaped by personal characteristics. Given the strength of parties in most parliamentary systems, the impact of personal characteristics on legislative behaviour is rarely visible 
{\textperiodcentered}      Examine cosponsorship, parliamentary speeches and votes in the German Bundestag to analyse the legislative procedure on the regulation of preimplantation genetic diagnosis in German 
{\textperiodcentered}      Findings: show that legislative behaviour of MPs does not only reflect partisan conflict but is also influenced by the preferences of the constituents and MPs' own personal characteristics (e.g. religious denomination, gender and parental status) 
{\textperiodcentered}      Hypothesis: female MPs are more likely to cosponsor the moderate-permissive initiative, to take supporting positions in speeches with regard to permitting PGD, an to vote for the moderate-permissive initiative in the final vote},
author = {Baumann, Markus and Debus, Marc and M{\"{u}}ller, Jochen},
doi = {10.1111/lsq.12072},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Baumann, Debus, M{\"{u}}ller - 2015 - Personal characteristics of MPs and legislative behavior in moral policymaking.pdf:pdf},
issn = {19399162},
journal = {Legislative Studies Quarterly},
number = {2},
pages = {179--210},
title = {{Personal characteristics of MPs and legislative behavior in moral policymaking}},
volume = {40},
year = {2015}
}
@article{Annesley2014,
author = {Annesley, Claire and Engeli, Isabelle and Gains, Francesca and Resodihardjo, Sandra L},
doi = {10.1080/01402382.2014.902168},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Annesley et al. - 2014 - Policy Advocacy in Hard Times The Impact of Economic Performance on Gendering Executive Attention.pdf:pdf},
journal = {West European Politics},
number = {5},
pages = {886--902},
publisher = {Routledge},
title = {{Policy Advocacy in Hard Times: The Impact of Economic Performance on Gendering Executive Attention}},
volume = {37},
year = {2014}
}
@article{Tausczik2010,
abstract = {We are in the midst of a technological revolution whereby, for the first time, researchers can link daily word use to a broad array of real-world behaviors. This article reviews several computerized text analysis methods and describes how Linguistic Inquiry and Word Count (LIWC) was created and validated. LIWC is a transparent text analysis program that counts words in psychologically meaningful categories. Empirical results using LIWC demonstrate its ability to detect meaning in a wide variety of experimental settings, including to show attentional focus, emotionality, social relationships, thinking styles, and individual differences. James J. Bradac (1986, 1999) celebrated the many ways that scientists could simultaneously study both language and human communication. He understood the value of highly controlled laboratory studies and, at the same time, the importance of exploring the ways people naturally talk in the real world. Of particular importance to him, however , was that language research replicates its theories and findings across a wide array of methods and samples. This article draws heavily from Bradac's approach to research by applying a new array of computer-based text analysis tools to the study of everyday language.},
author = {Tausczik, Yla R. and Pennebaker, James W.},
doi = {10.1177/0261927X09351676},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Tausczik, Pennebaker - 2010 - The Psychological Meaning of Words LIWC and Computerized Text Analysis Methods.pdf:pdf},
journal = {Journal of Language and Social Psychology},
number = {1},
pages = {24--54},
title = {{The Psychological Meaning of Words: LIWC and Computerized Text Analysis Methods}},
volume = {29},
year = {2010}
}
@article{Childs2013,
abstract = {In 1997, an unprecedented number of female MPs—120—were elected to the UK House of Commons, doubling the numbers of female representatives overnight. Of these, 101 came from a single party: Labour. They entered a political institution that had hitherto been massively male-dominated (even in 1997, their number counted less than 20{\%}) and famed for its historic traditions dominated by masculinized structures and norms (Lovenduski 2005; 2010). Many of the newly elected Labour women were known to each other, having already shared experiences of passing through their party's internal selection processes over the preceding years. Many broadly shared the same views of what the Labour party should stand for, ideologically speaking, and most were attitudinally feminist (Childs 2004). The mass media at the time of the general election, and thereafter, routinely constituted them as a collective entity—Blair's Babes—and the specifically right-wing media regularly subjected them to highly gendered criticism (Childs 2008, 140–165).},
annote = {{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 127) “Many of the newly elected Labour women were known to each other, having already shared experiences of passing through their party's internal selection processes over the preceding years. Many broadly shared the same views of what the Labour party should stand for, ideologically speaking, and most were attitudinally feminist (Childs 2004).” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 128) “Labour's sisterhood” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “Labour's women are, in the first instance, feminists with a shared political identity.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “Yet an alternative feminist reading is possible: operating in a masculinized political environment (both within Parliament and the broader political culture), Labour women's parliamentary friendships constitute a political resource, hitherto underacknowledged, that female MPs apparently mobilize in support of each other.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 129) “a shared sense of identity and experiences manifested through friendship can, at least in certain circumstances, enable female representatives to negotiate gendered political institutions” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “Interview data from Labour women suggest that female MPs consider themselves part of a Labour women's friendship network.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 130) “explores how “changing gender relations might alter” institutions, for example, through the entrance of women into particular institutions, as well as by taking agency more seriously (Lovenduski 2010, ix).” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 136) “The form and importance of the friendships, at least in these MPs' views, are distinct from friendships in other places of work.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “Third, and most importantly, it reflects what the MPs consider as the very gendered environment they experience, and the corresponding gendered criticism they face as female representatives.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 137) “Accounting for female MPs engaging in such public support for a fellow Labour woman is, for most of the women, best understood as “subconscious,” “organic,” “natural” — it “just happens.” To reiterate the point, it is “inherent” and “innate”; “it's just the way women are.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “The MPs' concern to support other Labour women is also very much about gender politics: about standing up for and being a “sister.” – this reflects solidarity 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 138) “The second dimension of women's support for each other reflects the MPs' reading of the explicitly gendered nature of the Commons and the gendered criticism of women therein.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      Consciously organised by Harriet Harman 
{\textperiodcentered}      “There is among the female MPs' reflections almost no evidence of wider, cross-party friendships among women. Adversarialism is a longstanding feature of Westminster politics.”    
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 139) “The account by New Labour's women of their parliamentary friendships is pretty clear: they perceive themselves as inhabiting a political institution within which they are subject to explicit and implicit gendered criticism.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “In other words, their friendships offer succour from a highly masculinized House of Commons.”},
author = {Childs, Sarah},
doi = {10.1017/S1743923X13000019},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Childs - 2013 - Negotiating Gendered Institutions Women's Parliamentary Friendships.pdf:pdf},
journal = {Politics {\&} Gender},
number = {1},
pages = {127--151},
title = {{Negotiating Gendered Institutions: Women's Parliamentary Friendships}},
volume = {9},
year = {2013}
}
@article{Salmond2004,
abstract = {This article examines patterns of Performance by New Zealand opposition leaders since 1980, concentrating particularly on parliamentary Question Time. I argue that Question Time is an important tool for New Zealand's parliamentary opposition, much like in Britain and other advanced democracies. I show that Question Time, like New Zealand politics generally, has become more 'presidential' in recent times, and further show that the parliamentary experience of opposition leaders is a significant factor determining their level of Question Time performance. Finally, I demonstrate that in capable hands Question Time can be a powerful factor determining the opposition's overall popularity with voters. Parliament in New Zealand is sometimes likened to a bear pit. Its adversarial culture and conflict-inducing rules combine to regularly produce the rhetorical equivalent of gladiatorial combat. This bruising competition has lasting effects on voter support for parties. Within Parliament, the most hard-hitting and combative debates are held as part of the thrice-weekly Question Time, and thus this event is seen by politicians, journalists, and scholars alike as the most important in the permanent election campaign that is waged in Parliament. Thus the performance of parties in Question Time can be seen as an important indicator of their likely performance in elections.},
author = {Salmond, Rob},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Salmond - 2004 - Grabbing Government By the Throat Question Time and Leadership in New Zealand's Parliamentary Opposition.pdf:pdf},
journal = {Political Science },
number = {2},
pages = {75--90},
title = {{Grabbing Government By the Throat: Question Time and Leadership in New Zealand's Parliamentary Opposition}},
volume = {56},
year = {2004}
}
@article{Kelso2006,
abstract = {SINCE the Labour Party committed to reforming the House of Lords in its 1997 election manifesto, several schemes for reconstituting the second chamber have been promoted. Each scheme has made various claims for how it will produce a house that is more representative, more democratic and more legitimate than the present one. However, reformers have discussed these proposals with apparently limited understanding of the concepts involved and, more importantly, their relationship to each other. Ideas about representation, democracy and legitimacy have at times been muddled, with the three terms often used interchangeably , yet there has been no analysis of the extent of this confla-tion, or what it means for the reform debate. This article seeks to address the gap that exists in the literature by analysing the way in which these ideas have been used by various actors during the recent cycle of House of Lords reform, in order to uncover the nature and extent of the conceptual confusion that has pervaded the debate. Such analysis is particularly relevant in the context of the Labour govern-ment's 2005 manifesto commitment to continue with second chamber reform, a commitment that was renewed in 2006 amid controversy about the links between party funding and membership of the House of Lords. Representation, democracy and legitimacy The basic definition of representation seems straightforward enough. For Pitkin, 'representation, taken generally, means the making present in some sense of something which is nevertheless not present literally or in fact'. 2 The complexity of the term stems from the debate over the 'something' that is to be represented. As Judge explains, 'the simple overriding fact about parliamentary representation in Britain is that it is based on territory'. 3 The constituency basis of representation, and its mediation through parties, lies at the heart of the evolution of parliamentary government at Westminster and provides an organising framework around which the House of Commons functions. 4 Other types of representation include associationalism, such as the guild socialism espoused by G.D.H. Cole, 5 which aims to locate representation in the},
annote = {{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 563) Since the Labour Party committed to reforming the Lords in the 1997 manifesto there have been several schemes for reforming the second chamber – each making various claims about how it will produce a house that is more representative, democratic, legitimate etc. 
{\textperiodcentered}      The constituency basis of representation lies at the heart of representation in the UK, and lies at the heart of the evolution of parliamentary government in Westminster, and provides an organisation around which the Commons functions 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 564) Microcosmic representation is concerned with the legislature mirroring the electorate of a country 
{\textperiodcentered}      Overall ‘representation' is a broad concept, can mean many different things 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 565) Political institutions may claim to be representative in one way or another, but that does not mean they will also be democratic. Similarly, an institution may be democratic but not representative (depending on which representational values are prioritised) – representative and democratic characteristics do not necessarily go hand in hand 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 566) An institution which might be deemed to have input legitimacy may not have output legitimacy, and vice versa 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 567) The three terms – representation, democracy and legitimacy – have countless volumes dedicated to their exploration 
{\textperiodcentered}      Article examines the major proposals for reform and which models they have supported 
{\textperiodcentered}      Labour Party Manifesto (1997): the proposals suggested that the removal of the hereditary element results in a more democratic and representative chamber – however, it cannot be considered more democratic as it lacks the necessary requirement of an election. It also can't be more representative than before as there has been no reformulation of the representation basis of the chamber in terms of identifying with characteristics ought to enjoy representation 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 568) Royal Commission on Reform of the House of Lords (2000): proposed a chamber that would be authoritative, confident and broadly representative of the whole of British society. The report focused on emphasising output legitimacy from the chamber. (p. 569) The Commission emphasised a model of representation that contained regional representation, gender balance, ethnic and vocational representation, and representation for voluntary, cultural and other such organisations. (p. 570) However, the Commission was against an elected chamber as it would come into conflict the Commons, therefore their argument that the chamber would be more democratic is false as elections are a necessary condition for any democratic institution 
{\textperiodcentered}      The government white paper (2001): government proposed ‘First, it should be a revising and deliberating assembly. Second, its membership should be appropriate for those functions and not be a clone of the House of Commons. Third, it should have a political outlook, but not be dominated by any one party. Finally, the chamber should be representative of independent expertise in the UK.'. (p. 571) Overall the government rejected a fully elected chamber, thinking this was not the way to secure legitimacy in the second chamber 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 572) Public administration committee (2002): argued those who support appointment need to understand that it raises serious problems about legitimacy and that ‘patronage is not regarded as an acceptable basis for a representative institution in a democracy'. ‘The Committee argued for a chamber that had a composition distinct from the first chamber, adequate powers to perform its roles and perceived legitimacy to enable it to use those powers.' 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 577) The future of reform: reform actors have historically held clear ideas about what they mean by representation and representativeness, and how particular kinds of representation will impact upon the functional capacities of the house 
{\textperiodcentered}      More problematic is the way these reforms treated the issue of democracy in the second chamber, and the contribution of democratic legitimacy. Not the only form of legitimacy 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 578) If the structural and organisational principles on which the chamber are based are justified in terms of accepted beliefs held by the public; if there is doubt over the justification of the chamber's composition, that will impact upon the input legitimacy that it enjoys 
{\textperiodcentered}      The Lords cannot enjoy output legitimacy if the public believe they have no control, or only limited control, over an institution, and that they cannot identify with it, this may also impact upon its legitimacy 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 579) Institutional legitimacy is not generic, but is instead specific, justifiable and gradated: until this is more clearly articulated in the debate over Lords reform, the various options forwarded by the chamber's composition will remain replete with the kinds of inconsistencies and confusions that have thus far dogged this particular strand of constitutional discourse},
author = {Kelso, Alexandra},
doi = {10.1093/pa/gsl029},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Kelso - 2006 - Reforming the House of Lords Navigating Representation, Democracy and Legitimacy at Westminster.pdf:pdf},
journal = {Parliamentary Affairs},
number = {4},
pages = {563--581},
publisher = {Advance Access Publication},
title = {{Reforming the House of Lords: Navigating Representation, Democracy and Legitimacy at Westminster}},
url = {https://academic.oup.com/pa/article-abstract/59/4/563/1548195},
volume = {59},
year = {2006}
}
@book{Inglehart2003,
address = {Cambridge, UK},
author = {Inglehart, Ronald and Norris, Pippa},
publisher = {Cambridge University Press},
title = {{Rising Tide: Gender Equality and Cultural Change Around the World}},
year = {2003}
}
@incollection{Kathlene2001,
address = {Indiana, US},
author = {Kathlene, Lyn},
booktitle = {The Impact of Women in Public Office},
editor = {Carroll, Susan J.},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Kathlene - 2001 - Words That Matter Women's Voice and Institutional Bias in Public Policy Formation.pdf:pdf},
pages = {22--48},
publisher = {Indiana University Press},
title = {{Words That Matter: Women's Voice and Institutional Bias in Public Policy Formation}},
year = {2001}
}
@unpublished{Gains2014,
abstract = {{\ldots} Hence, behavioral research approaches could be very promising for further investigating this topic {\ldots} are able to plan directions and execute them without human intervention (Brandt 2013) {\ldots} Osnabr{\"{u}}ck Jamson AH, Merat N, Carsten OM, Lai FC (2013) Behavioural Changes in {\ldots}},
annote = {{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 3) “Our starting premise is that institutions shape political behaviour and outcomes, bringing stability and predictability to political life. We understand institutions to be ‘the rules of the game' (formal and informal) within which political actors operate. As such, institutions distribute power, differentially constraining and enabling actors.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “The emergence of ‘feminist institutionalism' draws attention to the gendered nature of these power settlements (and the struggles around them) and the ways in which institutions shape political behaviour and outcomes in gendered ways (Krook and Mackay, 2011).” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 5) “For our purposes, political institutions can be seen as ‘gender regimes' (Connell 2002), reflecting but also helping to constitute the roles, relations and identities of women and men in the political arena, which we define expansively to include voters, campaigners, service users, public servants or politicians.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 7) “Here we are concerned with rules that are not specifically about gender but which have gendered effects, largely because of their interaction with institutions outside the political domain. Seemingly neutral rules about where and when meetings are held (for instance) may disadvantage those with caring responsibilities, predominantly women; an evening meeting may be hard for women with caring responsibilities to attend or for women who are fearful of travelling at night.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “Informal rules about what makes a good leader - like their physical presence or capacity for adversarial debate – may disadvantage those women who favour more low-key or collaborative styles, and also those who wish to engage in traditional leadership roles but are deemed unsuitable because of embedded assumptions about how women should behave.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 8) Gendered actors working with rules: “The longstanding interest of feminist political science in ‘the politics of presence' (Phillips, 1995) provides a way in; but research shows no guaranteed relationship between ‘descriptive representation – the direct placement of women in positions or power – and substantive representation – the incorporation of women-friendly issues into the policy process' (Mazur, 2002: 38, 197).” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “Female actors may adopt masculine styles and/or pursue non- or anti- feminist goals (the ‘Thatcher counterfactual'), and there is recognition in the literature that male ‘critical actors' can act for women (Childs and Krook, 2009).”},
author = {Gains, Francesca and Lowndes, Vivien},
doi = {10.1192/bjp.205.1.76a},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Gains, Lowndes - 2014 - How does the Gendered Organisation of Political Life Make a Difference Examining an Institution in Formation –.pdf:pdf},
isbn = {1-58113-022-8},
issn = {0007-1250},
title = {{How does the Gendered Organisation of Political Life Make a Difference? Examining an Institution in Formation – Police and Crime Commissioners in England and Wales}},
url = {https://www.cambridge.org/core/product/identifier/S0007125000277040/type/journal{\_}article},
year = {2014}
}
@article{Stewart2015,
abstract = {Increasingly there is an appreciation for face-to-face relationships in
workplace interactions, and concomitantly emotion encoding and decoding. However,
little research has considered how facial displays of emotion are interpreted based upon
the poser's workplace status and the influence of their sex. To consider this, this article
first reviews literature pertaining to facial displays of emotion and their function in
supervisor-subordinate workplace interactions as well as expectations for men and
women. We then test these expectations through an experiment asking respondents to
identify the emotion posed by individuals defined as holding different positions of
varying status within a small public sector work unit before concluding by discussing
theoretical and workplace implications.},
annote = {Note for the future: this study analyses nonverbal behaviour - might be useful if I analyse nonverval behaviour.},
author = {Stewart, Patrick A and M{\'{e}}hu, Marc and Salter, Frank K},
doi = {10.1080/10967494.2014.996626},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Stewart, M{\'{e}}hu, Salter - 2015 - Sex and Leadership Interpreting Competitive and Affiliative Facial Displays Based on Workplace Status.pdf:pdf},
journal = {International Public Management Journal},
number = {2},
pages = {190--208},
title = {{Sex and Leadership: Interpreting Competitive and Affiliative Facial Displays Based on Workplace Status}},
url = {http://www.tandfonline.com/action/journalInformation?journalCode=upmj20},
volume = {18},
year = {2015}
}
@book{Lawless2010,
abstract = {It Still Takes A Candidate serves as the only systematic, nationwide empirical account of the manner in which gender affects political ambition. Based on data from the Citizen Political Ambition Panel Study, a national survey conducted of almost 3,800 “potential candidates” in 2001 and a second survey of more than 2,000 of these same individuals in 2008, Jennifer L. Lawless and Richard L. Fox find that women, even in the highest tiers of professional accomplishment, are substantially less likely than men to demonstrate ambition to seek elective office. Women are less likely than men to be recruited to run for office. They are less likely than men to think they are qualified to run for office. And they are less likely than men to express a willingness to run for office in the future. This gender gap in political ambition persists across generations and over time. Despite cultural evolution and society's changing attitudes toward women in politics, running for public office remains a much less attractive and feasible endeavor for women than men.},
address = {Cambridge},
author = {Lawless, Jennifer L. and Fox, Richard L.},
booktitle = {It Still Takes a Candidate: Why Women don't Run for office},
doi = {10.1017/CBO9780511778797},
isbn = {9780511778797},
publisher = {Cambridge University Press},
title = {{It Still Takes a Candidate: Why Women Don't Run for Office}},
year = {2010}
}
@article{Huddy1993a,
abstract = {JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact support@jstor.org. .},
author = {Huddy, Leonie and Terkildsen, Nayda},
doi = {10.2307/448945},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Huddy, Terkildsen - 1993 - The Consequences of Gender Stereotypes for Women Candidates at Different Levels and Types of Office.pdf:pdf},
issn = {10659129},
journal = {Political Research Quarterly},
number = {3},
pages = {503},
title = {{The Consequences of Gender Stereotypes for Women Candidates at Different Levels and Types of Office}},
volume = {46},
year = {1993}
}
@phdthesis{Smith2019,
author = {Smith, Jessica C.},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Smith - 2019 - Gendering Political Leadership A Case Study of the UK , Examining Media and Voter Perceptions.pdf:pdf},
school = {Birkbeck, University of London},
title = {{Gendering Political Leadership: A Case Study of the UK , Examining Media and Voter Perceptions}},
year = {2019}
}
@book{Eagly1987,
address = {London},
author = {Eagly, Alice H},
isbn = {113493114X},
pages = {178},
publisher = {Psychology Press},
title = {{Sex Differences in Social Behavior: A Social-Role Interpretation}},
year = {1987}
}
@misc{Christie,
abstract = {In this paper I explore the realisation of gender in parliamentary discourse by drawing together scholarship in politeness, studies of gender and language use, and work that adopts a communities of practice perspective. I show that scholarship in language-use and gender has suggested a connection between male speech, public speech and politeness which would predict that men are more likely than women to conform to the transactional discourse norms (Kaspar 1990) of public discourses such as parliamentary debate. I draw on a study that analyses male and female MPs' performance of parliamentary discourse from a Communities of Practice perspective to explore whether the evidence supports this prediction, and to show that the application of a CofP framework usefully opens up for analysis the relationship between gender and parliamentary debate in that a) it shows that if politeness behaviour in a particular practice such as parliamentary debate is understood in general rather than practice specific terms, the significance of this linguistic behaviour becomes obscured, b) it shows that in highlighting practice specific norms this type of analysis allows a distinction between ‘polite' behaviour and ‘politic' behaviour to be made and c) this in turn brings into view a structure and agency dynamic that helps to explain differential uses of politeness resources by male and female MPs. My overall aim is to show that applying a CofP framework to the analysis of politeness behaviour brings into view aspects of gender identity that are specific to parliamentary practice.},
annote = {{\textperiodcentered}      Explores the realisation of gender in parliamentary discourse by drawing together scholarship in politeness, studies of gender and language use, and work that adopts a communities of practice approach 
{\textperiodcentered}      “show that scholarship in language-use and gender has suggested a connection between male speech, public speech and politeness which would predict that men are more likely than women to conform to the transactional discourse norms (Kaspar 1990) of public discourses such as parliamentary debate.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      Aim: to show that applying a communities of practice framework to the analysis of politeness behaviour brings into view aspects of gender identity that are specific to parliamentary practice 
{\textperiodcentered}      Aim: to argue that gender identity within the practice of parliamentary debate is best seen as an effect of the way in which male and female MPs negotiate the institutional constraints on linguistic behaviour they are subject to in the performance of their role 
{\textperiodcentered}      Methods: draws on a study of parliamentary debate over a two-week period in July of 1999 where the data consist of video and audiotapes of parliamentary debate from television and radio sources and Hansard transcriptions for that period 
{\textperiodcentered}      Examines how a single cohort of MPs engage in that discourse by asking how those men and women use linguistic and pragmatic resources in parliamentary debate 
{\textperiodcentered}      Earlier research has typically argued that public speech, and in particular political debate, are ‘masculine' genres, and therefore are likely to be differences in the way that male and female speakers take part in these speech genres 
{\textperiodcentered}      Modelled on the idea that linguistic interaction is always potentially ‘face' threatening, and that politeness behaviour is primarily a way of avoiding any conflicts that result from linguistic interactions 
{\textperiodcentered}      “Philips argues that their findings consistently indicate that: more often than women realize roles and attendant speech genres in public settings, particularly roles and genres associated with the exercise of legitimized political authority. (Philips 1987:8) It has also been argued that, because public speech genres have been primarily carried out by men, the style of public speech is ‘masculine'.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “In public discourse, the exchange of information is an important goal. Male speakers in our culture are socialised into public discourse, while female speakers are socialised into private discourse.” (Coates 1988:98) 
{\textperiodcentered}      “The norms of [parliamentary] interaction can be interpreted as masculine norms because men have invented them. Some researchers have suggested that the norms of men's discourse styles are institutionalised, and that they ‘are not only seen as the better way to talk, but as the only way'.” (Shaw 2000: 402) 
{\textperiodcentered}      Note to self: good to think about ‘politeness' behaviour and theory in the methods element? 
{\textperiodcentered}      “Interactional norms that are related to criticism take three forms: the use of an abusive tone, the use of unparliamentary language to criticise and a failure to follow the set procedures for carrying out an act of criticism.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      Valuing the views of others: 1) apologising for absence from the Chamber during a debate to which the apologising MP is contributing; 2) carried out by an MP who is introducing a bill, and typically it implies a degree of responsibility and regret for the exclusion of others' contributions},
author = {Christie, Chris},
title = {{Politness and the Linguistic Construction of Gender in Parliament: An Analysis of Transgressions and Apology Behaviour}},
urldate = {2018-10-12}
}
@article{Holman2011,
author = {Holman, Mirya R. and Merolla, Jennifer L. and Zechmeister, Elizabeth J.},
doi = {10.1080/1554477X.2011.589283},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Holman, Merolla, Zechmeister - 2011 - Sex, Stereotypes, and Security A Study of the Effects of Terrorist Threat on Assessments of Female.pdf:pdf},
issn = {1554-4788},
journal = {Journal of Women, Politics {\&} Policy},
number = {3},
pages = {173--192},
title = {{Sex, Stereotypes, and Security: A Study of the Effects of Terrorist Threat on Assessments of Female Leadership}},
volume = {32},
year = {2011}
}
@book{Sherman1893,
address = {Boston},
author = {Sherman, Lucius},
publisher = {Ginn},
title = {{Analytics of Literature: A Manual for the Objective Study of English Prose and Poetry}},
year = {1893}
}
@article{Campbell1971,
author = {Campbell, K. K.},
journal = {Quarterly Journal of Speech},
pages = {74--86},
title = {{The rhetoric of women's liberation: An oxymoron}},
volume = {59},
year = {1971}
}
@article{Schubert1992,
abstract = {Supreme Court oral argument (OA) is one of many face-to-face settings of political interaction. This article describes a methodology for the systematic observation and measurement of behavior in OA developed in a study of over 300 randomly selected cases from the 1969-1981 terms of the u.S. Supreme Court. Five sources of observation are integrated into the OA database at the speaking turn level of analysis: the actual text of verbal behavior; categorical behavior codes; aspects of language use and speech behavior events; electro-acoustical measurement of voice quality; and content analysis of subject matter. Preliminary data are presented to illustrate the methodology and its application to theoretical concerns of the research project.},
annote = {Summary: develops a methodology to analyse Supreme Court oral arguments. Developes a methodology for the systematic observation and measurement of beavhiour in over 300 randomly seleted cases from 1969-1981. 

Methods: looks at five sources of observation: 1) the actual text of verbal behaviour; 2) categorical behaviour codes; 3) aspects of language use and speech behaviour events; 4) electro-acousical measurement of voice quality; 5) content analysis of subject matter},
author = {Schubert, James N and Peterson, Steven A and Wasby, Stephen},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Schubert, Peterson, Wasby - 1992 - Observing Supreme Court Oral Argument A Biosocial Approach.pdf:pdf},
journal = {Politics and the Life Sciences},
number = {1},
pages = {35--51},
publisher = {Beech Tree Publishing},
title = {{Observing Supreme Court Oral Argument: A Biosocial Approach}},
url = {https://www.cambridge.org/core/services/aop-cambridge-core/content/view/380AB157207A9EF9FA0F938F041EBB93/S0730938400017196a.pdf/observing{\_}supreme{\_}court{\_}oral{\_}argument{\_}a{\_}biosocial{\_}approach.pdf},
volume = {11},
year = {1992}
}
@article{Hayes2005,
author = {Hayes, Danny},
file = {:Users/lotte/Dropbox/PhD/style{\_}experiment/lit/American J Political Sci - 2005 - Hayes - Candidate Qualities through a Partisan Lens  A Theory of Trait Ownership.pdf:pdf},
journal = {American Journal of Political Science},
number = {4},
pages = {908--923},
title = {{Candidate Qualities through a Partisan Lens: A Theory of Trait Ownership}},
volume = {49},
year = {2005}
}
@article{Aarslew2022,
author = {Aarslew, Laurits F},
doi = {10.1017/S0007123422000126},
file = {:Users/lotte/Dropbox/projects/productivity{\_}experiment/lit/why-dont-partisans-sanction-electoral-malpractice.pdf:pdf},
journal = {British Jour},
keywords = {2005,allowing citizens to hold,and creating a bond,anderson et al,are central to democracy,banducci and karp 2003,between people and the,challenge the integrity of,democracy,downs 1957,elec-,elections,electoral malpractice,electoral malpractice continues to,free and fair elections,leaders accountable,partisanship,public opinion,survey experiment,system,yet},
number = {Forthcoming},
pages = {1--17},
title = {{Why Don't Partisans Sanction Electoral Malpractice?}},
year = {2022}
}
@article{Kiesling2007,
abstract = {How do men use language to express masculinity? How is language masculine, and how does it become so? These are the issues that I address in this article. I first discuss why men and masculinities should be a focus in sociolinguistics, and why they generally have not been. I then explore what is meant by masculinities and the sociolinguistic processes that connect language with masculinities. Finally, I discuss some of the ways researchers have claimed men tend to speak, and why, and the problems with generalizing to all men from these data. The Problem With Men and Masculinities In the last three decades of the twentieth century, linguists began to study how language is used by speakers to do social things like expressing power, solidarity, and identity. Within that research, one of the most fruitful and contentious areas has been the investigation of how people use language to express gender, how a person's gender affects the choices they make in how they speak, and how their talk is received. Almost every area of language has been shown to be connected with gender, from the smallest segments of sound to broadly characterized discourse strategies. We have learned much from these studies, but from the outset there has been a striking asymmetry in them: women are the object of study overwhelmingly more than men. The founding of the field of language and gender studies is often traced to Lakoff 's (1975) Language and Woman's Place, which focuses on how women are expected to use language and how their linguistic usages perpetuate their subordinate position in society. Since then there has been much empirical and comparative work, often testing Lakoff 's claims, but even in these comparative studies the men are generally not the gender that is focused on in explanation; rather it is the women whose behavior is explained, or whose perspective is taken. Men, in short, are relatively invisible, and when discussed are generally treated as a homogeneous group. In fairness, the political goals of this early (and continuing) work in language and gender necessitated a focus on women, who had been stereotyped as weak and sometimes verbally deficient},
author = {Kiesling, Scott},
doi = {10.1111/j.1749-818x.2007.00035.x},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Kiesling - 2007 - Men, Masculinities, and Language.pdf:pdf},
issn = {1749-818X},
journal = {Language and Linguistics Compass},
number = {6},
pages = {653--673},
title = {{Men, Masculinities, and Language}},
volume = {1},
year = {2007}
}
@article{Kenny2007,
abstract = {Both feminist and mainstream political science has taken an institutional ‘turn', opening up
possibilities for interchange between the two fields. This article explores the potential for theoretical synthesis between feminist gender analysis and new institutional theory, focusing particularly on issues of power. After providing a brief overview of approaches to power in the institutionalist and
feminist literature, it outlines some initial possibilities for dialogue between the two fields. The article concludes by considering some potential insights that a gendered approach to institutions and power would offer to new institutionalism, establishing a preliminary foundation for a wider ‘feminist institutionalist' research agenda.},
annote = {{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 91) “A gendered focus shifts the emphasis from ‘women in to the gendering of political institutions', highlighting the ways in which political institutions reflect, structure and reinforce gendered pat- terns of power (Kenney, 1996, p. 455).” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 92) “The basic premise of new institutionalism is that institutions do ‘matter', an ‘argument that the organization of political life makes a difference' (March and Olsen, 1984, p. 747). New institutionalists open up the definition of ‘institutions' to incorporate not just formal features of the political system, but also informal practices, conventions and norms (Krook, 2003).” 
{\textperiodcentered}      Institutions are historically contingent – hence they can provide unintended opportunities for marginal groups to exercise power 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 93) “Studies have moved from ‘measuring' gender as a discrete and dichotomous variable to understanding gender as a complex frame of reference. In this view, gender is not something people have, it is something they do – a ‘routine, methodical, and recurring accomplishment' (West and Zimmerman, 1987, p. 126).” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “An understanding of gender as ‘practice' or ‘performance' shifts the analytical focus away from the individual to social and political institutions, processes and practices, opening up the field for theoretical and empirical work in the area of gender and institutions.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 94) “Connell defines the pattern of gender relations within a particular institution as its gender regime, which then corresponds to a set of wider social patterns, known as the gender order. Within these social structures, gender is dynamic, complex, constantly negotiated and powerfully constrained. An understanding of gender as something that is dynamic and fluid – as ‘practice', in Connell's terms – allows us to view institutions in a more dynamic way, rather than as abstract structures. While institutions constrain practice, defining possibilities for action, institutions are themselves constituted from moment to moment by these practices.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “The work of Judith Butler (1990 and 1993) has been extremely influential in this movement, challenging the assumption that binary sex/gender is a natural or given division, and arguing that bodies are constructed as male and female through the repeated ‘performance' of certain discursive practices – gender.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “In particular, the rapidly growing literature on women and political representation in the United Kingdom suggests that women do ‘make a difference', finding noticeable gender differences in attitudes and political priorities among British politicians, while also highlighting the complex and contingent effect of women's political presence, mediated by factors such as party identity and the surrounding institutional environment (see, for example, Childs, 2004; Cowley and Childs, 2003; Lovenduski and Norris, 2003; Mackay, Myers and Brown, 2003).” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 95) “This initial review of both new institutionalist and feminist political science reveals that the two fields share a number of common preoccupations. Both share an understanding that seemingly neutral institutional processes and practices are in fact embedded in hidden norms and values, privileging certain groups over others.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 96) “While institutionalised gender relations are not fixed – they are dynamic, fluid and dependent on situation and context – institutions in general are marked as ‘masculine', shaping institutional structures, practices and processes (Duerst-Lahti and Kelly, 1995; Lovenduski, 1998; Mackay, 2004).”},
author = {Kenny, Meryl},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Kenny - 2007 - Gender, Institutions and Power A Critical Review.pdf:pdf},
journal = {Politics},
number = {2},
pages = {91--100},
title = {{Gender, Institutions and Power: A Critical Review}},
url = {https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/pdf/10.1111/j.1467-9256.2007.00284.x},
volume = {27},
year = {2007}
}
@article{Broverman1972,
author = {Broverman, Inge K. and Vogel, Susan R. and Broverman, Frank E. and Clarkson, Frank E. and Rosenkrantz, Paul S.},
journal = {Journal of Social Issues},
pages = {59--7},
title = {{Sex-Role Stereotypes: A Current Appraisal}},
volume = {28},
year = {1972}
}
@article{Weale2012,
abstract = {An influential model of deliberative democracy advances a principle of reciprocity as a norm of democratic debate on morally controversial issues. This norm is at odds with behaviour that has been observed in political campaigning and policy making where advocates of competing positions talk past one another. Does this inconsistency stem from a contrast between the normative and empirical or from not considering empirically plausible practices of democratic debate in which reciprocity might be respected? One such practice is free votes on conscience issues in the UK parliament. This article examines six second reading debates in the UK House of Commons on abortion legislation to assess whether, in favourable circumstances, political debate is consistent with reciprocity. Utilising computer-aided text analysis, via the Alceste program, it finds no gross departure from the norm of reciprocity, suitably operationalised, but neither does it find complete conformity to the norm of reciprocity. Because advocacy is an important component of political representation, deliberative norms are qualified in practice.},
author = {Weale, Albert and Bicquelet, Aude and Bara, Judith},
doi = {10.1111/j.1467-9248.2011.00928.x},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Weale, Bicquelet, Bara - 2012 - Debating Abortion, Deliberative Reciprocity and Parliamentary Advocacy.pdf:pdf},
isbn = {00323217},
issn = {00323217},
journal = {Political Studies},
keywords = {Abortion,Deliberative democracy,Parliamentary debate},
number = {3},
pages = {643--667},
title = {{Debating Abortion, Deliberative Reciprocity and Parliamentary Advocacy}},
url = {https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/pdf/10.1111/j.1467-9248.2011.00928.x},
volume = {60},
year = {2012}
}
@incollection{Stauffer2018,
abstract = {Quantitative methods are among the most useful, but also historically contentious, tools in feminist research. Despite the controversy that sometimes surrounds these methods, feminist scholars in political science have often drawn on them to examine questions related to gender and politics. Researchers have used quantitative methods to explore gender in political behavior, institutions, and policy, as well as gender bias in the discipline. Just as quantitative methods have aided the advancement of feminist political science, a feminist perspective likewise has implications for data production, measurement, and analysis. Yet, the continued underrepresentation of women in the methods community needs to be addressed, and greater dialogue between feminist researchers and quantitative methodologists is required.},
author = {Stauffer, Katelyn E and O'Brien, Diana Z},
booktitle = {Oxford Research Encyclopedia of Politics},
doi = {10.1093/acrefore/9780190228637.013.210},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Stauffer, O'Brien - 2018 - Quantitative Methods and Feminist Political Science.pdf:pdf},
pages = {1--26},
title = {{Quantitative Methods and Feminist Political Science}},
url = {http://oxfordre.com/politics/view/10.1093/acrefore/9780190228637.001.0001/acrefore-9780190228637-e-210?print=pdf},
year = {2018}
}
@article{Glick1996,
abstract = {The authors present a theory of sexism formulated as ambivalence toward women and validate a corresponding measure, the Ambivalent Sexism Inventory (ASI). The ASI taps 2 positively correlated components of sexism that nevertheless represent opposite evaluative orientations toward women: sexist antipathy or Hostile Sexism (HS) and a subjectively positive (for sexist men) orientation toward women, Benevolent Sexism (BS). HS and BS are hypothesized to encompass 3 sources of male ambivalence: Paternalism, Gender Differentiation, and Heterosexuality. Six ASI studies on 2,250 respondents established convergent, discriminant, and predictive validity. Overall ASI scores predict ambivalent attitudes toward women, the BS scale correlates with negative attitudes toward and stereotypes about women, and the BS scale (for nonstudent men only) correlates with positive attitudes toward and stereotypes about women. A copy of the ASI is provided, with scoring instructions, as a tool for further explorations of sexist ambivalence.},
author = {Glick, Peter and Fiske, Susan T.},
doi = {10.1037/0022-3514.70.3.491},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Glick, Fiske - 1996 - The Ambivalent Sexism Inventory Differentiating Hostile and Benevolent Sexism.pdf:pdf},
issn = {00223514},
journal = {Journal of Personality and Social Psychology},
number = {3},
pages = {491--512},
title = {{The Ambivalent Sexism Inventory: Differentiating Hostile and Benevolent Sexism}},
volume = {70},
year = {1996}
}
@article{Bowles2007,
abstract = {Four experiments show that gender differences in the propensity to initiate negotiations may be explained by differential treatment of men and women when they attempt to negotiate. In Experiments 1 and 2, participants evaluated written accounts of candidates who did or did not initiate negotiations for higher compensation. Evaluators penalized female candidates more than male candidates for initiating negotiations. In Experiment 3, participants evaluated videotapes of candidates who accepted compensation offers or initiated negotiations. Male evaluators penalized female candidates more than male candidates for initiating negotiations; female evaluators penalized all candidates for initiating negotiations. Perceptions of niceness and demandingness explained resistance to female negotiators. In Experiment 4, participants adopted the candidate's perspective and assessed whether to initiate negotiations in same scenario used in Experiment 3. With male evaluators, women were less inclined than men to negotiate, and nervousness explained this effect. There was no gender difference when evaluator was female.},
author = {Bowles, Hannah Riley and Babcock, Linda and Lai, Lei},
doi = {10.1016/j.obhdp.2006.09.001},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Bowles, Babcock, Lai - 2007 - Social incentives for gender differences in the propensity to initiate negotiations Sometimes it does hurt.pdf:pdf},
isbn = {0749-5978},
issn = {07495978},
journal = {Organizational Behavior and Human Decision Processes},
keywords = {Ask,Compensation,Gender differences,Gender role,Negotiation,Prescriptive sex stereotypes,Social outcomes,Status},
number = {1},
pages = {84--103},
pmid = {24861842},
title = {{Social incentives for gender differences in the propensity to initiate negotiations: Sometimes it does hurt to ask}},
url = {www.elsevier.com/locate/obhdp},
volume = {103},
year = {2007}
}
@article{Bochel2000,
abstract = {Using qualitative interviews the authors analyse how women politicians at local and national level are impacting upon politics and the policy-making process and how this is affecting the nature of the political environment.},
annote = {{\textperiodcentered}      Method: uses qualitative interviews to analyse how women politicians at the local and national level are impacting upon politics and the policy-making process and how this if affecting the nature of the political environment 
{\textperiodcentered}      Method: carries out in-depth interviews with 39 female politicians from across England, Scotland and Wales – 15 local government councillors were interviewed by telephone and 24 members of parliament were interviewed 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 65) “The great majority of the women politicians interviewed, regardless of party, talked about differences in styles and approach and said that women tended to bring a different perspective. As one female politician stated, ‘My overwhelming feeling about women is not that they hold very different political views, but they tend to have a very different perspective on all political views' (third-term Scottish Labour councillor).” 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 66) “In terms of whether women do have different motivations and expectations from political office, there is literature that suggests that women are concerned ‘with the public welfare rather than personal enrichment' (Diamong, 1977 cited in Hill 1981, p. 161) and that they may seek different outcomes from political life (Constantini, 1990).” 
{\textperiodcentered}      Female Labour MP on personal experience: “A lot of women, certainly my colleagues in the new intake of women, say that politics, for them, started from the personal. What they saw around them{\ldots}. happening, perhaps with hosing or schools or hospitals{\ldots} they got angry and they wanted to do something about it and they related it to party politics and the political process.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “There is, for example, the belief held by some of the interviewees (nine of our sample made reference to this) that many, though by no means all, male politicians are filled with a sense of their own importance and that, partly, at least, they are attracted to the role by the status and kudos, not to mention the large salary that goes with it.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      Do politics differently: “with regards to female politicians operating differently, in terms of this research, women on all sides of the political fence expressed the view that women in politics do operate differently to men (Sapiro 1998).” “The general belief was that women are more willing to listen to the other side, that they are less adversarial, better team players and more amenable to the idea of seeking solutions to supposedly gridlocked situations: ‘I enjoy being a team player and think women do that better' (first-term Conservative MP, south-east England).” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “In contrast, the view was expressed that ‘men tend to look at the global perspective and they might relate it to what's happening on the ground. So, they do top down, we do bottom up'.” 
{\textperiodcentered}      Women tend to be more community orientated – women come into politics through community activism rather than through the traditional route of the party 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 67) “This does not mean that women are necessarily less adversarial or confrontational: ‘I mean I give as good as I get, but I think women do try to seek consensus and are much more focused {\ldots} they say look, this is where we want to get to, this is what we want to achieve, let's work together to translate that policy to what we want to achieve' (third-term Labour councillor, London).” 
{\textperiodcentered}      “Over half of the women in our research talked about networking, about discussing and sharing ideas, abut consultation and about listening to others. Thus women's experiences and lifestyles may bring different perspectives and qualities to the political arena.”},
author = {Bochel, Catherine and Briggs, Jacqui},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Bochel, Briggs - 2000 - Do Women Make A Difference.pdf:pdf},
journal = {Politics},
number = {2},
pages = {63--68},
title = {{Do Women Make A Difference?}},
volume = {20},
year = {2000}
}
@article{Conroy2020,
abstract = {More women ran for office in 2018 than any previous election year. This represents progress toward parity, but it remains unclear whether this surge in women's political ambition signals an easing of the candidate emergence path, which has typically favored men. We leverage over ten thousand intake forms of prospective candidates provided by Run for Something, a candidate recruitment nonprofit founded in 2017, to examine patterns in candidate emergence based on articulated interest through the lens of “communion” and “agency,” two basic behavioral orientations with gendered significance. We find that differences in articulated interest along the dimensions of communion and agency are greater between candidates and noncandidates than they are between men and women, supporting previous findings of similarities in men and women who emerge as candidates. Our results suggest the candidate emergence path is still easier for women (and men) whose motives are congruent with agency, and therefore the “masculine ethos” of politics.},
author = {Conroy, Meredith and Green, Jon},
doi = {10.1177/1065912920933668},
file = {:Users/lotte/Dropbox/PhD/style{\_}experiment/lit/1065912920933668.pdf:pdf},
issn = {10659129},
journal = {Political Research Quarterly},
keywords = {agency,communion,descriptive representation,gender,political ambition,political behavior},
number = {4},
pages = {942--956},
title = {{It Takes a Motive: Communal and Agentic Articulated Interest and Candidate Emergence}},
volume = {73},
year = {2020}
}
@incollection{Blomgren2012,
address = {London, UK},
author = {Blomgren, Magnus and Rozenberg, Olivier},
booktitle = {Parliamentary Roles in Modern Legislatures},
editor = {Blomgren, Magnus and Rozenberg, Olivier},
pages = {8--36},
publisher = {Routledge},
title = {{Legislative Roles and Legislative Studies: The Neo-Institutionalist Turning Point?}},
year = {2012}
}
@book{Crewe2015a,
address = {London},
author = {Crewe, Emma},
publisher = {Bloomsbury},
title = {{The House of Commons: An Anthropology of MPs at Work}},
year = {2015}
}
@article{Frimer2015,
abstract = {Talking about helping others makes a person seem warm and leads to social approval. This work examines the real world consequences of this basic, social-cognitive phenomenon by examining whether record-low levels of public approval of the US Congress may, in part, be a product of declining use of prosocial language during Congressional debates. A text analysis of all 124 million words spoken in the House of Representatives between 1996 and 2014 found that declining levels of prosocial language strongly predicted public disapproval of Congress 6 mo later. Warm, prosocial language still predicted public approval when removing the effects of societal and global factors (e.g., the September 11 attacks) and Congressional efficacy (e.g., passing bills), suggesting that prosocial language has an independent, direct effect on social approval. US Congress | language | impression formation | public approval | LIWC A s recently as 2002, public approval of Congress was reliably over 50{\%} and as high as 84{\%}. In late 2013, though, public approval reached an all-time low, with less than 10{\%} of Amer-icans expressing support (1). What caused this dramatic decline in public approval in just over a decade? One explanation is that the public held Congress responsible for societal and global problems (e.g., a weak economy) (2, 3). A second explanation is that the public disapproves of ineffective governance. For example, public approval of Congress tends to drop when Republicans and Democrats are polarized against one another and when Congress conflicts with the President (4, 5). We test a third explanation that has less to do with action and more to do with talk (6). We suggest that recent public disapproval partly resulted from the disappearance of warm, prosocial language in Congressional discourse. Previous experimental research has shown that presenting a warm and prosocial demeanor increases social approval (7). People reveal a wealth of information about their feelings and intentions through verbal communication (8-10). The speaker's underlying motives notwithstanding, talking about helping others makes positive impressions upon an audience (11). We investigated whether this well-documented finding can explain public perceptions of Congress. Specifically, we asked whether the recent rise of public disapproval of Congress is predicted by declining prosocial language of elected representatives. To measure prosocial language, we computer analyzed all 123,927,807 words spoken in session of the US House of Representatives between 1996 and 2014. Our approach was to look for linguistic markers of prosocial language; we used content analysis software (12) to calculate the proportion of words in the target text that matched entries in a validated dictionary of prosocial words (13). We then compared levels of prosocial language within each month of Congress with their approval ratings by the American public (14) and found a striking match. Fig. 1 shows that levels of prosocial language and the public's approval followed the same trajectory between 1996 and 2014, r(204) = 0.55, P {\textless} 0.001. Notably, the language of both Democrats, r(204) = 0.53, P {\textless} 0.001, and Republicans, r(204) = 0.54, P {\textless} 0.001, predicted the public's approval of Congress. Public approval peaked in the aftermath of the September 11 attacks, declined over the next 7 y, rose slightly in the wake of the 2008 financial crisis, and then declined again. Prosocial language followed a nearly identical trajectory. In the years spanning 2002 and 2014, a small (19{\%}) decrease in prosocial language ushered in a large (75{\%}) decrease in public approval. The individual words whose use most strongly predicted public approval were as follows: gentle, involve, educate, contribute, concerned, give, tolerate , trust, and cooperate. The correlation between prosocial language and public approval does not necessarily imply that representatives' language caused the public to approve of them. The reverse could be true: The public's approval could cause changes in the topics that representatives raised. If one variable were causing the other, the causal factor would have changed first and the effected factor second. We tested which variable changed first in time by assessing the association between prosocial language in the present and public approval with time lags of up to 50 mo in the past and future (Fig. 2). The distribution of the associations across the time lags nearly perfectly fitted a normal distribution curve, r(98) = 0.97, P {\textless} 0.001. The maximum association between prosocial language and public approval was at +6.7 mo, meaning that what Congress says today best predicts their public approval ratings 29 wk into the future. Another concern with the present data is the possibility that some exogenous factor (e.g., the September 11 attacks) caused changes in both language and public approval. We reasoned that, if operative, societal and global factors would also have influenced the US President's language and/or the economy. Alternatively, dysfunctional governance may cause both politicians' rhetoric to be less civil and the public to disapprove (SI Text and Table S1). To test Significance Past laboratory research has shown that talking about helping others can make a positive impression upon a listener. We tested whether this basic social-cognitive phenomenon can help explain how governments gain the confidence of the public they serve. A computerized text analysis of the debates of the US Congress over the past 20 y found that the density of prosocial language strongly predicted public approval ratings 6 mo later. These results suggest that both individuals and governments can gain social approval by merely talking about cooperating and about helping others.},
author = {Frimer, Jeremy A. and Aquino, Karl and Gebauer, Jochen E. and Zhu, Luke (Lei) and Oakes, Harrison},
doi = {10.1073/pnas.1500355112},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Frimer et al. - 2015 - A Decline in Prosocial Language Helps Explain Public Disapproval of the US Congress.pdf:pdf},
journal = {Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences of the United States of America },
number = {21},
pages = {6591--6594},
publisher = {PNAS},
title = {{A Decline in Prosocial Language Helps Explain Public Disapproval of the US Congress.}},
volume = {112},
year = {2015}
}
@article{Dolan2014,
abstract = {Elections involving women candidates in the United States can offer unsettling examples of voter gender stereotypes, but research on women candidates provides little in the way of available data that allow us to link stereotypes to voter decision-making. This project reports results from a 2010 survey designed to examine gender stereotypes, candidate evaluations, and voting behavior in U.S. House elections with women candidates running against men. In general, stereotypes are not a central part of candidate evaluations or voting decisions, but the political party of the woman candidate can shape their role in candidate evaluations and vote choice. {\textcopyright} 2013 University of Utah.},
author = {Dolan, Kathleen},
doi = {10.1177/1065912913487949},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Dolan - 2014 - Gender Stereotypes, Candidate Evaluations, and Voting for Women Candidates What Really Matters.pdf:pdf},
issn = {10659129},
journal = {Political Research Quarterly},
keywords = {gender stereotypes,women candidates},
number = {1},
pages = {96--107},
title = {{Gender Stereotypes, Candidate Evaluations, and Voting for Women Candidates: What Really Matters?}},
volume = {67},
year = {2014}
}
@article{Banwart2003,
abstract = {Prior research on the media's portrayal of female candidates in comparison to male candidates has indicated that differences do exist, although most studies have focused on general election races of senate candidates. This study analyzed the media's portrayal of candidates in mixed-gender gubernatorial and U.S. Senate races through a comparison of primary coverage to general election coverage in 2000. The study relied on content analyses of more than 1,200 articles from major newspapers to understand how female and male candidates might be framed differently when running for their party's nomination as opposed to during the general election. The findings suggest that although the coverage from the primaries to the general election was relatively consistent across most categories of analysis, female candidates continue to face some stereotypical biases in the news coverage of their campaigns.},
author = {Banwart, Mary Christine and Bystrom, Dianne G. and Robertson, Terry},
doi = {10.1177/0002764202238491},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Banwart, Bystrom, Robertson - 2003 - From the primary to the general election. A comparative analysis of candidate media coverage in mix.pdf:pdf},
isbn = {0002764202},
issn = {00027642},
journal = {American Behavioral Scientist},
number = {5},
pages = {658--676},
title = {{From the Primary to the General Election: A Comparative Analysis of Candidate Media Xoverage in Mixed-Gender 2000 Races for Governor and U.S. Senate}},
volume = {46},
year = {2003}
}
@book{DeVries2020,
address = {New Jersey},
author = {{De Vries}, Catherine E. and Holbolt, Sara B.},
publisher = {Princeton University Press},
title = {{Political Entrepreneurs: The Rise of Challenger Parties in Europe}},
year = {2020}
}
@article{Aaldering2018c,
author = {Aaldering, Loes},
doi = {10.1016/j.electstud.2018.04.010},
file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Aaldering - 2018 - The (ir)rationality of mediated leader effects.pdf:pdf},
journal = {Electoral Studies},
pages = {269--280},
title = {{The (ir)rationality of mediated leader effects}},
volume = {54},
year = {2018}
}
